WPC QGNDk͛HzFm/'(`ҙDFHC(3/K[Qz?:N(YAN cFr`@u|ZZM2bm>;KN4]?puxb㣽|oN|фV x7ŖJߊ'#5tekJß5S*>M /BОZZ#i$Ϛw"Cѥ8)!bMEjkycS#af(J9*!Zb\p~ǍafyxoC jޝuJ~Kxÿa %xg+)"X$=2T!F|LvsE g"U={ɛ'r }/ŨR&X4|CZ,IUcr\A ePN||&NRFϻn65.n0MA U:' %.( 0C4(w( 0 ,[,2-60OP1U23C6;j=|#AUEJkN#P'QBVZZZ6^`cbfi kmnpqpuwixzf|}PS$Ǘ rN5g2Τܪh{$ҷ+μ' ?MgMH|y='fAteM+. rRsVYv<%aY02U G  i&(.rs`C!]$V'")+s,F.0t4l-6z8r:<=n@!C8D5EJJI{OQRTVVWJ[?\ _ ,a8beepfikl(`moqqruiyg|~(,1 3:m1gWc10IaR{kvh[î_)=/&pU4ſaXRe X/"d$)`9NHfmR2\)  Mm m'7zlE\y a!xF#%(l+!1y346]=869:|='?E@A9BTCG;DDEHN7OP R@S53UPhVX!Y'Zj[@_:6apbvcSNdfqg MhrVijm9noaru31y0d|~uYށ0d`sӓ7]']*<.#QQ*& 2',228Pj]6;,HQWE%+Q,}XQw sVB% 6)     ry 8V(" $+&E'K*6,b,M/'469=;>>AC8>FvIxL#N !R3+U^X^XaYFZ6\^a*AckelfBgijVk+ m4n[n!WrxsiuCxny}{w|,zc:> qy]>Juw Ӡ\ W۳e2"V)/ 853PZnVL1fzyT!]~6.][    +.4Fz8gvLy!"n[%1&')*"+-/1!23_r78:!;lAnCLD ?I_Jp(LNaQRUmUXY|[_dDbzc"efg:ijm$Jo2nprysdu|yv%wf{|L؀!LmkW PZbBba_*C  k|NѣV`ݧ=96otMسh  Tpn5 )!E-k<X#j5|J3PJXNHV/$Ae>N| 3  \IN'_W f!0#;%Z&<(*-$./10p*2 3 67u8!7;X=?>I@eBDYEtF4IJwMwOVWX{GYZ[9H\]^9d_aKpbeoiR>jkUmnpQq_rBgsvwwxP zY|#}}~n~ 04#N^ w4 m BՂ26X9`("Courier 12cpiX($      ~$  Ӏ  1    _?+ ` hp x (#X?RobertE.May,"JohnA._Quitman_ԀandHisSlaves:  ReconcilingSlaveResistancewiththe_Proslavery_ԀDefense," x JournalofSouthernHistory46(Nov.1980):554;Jurgen_Kuczynski_, @ TheRiseoftheWorkingClass(NewYork,1967),p.181,quotedin X EugeneD.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll:TheWorldtheSlaves   Made(NewYork:VintageBooks,RandomHouse,1976),p.59;  EdwardP.Thompson,TheMakingoftheEnglishWorkingClass(New `  York:VintageBooks,RandomHouse,1966),p.231.(9!2~$ T!   Ӏ  0   Q ~$  Ӏ  2    ?+ ` hp x (#X?PeterKolchin,UnfreeLabor:AmericanSlaveryandRussian  Serfdom(Cambridge,MA:BelknapPress,HarvardUniversityPress, x 1987),p.ix. ( ~$  Ӏ  3    ?+ ` hp x (#X?BeingahistorianofbothAmericanlaborhistoryandof  AfricanAmericanslavery,HerbertGutmanisaclearexception. x Asexplainedbelow,GenoveseinRoll,Jordan,Rolldoesusethe @ insightsofE.P.Thompsononworkdisciplinewhenanalyzingthe X workethicoftheslaves,butthisshouldnotbeseenastypical. , ~$  Ӏ  4    ?+ ` hp x (#X?KennethM.Stampp,ThePeculiarInstitution:Slaveryin  theAnteBellumSouth(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1956),p.31. E ~$  Ӏ  5    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JosephArch,JosephArchTheStoryofHisLife,ed.  CountessofWarwick(London:Hutchinson&Co.,1898),pp.376 x 377,389. K ~$  Ӏ  6    ?+ ` hp x (#X?R.M.Hartwell,etal,EightEssaysonIndustrializationand  'theConditionofEngland'(n.p.:InstituteofEconomicAffairs, x 1972).  ~$  Ӏ  7    ?+ ` hp x (#X?PhyllisDeane,TheFirstIndustrialRevolution,(Cambridge:  CambridgeUniversityPress,1979),2ded.,pp.13,22.Of x course,E.A.WrigleyandR.S.Schofield'sThePopulationHistory @ ofEngland15411871(Cambridge,England:CambridgeUniversity X Press,1981)hasrevolutionizedthesubjectofthegrowthofthe   Englishpopulationduringtheeighteenthcenturybyingeniously  projectingbackwardsfromthe1871census. 9 ~$  Ӏ  8    ?+ ` hp x (#X?PlanterBennetBarrownotedthetakingofthe"Cencus"in  hisDiaryonMay31,1840:"TakingtheCencusoftheUnited x Statestheproducts,cottencornhorsesmulescattleHogs @  sheepPotatoesPoultry,quantityclothmade,Fodderhay."  EdwinAdamsDavis,PlantationLifeintheFloridaParishesof x Louisiana,18361846asReflectedintheDiaryofBennetH. @ Barrow,ColumbiaUniversityStudiesintheHistoryofAmerican X Agriculture,no.9(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1943),   p.197.Allsourcesquotedinthisworkhavetheliteral  languageretained,regardlessofwhatgrammaticalorspelling `  offensestheycommit,withtheiroriginalemphasiskept,unless ( x otherwisenoted.  ~$  Ӏ  9    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ForconditionsinNorthumberland,seeGreatBritain,  Parliament,ParliamentaryPapers(Commons),186768,vol.xvii, x CommissionontheEmploymentofChildren,YoungPersonsandWomen @ inAgriculture,firstreport,p.xiv.TheBritishParliamentary X SessionalPapersarehereafterreferredtoasBPP.Thisreport   itselfbelowmaybecalledsimply"CommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture." ` ~$  Ӏ  10    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thisemphasisisdisputable,especiallywhenadopting  Snell'sapproachofexaminingwhatthepoorthemselvesconsidered x important.Simplyput,althoughfoodisamajorpartofthe @ materialstandardofliving,itisnotsoimportanttothe X overallqualityoflife,excludingtruefamineconditions.The   distinctionbetweenthequalityoflifeandthestandardof  livingisdevelopedbelow.SeeK.D.M.Snell,Annalsofthe `  LabouringPoor:SocialChangeandAgrarianEngland,16601900 ( x (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1985),pp.914. r ~$  Ӏ  11    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmstedcommented,duringhistravelsineasternTexas  beforetheCivilWar:"Themealsareabsolutelyinvariable... x Thebreadismadeofcornmeal,stirredwithwaterandsalt,and @ bakedinakettlecoveredwithcoals.Thecornforbreakfastis X frequentlyunhuskedatsunrise....Wheatbread,ifIamnot   mistaken,wemetwithbuttwice,outofAustin,inourwhole  journeyacrosstheState."FrederickLawOlmsted,TheCotton `  Kingdom:ATraveller'sObservationsonCottonandSlaveryinthe ( x AmericanSlaveStates,2vols.(NewYork:MasonBrothers,1861),  @ 1:36869.WhilevisitingNeuBraunfels,Texas,hefoundnowheat    inthemarket.FrederickLawOlmsted,TheSlaveStates,ed.    HarveyWish(NewYork:CapricornBooks,1959),p.158. K ~$  Ӏ  12    ?+ ` hp x (#X?BenjaminDrew,ANorthsideViewofSlaveryTheRefugee:  ortheNarrativesofFugitiveSlavesinCanada(Boston:JohnP. x JewettandCo.,1856;reprinted.,NewYork:JohnsonReprint, @ 1968),pp.71,381.Olmsted,TheCottonKingdom,2:109.See X also1:102and2:172,241.Testifyingtothenearlyuniversal   racismofwhites,NorthorSouth,racialslursarequotedwhen  foundinthesources.B.A.Botkin,ed.,LayMyBurdenDown:A `  FolkHistoryofSlavery(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress, ( x 1945),p.172;FrederickDouglass,NarrativeoftheLifeof  @ FrederickDouglass:AnAmericanSlaveWrittenbyHimself(1845;    reprinted.,NewYork:NewAmericanLibrary/Penguin,1968),p.    28;SlaveryintheUnitedStates:ANarrativeoftheLifeand H   AdventuresofCharlesBall,aBlackMan(NewYork:JohnS. `  Taylor,1837;reprinted.,NewYork:KrausReprintCo.,1969), (  pp.4243.  ~$  Ӏ  13    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Furtherevidenceforthenearuniversalityofthe  "standardration"appearsinKennethF.KipleandVirginiaH. x Kiple,"BlackTongueandBlackMen:PellagraandSlaveryinthe @ AntebellumSouth,"JournalofSouthernHistory,43(Aug.1977) X 413,n.7;RobertWilliamFogelandStanleyL.Engerman,Timeon   theCross:TheEconomicsofAmericanNegroSlavery,2vols.  (Boston:Little,Brown&Co.,1974),1:110;RichardSutchin `  PaulA.David,etal.,ReckoningwithSlavery:ACriticalStudy ( x  intheQuantitativeHistoryofAmericanNegroSlavery(NewYork:  OxfordUniversityPress,1976),p.235. a ~$  Ӏ  14    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JohnW.Blassingame,TheSlaveCommunity:PlantationLife  intheAntebellumSouth,rev.andenl.ed.(NewYork:Oxford x UniversityPress,1979),p.254. ~$  Ӏ  15    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.172;Drew,Refugee,pp.  131,155.  ~$  Ӏ  16    ?+ ` hp x (#X?LindaBrent,IncidentsintheLifeofaSlaveGirl(1861;  reprinted.,SanDiego:Harvest/HBJBook,HarcourtBrace x Jovanovich,Publishers,1973),p.11.Becauseofitsrather @ incredibleeventsandnovelistic"feel,"thisnarrativehashad X itsauthenticityquestionedinyearspast.Butmorerecently   excellentevidenceforitsauthenticityhasappeared.SeeJean  FaganYellin,"WrittenbyHerself:HarrietJacobs'Slave `  Narrative,"AmericanLiterature,53(Nov.1981):47986. ( x Nevertheless,thefeelofamoralitytalestillhangsoverit.  @ Ittellsthestoryofoneslaveholderwhosupposedlyonhis     deathbedshrieked,"Iamgoingtohell;burymymoneywithme."  Whenhiseyesfailedtocloseafterhisdeath,silverdollars x werelaidonthem!This"incident,"whichshedidnotpersonally @ witness,soundssuspiciouslylikewhatthismaster'sslaves X wishedandfeltoughttohavehappenedthanwhatdidinfact   happen.Incidents,pp.4647. 8 ~$  Ӏ  17    ?+ ` hp x (#X?"Compensatedundernutrition,"thedieteticconditionin  whichthehumanbodyoperatesatalowermetabolicratedueto x monthsoryearsoflowcaloricintake,mayalsoexplainhow @ slaveslivedonsuchrationswithoutgreatphysicaldamage.See X DavidEltis,"NutritionalTrendsinAfricaandtheAmericas:   HeightsofAfricans,18191839,"JournalofInterdisciplinary  History,12(winter1982):471.Thisconditionstillmakesits `  suffererslessenergetic,lessmentallyalert--andmoreeasyto ( x control. ~$  Ӏ  18    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:113. P ~$  Ӏ  19    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somegatheredevidenceindicatestheaverageheightof  AmericanbornslaveswasgreaterthantheirAfricancounterparts. x SeeEltis,"NutritionalTrends,"45375.Forthegreaternatural @ populationgrowthofSouthernslavesascontrastedwiththose X elsewhereintheAmericas,seeFogelandEngerman,Timeonthe   Cross,1:2529.FrederickDouglassbelieved"inthepartof  MarylandfromwhichIcame,itisthegeneralpractice,--though `  therearemanyexceptions"thattheslaveswerefedenough. ( x Narrative,p.65.  ~$  Ӏ  20    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:109115;Robert  WilliamFogelandStanleyL.Engerman,TimeontheCross x EvidenceandMethodsASupplement(Boston:Little,Brown&Co., @ 1974),2:9099;RichardSutchinDavid,Reckoning,pp.231283.  ~$  Ӏ  21    ?+ ` hp x (#X?WilliamD.Piersen,"WhiteCannibals,BlackMartyrs:  Fear,Depression,andReligiousFaithasCausesofSuicideamong x NewSlaves,"JournalofNegroHistory,62(Apr.1977):153.He @ alsonotesthatclayeatingcouldbeusedtofeignillness,which X suddenlymakesitalabordisciplineissue.FogelandEngerman   citeTwymanindenialofthisinterpretation:TimeontheCross,  2:99.ButSutchstronglyrebuttstheirclaimsthatthispractice `  doesnotoccurduetovitamindeficiencies,notingtheir ( x selectivequotationofTwyman.SeeDavid,Reckoningwith  @ Slavery,pp.27779,n.129.  ~$  Ӏ  22    ?+ ` hp x (#X?KipleandKiple,"BlackTongue,"41128;SutchinDavid,  Reckoning,pp.27081.InFogelandEngerman'sdefense,however, x  itshouldbenotedEltisfoundanutritionalsurveyofNigeriaof  the1960sthatindicatedAfricansgotloweramountsofriboflavin x andthiaminethanSouthernslaves.Theyalsohadlowercalorie @ andproteinintakes.See"NutritionalTrends,"470.  ~$  Ӏ  23    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.65;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,  pp.26,120;myemphasis,Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:241;Frances x AnnKemble,JournalofaResidenceonaGeorgianPlantationin @ 18381839(NewYork:Harper&Bros.,Publishers,1863),p.65; X SolomonNorthrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,eds.SueEakinandJoseph   Logsdon(1853;reprinted.,BatonRouge,LA:LouisianaState  UniversityPress,1968),p.153;BrownisfoundinF.N.Boney, `  "TheBlueLizard:AnotherViewofNatTurner'sCountryonthe ( x EveofRebellion,"Phylon,31(winter1970):356.  ~$  Ӏ  24    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeealsoGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.549;Stampp,  PeculiarInstitution,pp.28485.  ~$  Ӏ  25    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.18.NotehowsimilarHenderson's  experiencewastowhathouseholdservantsinGeorgiaKemblesaw x whohad"evenlesscomfort[thanfieldhands],inonerespect, @ inasmuchasnotimewhateverissetapartfortheirmeals,which X  theysnatchatanyhourandinanywaythattheycan--generally,  however,standing,orsquattingontheirhamsroundthekitchen x fire."Journal,p.66;Drew,Refugee,p.156. ~$  Ӏ  26    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.370.  ~$  Ӏ  27    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.314;MaryBoykinChesnut,ADiaryfrom  Dixie,ed.BenAmesWilliams(Boston:HoughtonMifflinCo., x 1949),p.24;OrlandKayArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople:TheOld @ SlavesTellTheirStory(Indianapolis:BobbsMerrillCo.,1931), X pp.31,109,110.  ~$  Ӏ  28    ?+ ` hp x (#X?DianaC.Crader,"SlaveDietatMonticello,"American  Antiquity,55(Oct.1990):700.  ~$  Ӏ  29    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Evidently,thehabitsofexcessivelychoppingupthebones  affectedeventhemaster'stablesometimes.Kemblesaidher x slavecook/butcherhadsuch"barbarousignorance"thatshe @ challenged"themostexpertanatomisttopronounceonanypiece X  (jointstheycannotbecalled)ofmuttonbroughttoourtableto  whatpartoftheanimalsheepitoriginallybelonged."Her x eventualsolutionwastoteachhimhowtobutcheritproperly, @ demonstratingonthecarcassofwhathercookpronounced"de X beutifullestsheepdemissisebersaw."SeeKemble,Journal,pp.   19698.  ~$  Ӏ  30    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Crader,"SlaveDiet,"698703,70810,71315.Jefferson  haddistributedthelargestamountsoffishtovariousmore x favoredslaves,includingsomedomesticservants,andsomevery @ oldfieldworkers.  ~$  Ӏ  31    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.90;seealsop.84;  Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,p.153;Kemble,Journal,pp.20, x 216;Douglass,Narrative,p.42;Crader,"SlaveDiet,"p.698. @ SeealsoGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.48788. _ ~$  Ӏ  32    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.90,121;Olmsted,Cotton  Kingdom,2:23839;Davis,PlantationLife,p.409.Seealsopp. x 5152.Barrow'sdiaryentryforMarch19,1842,p.253indicates @ heletthemhavetheirownpiecesofland:"Allhandsrepairing X theirGardens;"Kemble,Journal,pp.4749;JohnSpencerBassett,   TheSouthernPlantationOverseerasRevealedinHisLetters  (Northampton,MA:SmithCollege,1925),p.187.Seealsopp. `  203,210fordiscussionsbythisoverseerconcerningpayingher ( x slaves. p ~$  Ӏ  33    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:241;Douglass,Narrative,p.  66;Drew,Refugee,p.278;Kemble,Journal,pp.134,278;Boney, x "TheBlueLizard,"356.  ~$  Ӏ  34    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Crader,"SlaveDiet,"7045;forPayne'sandCato's  testimonyandtheevidenceforbuttermilk,seeBotkin,LayMy x BurdenDown,pp.84,112,127,147;Davis,PlantationLife,p. @ 409;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:320.Olmstedspottedwhilein X Mississippioneslavewomansmokingapipe!CottonKingdom,   2:69;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.2527;Stampp,Peculiar  Institution,pp.37071.Formoreonslavetheft,seepp.33840 `  below.  ~$  Ӏ  35    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forregionalwagevariations,seeJohnL.Rule,The  LabouringClassesinEarlyIndustrialEngland,17501850(New x York:LongmanGroup,1986),p.48,andthefrontispieceofJames @ Caird,EnglishAgriculturein185051,2ded.(London:Longman, X Brown,Green,&Longmans,1852);InsouthernLancashire,James   Caird(p.284)foundthat"nativelabourissoscarcethatthe  farmersdeclaretheycouldnotgetonatallwithouttheaidof `  theIrish."Seealsopp.51113;Thompson,Making,p.219; ( x BrinleyThomas,"EscapingfromConstraints:TheIndustrial  @ RevolutioninaMalthusianContext,"JournalofInterdisciplinary    History,15(spring1985):746;Caird,EnglishAgriculture,p.    511.Brinleycitesthissource,buthowhederivesthe26 H   percentfigureremainsobscure.  ~$  Ӏ  36    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.12;TherectorandConservativewas  intheTimes,quotedbyFrederickLawOlmsted,TheWalksand x TalksofanAmericanFarmerinEngland(1859;reprinted.,Ann @ Arbor,MI:UniversityofMichiganPress,1967),p.243.  ~$  Ӏ  37    ?+ ` hp x (#X?WilliamCobbett,RuralRidesintheCountiesofSurrey,  Kent,Sussex,Hampshire,Wiltshire,Gloucestershire, x Herefordshire,Worcestershire,Somersetshire,Oxfordshire, @ Berkshire,Essex,Suffolk,Norfolk,andHertfordshire,ed.E.W. X Martin(1830;reprinted.,London:MacDonald&Co.,1958),pp.   110,25455,276.SinceCobbettvisitedareasinthe  economicallydepressedsouth,whathewitnessedcannotsafelybe `  extrapolatedtothenorthofEngland.  ~$  Ӏ  38    ?+ ` hp x (#X?W.H.Hudson,AShepherd'sLife:ImpressionsoftheSouth  WiltshireDowns,newAm.ed.(NewYork:E.P.Dutton&Co., x 1921),p.81;AlexanderSomerville,TheWhistleratthePlough, @ ed.K.D.M.Snell(Manchester,England:J.Ainsworth,1852; X reprinted.,London,MerlinPress,1989;Fairfield,NJ:Augustus   Kelley,1989),pp.38,75,119,264;Olmsted,WalksandTalks,  pp.24344;GreatBritain,Parliament,BPP,1837,vol.xvii, `  ReportsfromtheSelectCommitteetoInquireintothe ( x AdministrationoftheReliefofthePoorundertheProvisionsof  @ thePoorLawAmendmentActwithMinutesofEvidenceand    Appendices,part1,secondreport,pp.3,78,1415.Below,    thisreportmaybereferredtosimplyas"CommitteeontheNew H   PoorLaw";PhyllisDeaneandW.A.Cole,BritishEconomicGrowth `  16881959(1962),p.75,quotedinBrinleyThomas,"Feeding (  EnglandDuringtheIndustrialRevolution:AViewfromtheCeltic   Fringe,"AgriculturalHistory56(Jan.1982):338. F ~$  Ӏ  39    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.11920;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,  pp.22021;Thomas,"FeedingEngland,"p.331.SeealsoRule, x LabouringClasses,pp.5153;E.P.Thompson,"TheMoralEconomy @ oftheEnglishCrowdintheEighteenCentury,"PastandPresent, X no.50(February1971),p.80(CharlesSmith);Thomas,"Escaping   fromConstraints,"p.747;J.L.HammondandBarbaraHammond,The  VillageLabourer(1911;reprinted.,London:Longmans,Green& `  Co.,1966),p.123.However,CairdfoundinLancashireby1850, ( x comparedto1770,that"oatbread"hadbecome"muchsuperseded,  @ eveninthecountrydistricts,bywheatenbread"whichnowsold    ataslightlylowerprice.EnglishAgriculture,pp.28384.  ~$  Ӏ  40    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,p.110;Cobbettascitedby  Somerville,Whistlerp.296.Oncewhenonastagecoach x Somervilleandhisfellowpassengerstalkedabouttherelative @ meritsofthecropsinSuffolkandBuckingham.Afterdiscussing X whatkindstheylikedtoeat,heaskedthestagecoach'sguard   whattypeofpotatoesheliked.Hereplied:"Giveme...good  oldEnglishfare,andgoodoldEnglishtimes,anddangyour `  potatoesandrailroadsboth!"Whistler,p.50. ~$  Ӏ  41    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.62,249,303,405,414.  ~$  Ӏ  42    ?+ ` hp x (#X?RichardJefferies,HodgeandHisMasters,2vols.(1880;  reprinted.,London:MacGibbon&Kee,1966),2:71;SeeArthur x Young'scommentinHammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,p.122; @ Thompson,"MoralEconomy,"p.81;seealsofootnote19,p.82.  ~$  Ӏ  43    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,WalksandTalks,p.243;Snell,Annals,pp.414;  Thompson,"MoralEconomy,"p.82. h ~$  Ӏ  44    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Caird,EnglishAgriculture,pp.8485;Somerville,  Whistler,pp.18,32;Jefferies,Hodge,1:78;Olmsted,Walksand x Talks,p.237. D ~$  Ӏ  45    ?+ ` hp x (#X?GreatBritain,Parliament,BPP,1824,vol.VI,Select  CommitteeonLabourers'Wages,asfoundinNigelE.Agar,The x BedfordshireFarmWorkerintheNineteenthCentury(n.p.: @ PublicationsoftheBedfordshireHistoricalRecordSociety)60 X (1981):66.Indicatingthatconditionsforunskilledlaborershad   V changedlittleevenduringtheFirstWorldWar,thesamplemenus  foralowermiddleclasshouseholdwerefarsuperiortoa x laborer'sinPeel'sEatLessMeatBookof1917.Some @ agriculturallaborersstillateuptofourteenpoundsofbreada X weekduringtheFirstWorldWar.(UnlikeGermany,thedietsof   theEnglishworkingclassonthewholeactuallyimprovedduring  WorldWarI).ArthurMarwick,TheDeluge:BritishSocietyand `  theFirstWorldWar(Boston:Little,Brown&Co.,1965;reprint ( x ed.,NewYork:W.W.Norton&Co.,1970),pp.12325,135,193,  @ 196200 + ~$  Ӏ  46    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,1:72;anexampleofsuchmoralizingisin  2:8091;Olmsted,WalksandTalks,p.243. ( ~$  Ӏ  47    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.22122;CommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture,BPP,186768,pp.vii,xiixiii.  ~$  Ӏ  48    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,pp.  xvii,xx;Somerville,Whistler,p.128;JohnBurnett,ed.,Useful x Toil:AutobiographiesofWorkingPeoplefromthe1820stothe @ 1920s(1974;reprinted.,London:Routledge,1994),pp.5152.  ~$  Ӏ  49    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Comparingslavesgivenrationslargelyregardlessofwork  doneandlaborersearningwagespresentssometheoretical x problems.Normally,slavesearnednowages,exceptforextra @ workoutsidenormalhours,andweregivenarationoffoodeach X weekormonthregardlessoftheamountofworkdone.Butthe   agriculturallaborers,iftheyhadnoaccesstoacommons,an  allotment,orwerenotunderayearlycontractasafarmservant, `  hadtheirstandardoflivingvirtuallydefinedbytheirwages. ( x Sowhenexaminingtheirdiets,wagesstandasapartialproxyfor  @ comparisonpurposeswhenspecificinformationonpoundsoffood    eatenperpersonperweekarenotavailableforthelaborers.  ~$  Ӏ  50    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.32,33536;Seealsop.120;  CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.8; x Cobbett,RuralRides,p.400;PhillipD.Morgan,"TheOwnership @ ofPropertybySlavesintheMidNineteenthCenturyLowCountry," X JournalofSouthernHistory,49(Aug.1983):399420;For   butcher'smeatasaluxury,seeCaird,EnglishAgriculture,p.29  andSomerville,Whistler,p.228.  ~$  Ӏ  51    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jefferies,Hodge,1:97.Jefferiesportrayedoneold  farmerwhorosebypracticingtheutmostparsimony.Butashe x grewolderandhisteethweaker,hestartedorderingbutcher's @ meat.Hisequallystingywifefuriouslyopposedthisluxury, X whichnormallywasonelegofmuttoneachweek.Histeethcould   nolongertake"thecoarse,fat,yellowybaconthat[had]formed  thestaple"ofhisdiet,"often...withthebristlesthick `  uponit."Hodge,1:55.  ~$  Ӏ  52    ?+ ` hp x (#X?GreatBritain,Parliament,BPP,1843,vol.VII,Report  fromSelectCommitteeonLabouringPoor(AllotmentsofLand),pp. x 3,12,14,20,113.Thisreportmaybereferredtosimplyas @ V "CommitteeonAllotments"below. ^ ~$  Ӏ  53    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,p.217;CommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture,BPP,186768,firstreport,p.il;ArthurYoung, x GeneralReportonEnclosures:DrawnupbyOrderoftheBoardof @ Agriculture(London:B.McMillan,1808;reprinted.,NewYork: X AugustusM.Kelly,Publishers,1971),pp.14,15052;Somerville,   Whistler,p.42.  ~$  Ӏ  54    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FortheinfluenceoftheSwingRiotsonallotments,see  HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,p.157;Committeeon x Allotments,BPP,1843,pp.iiiv;Young,GeneralReport,pp.47, @ 107,166,34850;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP, X 186768,p.xxv. ~$  Ӏ  55    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,p.308;seealsop.336.  ~$  Ӏ  56    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ThomasSmart,fatherofthirteenchildrenwithsevenstill  livingwhenhewasfortysixyearsold,wasaskedbytheSelect x CommitteeonLabourers'Wages:"Doyouknowanylabourerswith @ solargefamilyasyouhave,whohavebroughtthemupwithout X V assistancefromtheparish?"Hereplied:"Neveronebutme."  (Hementionedhavingtakenburialexpensesfromtheparish,but x nothingelseearlier).BPP,1824,vol.VI,pp.5356,asin @ Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.6465,67. ~$  Ӏ  57    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,TheCottonKingdom,2:240;Davis,Plantation  Life,p.409. ~$  Ӏ  58    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ascitedinThompson,"MoralEconomy,"p.82. ! ~$  Ӏ  59    ?+ ` hp x (#X?EdwardButt,areliefofficerforPetworthunion,Sussex,  statedthatheresignedfromthatpositionnotjustbecauseofa x 20l./yearsalarycut,butalsobecause:"Iwashurtinmy @ feelingstoseethepitifulcriesofthepoor;itwouldhurtany X mantoseeaparcelofyoungchildren,andhavenomoretogive,   itwouldtouchtheheartofaflintstone;Icouldnotbearit;I  didnotwishtomentionthat[initiallytotheCommittee]." `  CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.6.  ~$  Ӏ  60    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.409.Seealsopp.4647.On  p.114hesays:"GavewomenCalicodress."Forblanketsgiven, x seepp.21920(seventybought);p.377(thirtybought);Drew, @ Refugee,pp.155156(Henderson)Admittedly,sincehewasmostly X achildduringthisperiod,hewasnotlikelytobeissueda   blanketindividually;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:105,193,200  210,211;Forpayforworkingirregulartimes,seeBall,Slavery `  V intheUnitedStates,p.44.  ~$  Ӏ  61    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.278;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:40,52;  Kemble,Journal,pp.5253.  ~$  Ӏ  62    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.122;Forexceptions,see  pp.81,85;Douglass,Narrative,pp.43,44;ForFinch'sand x Epp'srecollections,seeArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.72, @ 73;CharlesBallofMarylandsaidthat"Childrennotabletowork X inthefield,werenotprovidedwithclothesatall,bytheir   masters."SlaveryintheUnitedStates,p.44.  ~$  Ӏ  63    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.28990;Olmsted,Cotton  Kingdom,1:52.However,exceptionsoccurred:Whilevisitingone x neighboring(anddeclining)plantationonaGeorgianseaisland, @ Kembleencounteredbarefoot,"halfnakednegrowomen"who X "broughtinrefreshments."Journal,p.296.Similarstandards   likelyprevailedformanyruralsmallslaveholdersinthe  interiorregionsoftheSouth.  ~$  Ӏ  64    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.14142;Olmsted,Cotton  Kingdom,1:242;GeorgeP.Rawick,ed.,TheAmericanSlave:A x CompositeAutobiography19vols.(1972:Westport),South @ CarolinaNarratives,II(2),36,quotedinGenovese,Roll, X Jordan,Roll,p.370.  ~$  Ӏ  65    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,p.145;_Northrup_,TwelveYears  aSlave,p.164;_Kemble_,Journal,p.281;_Olmsted_,Cotton x Kingdom,1:211.HecommentedwhileinVirginia,p.105:"On @ Sundaysandholidaystheyusuallylookverysmart,butwhenat X work,veryraggedandslovenly."  ~$  Ӏ  66    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CharlesBallchosetostopwearingthestrawhathiswife  gavehimwhileworking.Hefearedstandingoutsincehewasthe x onlyslaveontheplantationwithahat.Ball,Slaveryinthe @ V UnitedStates,p.[1]47. ~$  Ӏ  67    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:267268. ] ~$  Ӏ  68    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.63;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,pp.188,193195;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:6869;Joan x ReznerGundersen,"TheDoubleBondsofRaceandSex:Blackand @ WhiteWomeninaColonialVirginiaParish,"JournalofSouthern X History,52(Aug.1986):369;Bassett,ThePlantationOverseer,p.   180. ~$  Ӏ  69    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.551.  ~$  Ӏ  70    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Bassettmaintainedgoingbarefootinwarmweatherwas  expected.PlantationOverseer,p.271;thetestimonyofReynolds x andKinneyisinBotkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.82,122;Davis, @ PlantationLife,p.239;Brent,Incidents,pp.1718;Douglass, X V Narrative,p.43;foranexception,seeCiceroFinchofGeorgia  inArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.72;Olmsted,CottonKingdom, x 1:104.Curiously,OlmstedfoundinoneareaofTennesseea @ majorityofpoorwhitesroutinelywentbarefootinwinter,even X whenthesnowwasfourorfiveinchesdeepwithoutthinkingit   wasmuchofaproblem!CottonKingdom,2:128.  ~$  Ӏ  71    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Bassett,PlantationOverseer,p.271;Davis,Plantation  Life,pp.82,101,133,213,342,409;fortheuseoflocal x cobblers,seeArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.188;Botkin,Lay @ MyBurdenDown,p.63.  ~$  Ӏ  72    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:11617;Sutchin  David,Reckoning,pp.29899;Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates, x pp.146[1]47;cf.Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.289,29192. > ~$  Ӏ  73    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,pp.6667;Somerville,Whistler,  p.382;Arch,JosephArch,p.31;Cobbett,RuralRides,p.96. o ~$  Ӏ  74    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.51,306,433;Somerville,  Whistler,p.281;HavingonesetofclothesismentionedinRule, x LabouringClasses,p.68. ~$  Ӏ  75    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.119,120,413,414.  ~$  Ӏ  76    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.99100;CommitteeonNewPoor  Law,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.14. \ ~$  Ӏ  77    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Caird,EnglishAgriculture,p.73;Anonymous,ACountry  Rector'sAddresstoHisParishioners(London:Hatchard&Son; x andC.J.G.&F.Rivington;andJ.Swinnerton,Macclesfield, @ 1830),p.19;APlainStatementoftheCaseoftheLabourer;for X theConsiderationoftheYeomenandGentlemenoftheSouthern   DistrictsofEngland(London:Whittaker,Treacher,andArnot,  1830;andWinchester:RobbinsandWheeler,1830),p.24;reprint `  ed.,KennethE.Carpenter,ed.,TheRisingoftheAgricultural ( x Labourers:NinePamphletsandSixBroadsides18301831,British  @ LabourStruggles:ContemporaryPamphlets17271850(NewYork:    ArnoPress,NewYorkTimesCo.,1972).Thelatter'ssample    budgets,withtheirmodicumofcomfort,arefoundonpp.4,21 H   23.WhencomparedtothetestimonyofThomasStuart,a `  Bedfordshirefarmlaborer,theyappearrealistic.Thismanspent (  fifteenshillingsayear"forapairofstrongshoestogoto   workin,"andthesamplebudgetsaidmen'sshoescostthirteen h  shillings.Hespentlessonshoesfortherestofhisfamily 0  thanthesamplebudgetdid,however,sayinghiswholefamilyin H  oneyear"standsmein2 forshoebills."Seetheexcerptof  theSelectCommitteeonLabourers'Wages,BPP,1824,vol.VI,in  Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.67. ~$  Ӏ  78    ?+ ` hp x (#X?cf.Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:236. ~$  Ӏ  79    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.112,147. [ ~$  Ӏ  80    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JennyProctorofAlabamarememberedthatsomecrackswere  chinkedupandsomewerenot.MarionJohnson,onceaslavein x Louisiana,couldcountthestarsthroughthecracksinhis @ mother'scabin.MillieEvansofNorthCarolinarecalledthat X "nicedirtfloorswasthestylethen."Showingthemasterwas   notespeciallyneglectfulforonequartersoftwelvecabins,ex  slaveRoseWilliamsregardeditasgoodinquality,yetstill `  noted:"Thereamnofloor,justtheground."Botkin,LayMy ( x BurdenDown,pp.62,89,139,161.SolomonNorthrupdescribed  @ hiscabinasbeingbuiltoflogs,withoutwindoworfloor,with    largecreviceslettinginthenecessarylightandunnecessary    rain!Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,p.128. ! ~$  Ӏ  81    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.155.Kemblefoundsimilarconditionsat  St.Annie's,inwhichthebondsmen'shomesfailedtokeepoutthe x rain.Journal,p.239;BookerT.Washington,UpFromSlavery @ (1901;NewYork:AirmountPublishingCompany,1967),pp.1516; X  Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:207. $ ~$  Ӏ  82    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:38,340,373;Kemble,Journal,  p.242;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.75. y ~$  Ӏ  83    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:52,23738;2:166,193,195;  Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.57;MarionJohnson'stestimony x inBotkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.139.  ~$  Ӏ  84    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:360,37374;2:4445  (generally),2:45(Texas),2:105106(Mississippi),2:112 x (Alabama);Kemble,Journal,p.116,248;seealsoGenovese,Roll, @ Jordan,Roll,pp.53234. h ~$  Ӏ  85    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:116;Sutchin  David,Reckoning,p.294;Kemble,Journal,p.30.Thehousing x comparisonswiththeseaislandcottonestateandotherlocal @ placesareonpp.17879,187,234,236,242;Bassett,Plantation X Overseer,p.262;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.525;   V Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,p.254;Stampp,Peculiar  Institution,pp.29495.Genovese'sportrayalofthepoor x whites'housingconditionsissimilartotheabove.Roll, @ Jordan,Roll,pp.53334.  ~$  Ӏ  86    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.526;RichardSutchin  David,etal,Reckoning,pp.29298. i ~$  Ӏ  87    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FrederickLawOlmsted,AJourneyintheSeaboardSlave  StatesintheYears18531854withRemarksonTheirEconomy(New x York,1856;reprinted.,NewYork:G.P.Putnam'sSons,1904), @ 2:317.Genovese'sreferencetopp.65960istothe1856 X edition.AlsoseeOlmsted,CottonKingdom,1:320;Kemble,   Journal,pp.24,134315,234;cf.pp.6667.  ~$  Ӏ  88    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:218;BonnieThorntonDill,"Our  Mothers'Grief:RacialEthnicWomenandtheMaintenanceof x Families,"JournalofFamilyHistory,13(1988):420;Genovese, @ Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.46263. O ~$  Ӏ  89    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.23,24,3031,213.Interestingly,  Kemble'sworkfeaturesnotonlyanalmostcompletelackof x racism,butanearlycontinualrebuttalagainstit,whichwas @ surelyrareforwhiteslivinginAmerica.Perhapsitwasinpart X duetoherbeinganEnglishwoman,forJacobsexperiencedno   racisminEngland,unlikeintheNorth:"Duringallthattime  [tenmonthsinEngland],Ineversawtheslightestsymptomof `  prejudiceagainstcolor."IncidentsintheLifeofaSlaveGirl, ( x p.190;comparepp.18082.  ~$  Ӏ  90    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Crader,"SlaveDiet,"pp.694,713;Davis,Plantation  Life,pp.153,190.SeealsoStampp,PeculiarInstitution,p. x 311;NoteHarriettPayne'scomments,Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown, @ p.147. 2 ~$  Ӏ  91    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AsFogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:121note:  "Fewmattersweremorefrequentlyemphasizedintheinstructions x tooverseersthantheneedtoinsurenotonlythepersonal @ cleanlinessofslavesbutalsothecleanlinessoftheirclothes, X theirbedding,andtheircabins."Sincesuchinstructionswere   likelythosewrittenbytheownersofthelargestandbest  establishedplantations,naturallyanypaternalisticimpulseson `  hygienewouldshowupdisproportionatelyinwhateverrecords ( x FogelandEngermanexamined.Nevertheless,asKemble'shusband's  @ twoplantationsdemonstrate,evenlarge,longestablished    plantationscouldbeveryillkeptplacespopulatedwithill    washedslaves. ~$  Ӏ  92    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.528. O ~$  Ӏ  93    ?+ ` hp x (#X?DavidHoseasonMorgan,HarvestersandHarvesting1840  1900:AStudyoftheRuralProletariat(London:CroomHelm, x 1982),pp.18485. ~$  Ӏ  94    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Caird,EnglishAgriculture,p.95. ( ~$  Ӏ  95    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,pp.7576.SeealsoCommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture,BPP,186768,firstreport,p.xxv. = ~$  Ӏ  96    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Underthesettlementlawof1662,anewlyarrivedworker  tooneparishcouldbeforciblyremovedtohisparishof x origin/settlementifheorshewaslikelytobecomechargeable @ (i.e.,takerelief)within40daysofarrival,attheexpenseof X theparishofsettlement.Butstartingin1795,thelaw   prohibitedevictingthepooruntiltheybecameactually  V chargeabletotheparish,anditswitchedtheexpenseofremoval  totheparishorderingtheeviction.SeeDeane,FirstIndustrial x Revolution,p.153. ~$  Ӏ  97    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cf.Caird,EnglishAgriculture,pp.7576. z ~$  Ӏ  98    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.76;Arch,JosephArch,pp.44,  127.Hecitedthe186768ParliamentaryCommissiononconditions x inagriculturetobolsterhiscase.Admittedly,asaunion @ leader,hehadanincentivetoexaggeratehowcommonbad X conditionswere;Somerville,Whistler,pp.172,380;Seethe   testimonyofEmmaThompsonandMarkCrabtreeinAgar,  BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.9091,127;ParliamentaryHistory, `  Feb.12,1797,ascitedintheCommissiononEmploymentin ( x Agriculture,BPP,186768,firstreport,p.iv. _ ~$  Ӏ  99    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,pp.7881;TheVicarof  TerringtonasquotedinJohnPatrick,"AgriculturalGangs," x HistoryToday,March1986,p.24.Similarconcernsalsoappear @ inCommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,first X report,pp.2425.Cairdincidentlynotedthisproblem.English   Agriculture,p.516.  ~$  Ӏ  100    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,p.271;Olmsted,WalksandTalks,p.  239.Similarly,SomervilledeniedacertainMr.Bennet's x statementthatEnglandwas"highlycivilized"ifheincludedthe @ laborers,especiallysincetheynolongerateandlivedinthe X farmers'ownhomes.Whistler,p.147.  ~$  Ӏ  101    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.81;Olmsted,WalksandTalks,  p.239,mentionsaministerwhodeclaredsocietyintentionally x andpermanentlyshouldalwayshaveonepartdependentonthe @ charityofanotherpart. $ ~$  Ӏ  102    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.78;Arch,JosephArch,p.44;  Olmsted,WalksandTalks,pp.76,20810. i ~$  Ӏ  103    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,  firstreport,p.xxv;Somerville,Whistler,p.380;Caird, x EnglishAgriculture,p.389.  ~$  Ӏ  104    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AccordingtoEdwardButt,beforetheFrenchRevolution  cottageswentfor4050s./year.Twoguineasforacottagewitha x gardenwascommon.CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837, @ secondreport,p.8;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture, X BPP,186768,firstreport,p.xxv;Forthecottageowner's   comments,seeCommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,first  report,p.14;Somerville,Whistler,p.416. V ~$  Ӏ  105    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Caird,EnglishAgriculture,pp.161,197,516;Commission  onEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,firstreport,pp. x xvi,xxv,xliv.  ~$  Ӏ  106    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,pp.  xi,xv(improvingcottagequality),lv(profitabilityproblem); x CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.14;Caird, @ EnglishAgriculture,p.125;  ~$  Ӏ  107    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Caird,EnglishAgriculture,pp.76,98(Dukeof  Wellington),182(DukeofBedford),197,516.Somervillemade x similarobservationsaboutWellington'scottages,addingthat @ thesewere"thebestcottagesandgardensgiventothepoorat X theirrent( 310s.ayear)thatIhaveseeninanypartofthe   kingdom."Whistler,p.131;Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.  21(Culley'sobservation),69(DukeofBedfordshire),301(Lord `  Beverly),38990(Northumberland/Waterford),4012(Dukeof ( x Devonshire);CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,1867  @ 68,firstreport,p.xvi;Somerville,Whistler,pp.371,37576. S ~$  Ӏ  108    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,1837,  p.14.Inthesecondreport,p.7,fortheparishofPetworth, x LordEgremontchargednearlyonethirdlessrentforcomparable @ housing(tenementsforthepoor)thanthetradesmenwhoowned X housesthere;Somerville,Whistler,p.172;Rule,Labouring   Classes,p.78.  ~$  Ӏ  109    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.87;Jeffries,Hodge,1:167;  FriedrichEngels,TheConditionoftheWorkingClassinEngland, x eds.andtrans.W.O.HendersonandW.H.Chaloner(NewYork: @ MacmillanCo.,1958),p.110.  ~$  Ӏ  110    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.352.Butduringthissamegeneral  timeperiod,Jeffriesnotedtheincreasingpressuresfor x improvingsanitaryconditionsinvillages,whichthelandowners @ normallyhadtoshouldertheburdenofpayingfor.Evenifthey X delayedmakingimprovements,"itisimpossibletoavoidthem   altogether."Hodge,2:113;Caird,EnglishAgriculture,p.390. ~$  Ӏ  111    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,2:70.  ~$  Ӏ  112    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.121,62(Evans),315  (Johnson);Douglass,Narrative,p.43;Northrup,TwelveYearsa x Slave,p.128;Kemble,Journal,pp.67,315;Drew,Refugee,1969, @ p.109;Atonefairlytypicalpoorwhite'scabin,Olmstedtook X offhisstockingsinitiallywhengoingtobed,butalmost   immediatelyputthembackon,pullingthemoverhispantaloons.  "Theadvantageofthisarrangementwasthat,althoughmyface, `  eyes,ears,neck,andhands,wereimmediatelyattacked,the ( x vermindidnotreachmylegsfortwoorthreehours."Cotton  @ Kingdom,2:107. < ~$  Ӏ  113    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,pp.6667,31415;CharlesE.Orser,Jr.,  "TheArchaeologicalAnalysisofPlantationSociety:Replacing x StatusandCastewithEconomicsandPower,"AmericanAntiquity, @ 53(1988)73738,74647;Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,pp. X 14849.HistestimonyconflictswithStampp'sviewthata   majorityofslaveownersprovidedfryingpansandironpotsto  theirbondsmen.Ironicallyhemakesthisassessmentjustafter `  citingNorthrupinThePeculiarInstitution,p.287.Comparehis ( x treatment(pp.28788)withGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.  @ 530532;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.121(Reynolds),161    (Williams);Blassingame,TheSlaveCommunity,p.255.  ~$  Ӏ  114    ?+ ` hp x (#X?MinutesofEvidenceBeforeSelectCommitteeonthePoor  LawAmendmentAct,BPP,1838,vol.XVIII,partII,asreprinted x inAgar,TheBedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.9091;Somerville, @ Whistler,p.46. b ~$  Ӏ  115    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.257,413.Hedescribed(p.406)  thatinHeyshotparish,Sussex,laborershadtoselltheir x gardens,smallorchards,andhousesinordertogetrelief.They @ onlyneededittobeginwithbecausethelocalfarmersresented X theirindependence,sotheyrefusedtohirethemexceptat   harvestorsomeothertimeofhighdemand. p ~$  Ӏ  116    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,pp.4748;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:87  (charcoal),103(myemphasis,Virginia),1045,215(likefires), x 2:180(collectfirewood). h ~$  Ӏ  117    ?+ ` hp x (#X?TheSouthwas"wherefuelhasnovalue."Olmsted,Cotton  Kingdom,2:250.Genovesedescribesthesexualdivisionoflabor x forfiresandfuel:Themencollectedthefirewood,whilethe @ womenlitorkeptthefiresburning.InAfrica,thesexroles X arereversed;thewomencollectthefamily'sfirewoodevento   thisday.Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.525.  ~$  Ӏ  118    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,WalksandTalks,p.73;Deane,FirstIndustrial  Revolution,pp.104,110.  ~$  Ӏ  119    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,GeneralReport,pp.15861.Onlyblacksmithsused  coalnearwhereIsaacBawcombelivedinWiltshireinthe1840s, x V wherepeatwasthemainfuel.Hudson,AShepherd'sLife,pp.75  76.SomervillesaidthethinnessoftheturfinHeyshotparish x madeitaverypoorfuel.Whereitwasathickmold,"theturf @ isexcellentfuel,"butitseemsheisjudgingthisbyrelative X Englishstandards.Whistler,p.405.NotealsoCobbett,Rural   Rides,p.234. d ~$  Ӏ  120    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,GeneralReport,pp.83,86;CommitteeontheNew  PoorLaw,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.8;Cobbett,RuralRides, x p.196;notealsopp.206,25253;Somerville,Whistler,pp.62 @ 63.Thisexamplealsoshowedhowannualservicecouldbe X exploitiveaslaborpaidbytheday.Thisboywaspaidjust   threeshillingsaweek.  ~$  Ӏ  121    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.47;HammondandHammond,  VillageLabourer,pp.12628. ~$  Ӏ  122    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,p.  xiv.  ~$  Ӏ  123    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.21011;R.W.Bushaway,  "'Grovely,Grovely,Grovely,andAllGrovely':Custom,Crimeand x ConflictintheEnglishWoodland,"HistoryToday,May1981,p. @ 43;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.21213;HammondandHammond, X VillageLabourer,pp.128(charity'slimits),197(breaking   bough).Archrememberedtherector'swifehandedoutsoupand  coalsinhisparishwhenhewasachild.Buthercharityserved `  asacontroldevicetohelphumblethepoorbeforetheir ( x "betters"andtokeepthemattendingtheEstablishedChurch.At  @ leasteventually,hismotherrefusedtotakeany.Arch,Joseph    Arch,pp.15,1718,2122. @ ~$  Ӏ  124    ?+ ` hp x (#X?MostSouthernslaveholderscouldnotbemistakenforhomo  economicus,asKembleknew.Theywerenotcalculating x businessmenlike"ManchestermanufacturersorMassachusetts @ merchants"whowouldrarelysacrificefinancialinterests"atthe X instigationofrage,revenge,andhatred."Inaportrait   familiartoreadersofOlmsted'stravels,shesaid:"The  plantersoftheinterioroftheSouthernandSouthwesternstates, `  withtheirfuriousfeudsandslaughterouscombats,their ( x stabbingsandpistolings,theirgrosssensuality,brutal  @ ignorance,anddespoticcruelty,resemblethechivalryofFrance    beforethehorrorsoftheJacquerie...Withsuchmenas    these,humanlife,evenwhenitcanbeboughtorsoldinthe H   marketforsomanydollars,isbutlittleprotectedby `  considerationsofinterestfromtheeffectsofanyviolent (  passion."Kemble,Journal,pp.301,303.Theroughneck,non   calculatingcultureofSouthernslaveownersseriouslyweakensthe h  standardapologeticforslavery,sincetheowner'sselfinterest 0  couldnotbecountedontorestrainhowhetreatedhisproperty. q ~$  Ӏ  125    ?+ ` hp x (#X?EugeneGenovese,"TheMedicalandInsuranceCostsof  SlaveholdingintheCottonBelt,"JournalofNegroHistory45 x (July1960):152;Davis,PlantationLife,p.48.  ~$  Ӏ  126    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.278.FogelandEngermannote  thatdoctors'billslistingboththeslavesandowningfamily's x memberstreatedonthesamevisitdoexist.TimeontheCross, @ 1:120.  ~$  Ӏ  127    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,hecondemnedtherepairmanofhisginfor  talkingtohisblacksasiftheywereequals.Heranoffhis x propertytheproud,welldressedmulattosonofanearbyplanter @ whodaredtopassthroughhisplantation'squarters.Davis, X PlantationLife,pp.18687,2067.  ~$  Ӏ  128    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.198,280.Barrowhad  vaccinatedhimselfandhischildrenagainstsome(unnamed) x diseaseearlier(p.87).Bassett,PlantationOverseer,p.29 @ (Plowden),p.115. ~$  Ӏ  129    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.71,9293.  ~$  Ӏ  130    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.122(Reynolds),7172  (Kendricks);Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.315;Fogeland x Engerman,TimeontheCross,1:120;Bassett,PlantationOverseer, @ p.29.Westonalsoprovidedahospitalforhisslaves,p.28; X Kemble,Journal,pp.3233,214;Stampp(p.313)notesanideal   hospitalbuiltonJamesHamiltonCouper'sGeorgiarice  plantation.Itsidealconditions,includingsteamheatandfloors `  sweptdailyandscrubbedonceaweek,shouldnotbeseenas ( x common.Kemblesaidthatherhusband'sslaveswerebetteroff  @ thanmanyownedbyothermastersintheirneighborhood. z ~$  Ӏ  131    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ontheindependentsourceofauthoritytheconjurorshad,  seeGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.221;Kemble,Journal,p.63; x Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.6466. 5 ~$  Ӏ  132    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Onthevalueofslavemidwives,seeMaryBethNorton,  Liberty'sDaughters:TheRevolutionaryExperienceofAmerican x Women,17501800(Glenview,IL:Scott,Foresman&Co.,1980),p. @ 31;Kemble,Journal,pp.2829,317;Armstrong,OldMassa's X V People,p.176;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,p.141.  ~$  Ӏ  133    ?+ ` hp x (#X?InnortheastEnglandafterabout1720parishesroutinely  hireddoctorstocarefortheparishpoor.Earliercases,such x asNewcastlepayingasurgeoninthe1560s,alsoappear.P. @ Rushton,"ThePoorLaw,theParish,andtheCommunityinNorth X EastEngland,"NorthernHistory25(1989):146.  ~$  Ӏ  134    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,  pp.22,50,67.  ~$  Ӏ  135    ?+ ` hp x (#X?OnedoctortoldEdwardButt,therelievingofficerfor  PetworthparishunderGilbert'sact,andbrieflyrelieving x officerforPetworthandKirdfordparishesundertheNewPoor @ Law,thathewouldnotwaittogetthereliefordersfromhim X beforeaidingthepoor:"Ishallneverstopforyourorders,   becauseyoumayawayatadistance;beforeIcangettheorder  fromyou,apersonmaybedead."Ibid.,secondreport,p.2. ~$  Ӏ  136    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,firstreport,pp.5152,67. ~$  Ӏ  137    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,pp.1819. f ~$  Ӏ  138    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,pp.241(Mayhew),419("Mostwere  artisans,")421.Thompsonseesbenefitclubsasoneofthemain x sourcesofthedevelopmentandexpressionofclassconsciousness @ andtheworkingclass'ssenseoforganizationinresistingthe X eliteinEnglishsociety;FrankE.Huggett,ADayintheLifeof   aVictorianFarmWorker(London:GeorgeAllen&UnwinLtd.,  1972),p.60;CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,first `  report,p.18;Arch,JosephArch,p.34;Hudson,AShepherd's ( x Life,pp.299304.  ~$  Ӏ  139    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.5456;Onthevalueofinoculations  earlyon,seeJohnRule,TheVitalCentury:England'sDeveloping x Economy,17141815(NewYork:LongmanGroup,1992),pp.1112. ~$  Ӏ  140    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,secondreport,  pp.89. ~$  Ӏ  141    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,2:145.Seealsop.144.  ~$  Ӏ  142    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thiscrudeapproximationoftherelativeproportionof  northernEnglishfarmworkersissupportedbythefiguresfor x totalpopulationbycountyfoundinPhyllisDeaneandW.A.Cole, @ BritishEconomicGrowth16881959TrendsandStructure,2ded. X (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1967),p.103. v ~$  Ӏ  143    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Althoughacceptingtheelite'slegalcategories,Young  doesseetheproblemsinignoringthepoor'scustomaryrights: x GeneralReport,pp.1214,3233,155,158;cf.p.99. ~$  Ӏ  144    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,pp.18889. ~$  Ӏ  145    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,pp.44,14041.  ~$  Ӏ  146    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Theconditionsofworkandtheresultingrelationships  thatexistedbetweenthesuperiorandsubordinateclass's x individualsonthejobareanimportantaspectofthequalityof @ life.Butsincethestrugglesbetweenthesetwogroupsandthe X methodsofresistanceandcontrolaresocloselytiedtothe   qualityoflifeaspectsofwork,thissubjectiscoveredin  sectionsfourandfive.  ~$  Ӏ  147    _?+ ` hp x (#X?FreedwomanRoseWilliamsofTexas,_Botkin_,LayMyBurden  Down,p.161;Douglass,Narrative,p.92;1178a58;TheBasic x WorksofAristotle,ed.Richard_McKeon_Ԁ(NewYork:RandomHouse, @ 1941),p.1105;_Kemble_,Journal,p.115.Inthiscontextshe X mentionsamentallyretardedwomanwhoisascapableatfield   workasotherslaveswithoutthishandicap.Bycontrast,she  notedLondon,aliterateslaveandpreacheronthesame `  plantation,musthavefeltdeepfrustrationsincehehadamore ( x informedoutlookonlifeandtheworld.  ~$  Ӏ  148    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.50(Rose),275(Sanders);Botkin,Lay  MyBurdenDown,p.50;AsDouglassnoted:"Acityslaveisalmost x afreeman,comparedwithaslaveontheplantation."Itwasin @ Baltimorethathelearnedtoread,continuingonthewithaidof X whitechildrenafterhismistressstoppedteachinghim.   Narrative,p.4950,5354;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.  56263. ] ~$  Ӏ  149    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,pp.49,94,97;Similarly,escaped  slaveHenryMoreheadstated:"Thetimeisnow,whenthecolored x menbegintoseethatitisthewantofeducationwhichhaskept @ theminbondagesolong;"Drew,Refugee,p.180;Kemble,Journal, X p.130.Seealsop.9;asquotedinOlmsted,CottonKingdom,   2:214. { ~$  Ӏ  150    ?+ ` hp x (#X?NatTurner,in1831theleaderofthebloodiestAmerican  slaverebellionwhicheruptedinVirginia,wasliterate,which x certainlydidnotpersuadeslaveholderstoencourageliteracy @ amongtheirhumanchattels.Afterthisrevoltkilledsomesixty X whites,thewhiteSouthsufferedanabidingtraumathatlingered   intotheCivilWar.Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.13234.  ~$  Ӏ  151    ?+ ` hp x (#X?asquotedinRichardD.Younger,"SouthernGrandJuries  andSlavery,"JournalofNegroHistory40(Apr.1955):16869; x Brent,Incidents,p.6;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.26; @ Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:6971;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p. X 185;Drew,Refugee,p.97.  ~$  Ӏ  152    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.110,175,18081(_Morehead_);Brent,  Incidents,pp.7475;Douglass,Narrative,pp.8990;_Botkin_,Lay x MyBurdenDown,p.91.  ~$  Ӏ  153    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JohnHopeFranklin,FromSlaverytoFreedomAHistoryof  NegroAmericans,5ded.(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1980),p. x 145;Kemble,Journal,pp.158,271;Brent,Incidents,p.74; @ Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.50,126;Northrup,TwelveYearsa X Slave,p.175. ' ~$  Ӏ  154    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JohnR.Gillis,TheDevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,1770  1870(Lanham,MD:UniversityPressofAmerica,1983),p.216 x (chart);Hudson,AShepherd'sLife,p.60;Commissionon @ EmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,firstreport,pp.xxi, X xix;R.S.Schofield,"DimensionsofIlliteracy,17501850,"   ExplorationsinEconomicHistory,10(1973):450,citedbySnell,  Annals,p.36;EricJ.HobsbawmandGeorgeRude,CaptainSwing `  (London:LawrenceandWishart,1969),p.64. ) ~$  Ӏ  155    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.64;Somerville,  Whistler,p.104;Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.12324.  ~$  Ӏ  156    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.9,2427;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,  pp.14243;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,1867 x V 68,firstreport,p.xviii;DavidThomson,Englandinthe  NineteenthCentury18151914(London:PenguinGroup,1950),p. x 135;PamelaHorn,"ChildWorkersintheVictorianCountryside: @ TheCaseofNorthamptonshire,"NorthamptonshirePastandPresent X 7(198586):175.  ~$  Ӏ  157    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,  firstreport,pp.vii,xxi,xv,xx.In1870sWiltshireparents x hadrealizedthevalueofeducationmuchmore._Jeffries_,_Hodge_, @ 2:67.(Thisworkwasmainlybaseduponhisexperiencewriting X foraWiltshireandGloucestershirenewspaperintheearly   1870s). ] ~$  Ӏ  158    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.  ix(variations),xiii,xiv(Northumberland),xviiixix x (Leicestershire),xxii(Cambridge/Yorkshire),xxvi @ (Northamptonshire),_xlviii_Ԅil(concession).Archmentionsboth X extremesinages.JosephArch,pp.24748.  ~$  Ӏ  159    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Horn,"ChildWorkers,"177178;Morgan,Harvestersand  Harvesting,pp.6467;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture, x _BPP_,186768,p.xxix.  ~$  Ӏ  160    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,  citedbyAgar,_Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,p.19.Thiscountywas x heavilyagricultural,somost(c.80percent)ofitsinhabitants @ were_farmworkers_Ԁandtheirfamilies._Woburn_ԀUnion,confiningits X figurestoagriculturallaborers'childrenexclusively,overall   had839inattendancewith1100ontheschools'registersfor  childrenundertheageof13outofapopulationof11,682in `  1861.Seep.13. ~$  Ӏ  161    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.248.  ~$  Ӏ  162    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.25;_Windham_'sSpeeches,3:17,cited  by_J.L._ԀandBarbaraHammond,TheTown_Labourer_Ԁ17601832:The x New_Civilisation_newed.(London:_Longmans_,Green&Co.,1928), @ p.56;_Gillis_,DevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,p.215;One X SouthernoverseerwhovisitedEnglandnotedthatthesame   argumentswereusedagainsteducatingthe_farmworkers_Ԁandthe  slaves.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.193. ' ~$  Ӏ  163    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Cobbett_,RuralRides,pp.5152;Arch,JosephArch,p.25.   ? ~$  Ӏ  164    _?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,Town_Labourer_,pp.5556.H.G.Wells  obliquelyalludestothetwooptionsaschosenbytwodifferent x nations:"TheoligarchyofthecrownedrepublicofGreatBritain @ mayhavecrippledandstarvededucation,buttheHohenzollern X monarchycorruptedandprostitutedit."TheOutlineofHistory:   BeingaPlainHistoryofMankind,ed.Raymond_Postgate_,2_vols_.  (GardenCity,NY:GardenCityBooks,1956),2:830.  ~$  Ӏ  165    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,_BPP_,1843,p.69;Commissionon  EmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.xxiii,_xxxii_.  ~$  Ӏ  166    _?+ ` hp x (#X?StevenR.Smith,"AgeinOldEngland,"HistoryToday,Mar.  1979,p.174. q ~$  Ӏ  167    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Genoveseprovidesagoodbutoverlyoptimisticsummaryof  howwell_slaveowners_Ԁcaredfortheirelderlyslaves:Roll, x Jordan,Roll,pp.51923.Althoughhecarefullybalancesbetween @ anoptimisticandpessimisticinterpretation,atilttowarda X pessimisticviewpoint(like_Stampp_'s)ismorejustifiable.  ~$  Ӏ  168    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.92,313;cf.p.246.Whilenotingthe  proslaveryargumentthattheirelderlywerenotisolatedfrom x theirfamilyandfriendsasthelaborersconfinedtothe @  workhouseinEnglandwere,shestillfoundoldslaveswere  terriblyneglectedonherhusband'sestates.Theworkhouse x infirmarythat_Jeffries_Ԁdescribedwascertainlybetterthanthis, @ asmentionedabove(p.110). l ~$  Ӏ  169    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.303;Brent,Incidents,p.14;  NarrativeofJonathanWalker;Davis,PlantationLife,p.262. ^ ~$  Ӏ  170    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Inhis"RulesofHighlandPlantation,"BennetBarrow  enunciatedclearlythepriceofretirementandguaranteed x subsistenceathisperceivedexpense,includinginsicknessand @ retirement:"IfImaintainhiminhisoldage,whenheis X incapableofrenderingeitherhimselformyselfanyservice,amI   notentitledtoanexclusiverighttohistime[whenyounger]"?  Davis,PlantationLife,p.407.Clearly,aslavepaiddearlyin `  returnforthesecurityhismaster(actually,fellowslaves) ( x providedforhiminoldage.  ~$  Ӏ  171    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.62;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,  2:251._Olmsted_Ԁeloquentlyobservedthatslaverystultifiesthe x talentsandabilitiesofitshumanchattelswhile,inpractice, @  providing"nosafetyagainstoccasionalsufferingforwantof  foodamong_labourers_,orevenagainsttheirstarvationanymore x thanthecompetitivesystem"(i.e.,capitalism). U ~$  Ӏ  172    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.247;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.  522;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.63.  ~$  Ӏ  173    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.313;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.  69;Douglass,Narrative,p.22;_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,p. x 313;_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:209. ~$  Ӏ  174    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,pp.2122. % ~$  Ӏ  175    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,p.21;Genovese,Roll,  Jordan,Roll,pp.52223. f ~$  Ӏ  176    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,p.318.Bycitingthe  highestavailablefigureforslavelifeexpectancy(36years), x _Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_Ԁtrytodenytheforceofthesefiguresin @ demonstratingdifferentialtreatmentforslavesandfreewhites. X Thehigherblackdeathratesresultfromblackwomenhavinga   higherfertilityrateconcomitantwithahigherinfantmortality  rate,andfromtheSouth's(allegedly)lesshealthyclimate. `  TimeontheCross,1:12425;2:24344.Substantiallylower ( x estimatesforlifeexpectancyforslavesareactuallymore  @ common,suchas_Zelnick_'s32years,Farley's27.8forfemale    slaves,and_Elben_'s32.6forthesame.Theyignorethe    implicationsofhighermortalityratesforblackinfantsin H   demonstratinghowmaterialconditionsforslaveswereworsethan `  forfreewhites.TheideatheSouth'sclimatewas (  epidemiologicallyinferiortotheNorth'sisalsodisputable.    TheNorthSouthdifferenceininfantmortalitycaneasily  attributedtothedifferencebetweenbondageandfreedom,instead x ofalesshealthyclimate._Sutch_ԀinDavid,Reckoningwith @ Slavery,pp.28387.Conceptually,themajorpoint_Stampp_ X implicitlymakesisstilltrue:Ofallthoseborn,   proportionatelyfewerblackbabieslivedtobeelderlythanwhite  ones.SeePeculiarInstitution,p.319. * ~$  Ӏ  177    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Smith,"AgeinOldEngland,"p.174;_Snell_,Annals,pp.  36467. ~$  Ӏ  178    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.46,4748,31819.  ~$  Ӏ  179    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,p.143.  ~$  Ӏ  180    _?+ ` hp x (#X?DavidThomson,"WelfareandtheHistorians,"inTheWorld  WeHaveGained:HistoriesofPopulationandSocialStructure, x _eds_.LloydBonfield,_R.M._ԀSmith,andK._Wrightson_Ԁ(Oxford,1986), @ p.370;citedby_Rushton_,"ThePoorLaw,"p.151.Seealso X _Snell_,Annals,pp.36467. ~$  Ӏ  181    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.36. W ~$  Ӏ  182    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.4647,55;Committeeonthe  NewPoorLaw,_BPP_,1837,firstreport,p.35.  ~$  Ӏ  183    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,pp.13133;Arch,JosephArch,p.257;  CommitteeonAllotments,_BPP_,1843,p.220.Thomas_Sockett_,the x rectorof_Petworth_,Sussex,saidpensionsof2s./weekwerenormal @ forolderpeoplenotworkingin_Petworth_Ԁparish.Committeeon X NewPoorLaw,_BPP_,1837,firstreport,p.15. N ~$  Ӏ  184    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,_BPP_,1837,firstreport,  prefacetominutesofevidence,p.7.Seealsop.9.  ~$  Ӏ  185    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,p.1.Seealsop.15.Admittedly,hesaidhe  wouldhavevotedfortheNewPoorLawhadhebeenaMemberof x Parliament.Ibid.,secondreport,p.23;firstreport,p.16. @ But,goingagainst_Cobbett_ԀandArch'sstereotypeoftheuncaring, X Torysupportingestablishmentchurchman,heharshlycondemned   somepartsofthelawthatinjuredthepoor.  ~$  Ӏ  186    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,p.21.Onlythosewithnofamilytocareforthem  endedupintheworkhouse.Otherwise,theylivedwithfamily x members(includingwives),andreceivedpensionsoftwoshillings @ aweek. [ ~$  Ӏ  187    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,p.31.Archestimatedtheparishpaidatleastone  shillingaweekmoretoplaceanelderlypersonintheworkhouse x thantogiveareliefpensionoftwoshillingsaweek."Ashas @ beencalculated,itcoststheratepayersfromthreeshillingsand X tenpencetofourshillingsaweekperadult."JosephArch,pp.   25960.  ~$  Ӏ  188    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,pp.38,41,43.TheassistantPoorLaw  Commissioner,WilliamHenry_Toovey_ԀHawley,flatlydeniedthat x someruleprohibitedtherelievingoftheagedandinfirmat @ home.Ibid.,p.66.FarmerEdwardButt,havingworkedmany X yearsasarelievingofficerforthepoorunderGilbert'sactfor   the_Petworth_Ԁparish,believedtheelderlywerebetteroffunder  thenewlawthanbefore.Ibid.,secondreport,p.4.  ~$  Ӏ  189    _?+ ` hp x (#X?"Ofcourse,outreliefofsortscontinuedforsomeelderly  people;althoughoneshouldbewaryof_generalising_Ԁargumentson x 'continuity'beforeandafter1834whicharebasedonNorfolkand @ Suffolk."_Snell_,Annals,p.131. N ~$  Ӏ  190    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.25760;_Snell_,Annals,pp.13537;  Somerville,Whistler,pp.153,156.  ~$  Ӏ  191    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onchildlabor,seeThompson,Making,p.349;Douglass,  Narrative,pp.2426.  ~$  Ӏ  192    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.121;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.  94;Drew,Refugee,pp.72,105;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:131, x 239;Morgan,"OwnershipofPropertybySlaves,"pp.4023; @ Washington,UpfromSlavery,p.17;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll, X pp.502,505.Armstrongnotes"adolescence"astheageforgoing   intothefields.OldMassa'sPeople,p.92;SeePeter_Kolchin_,  "MoreTimeontheCross?AnEvaluationofRobertWilliam_Fogel_'s `  WithoutConsentorContract,"JournalofSouthernHistory58 ( x (Aug.1992):494. Z ~$  Ӏ  193    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.7879;Douglass,  Narrative,pp.4344;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:239.  ~$  Ӏ  214    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Joseph,Hugh,andJonathanBryan,allofawealthy  colonialplanterfamilyinSouthCarolina,__were_such_idealists._Ԁ x SeeAlanGallay,"TheOriginsofSlaveholders'Paternalism: @ GeorgeWhitefield,theBryanFamily,andtheGreatAwakeningin X theSouth,"JournalofSouthernHistory53(Aug.1987):38388.  ~$  Ӏ  194    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,pp.2829;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,  1:39.Thisincidentillustratesagainhowwhites,withblacksin x bondage,willinglyengagedin"racemixing"thatwouldhave @ appalledpostreconstructionsegregationists."Whenthe_negro_Ԁis X definitelyaslave,itwouldseemthattheallegednatural   antipathyofthewhiteracetoassociatewithhimislost."  (1:40).  ~$  Ӏ  195    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,5056(gamesplayed),51011  (masktraining);Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,69;_Kemble_, x Journal,5758;_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,378;  ~$  Ӏ  196    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,508;_Kemble_,Journal,312  13.Notep.31also,wherenoadultwasinsightsupervisingthe x  babiesorthebaby_minders_Ԁinacabin;_Botkin_,LayMyBurden  Down,126. V ~$  Ӏ  197    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.66,121,122,312.Sherebukesa  Times[ofLondon?]correspondentwhonotedontheestatehe x visitedthat"allthechildrenbelowtheageoftwelvewere @ unemployed."_Olmsted_Ԁhadasimilarperspective:"Untilthe X _negro_Ԁisbigenoughforhis_labour_Ԁtobeplainlyprofitableto   hismaster,hehasnotrainingtoapplicationormethod,butonly  toidlenessandcarelessness."CottonKingdom,1:131 / ~$  Ӏ  198    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,44;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,  56;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,507. ~$  Ӏ  199    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:131.  ~$  Ӏ  200    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,40,4546,4966,309,34850.Oneofthe  questionnaireswhichparishesfilledoutaspartoftheinquiries x intotheOldPoorLaw,_BPP_,1834,vol.xxx,reportedthisprocess @ atworkclearly._Selattyn_,_Shropshire_Ԁreported:"Womenand X Childrenarenotnowsomuchemployedasformerly,because   _labouring_Ԁmenaresoplentiful,andtheir_labour_Ԁsocheap."Hugh  Cunningham,"TheEmploymentandUnemploymentofChildrenin `  Englandc.16801851,"PastandPresent,no.126(Feb.1990), ( x 135.  ~$  Ӏ  201    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,67;Horn,"ChildWorkers,"173;  CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,ix x (generally),xiii(Northumberland),xxvi(Northampton),xvii @ (Fens),xx(Yorkshire);Arch,JosephArch,29.  ~$  Ӏ  202    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Cunningham,"EmploymentofChildren,"strikinglycovers  thissubjectindepth,notingthatmanysawindustryandmining x asasolutiontotheproblemofidlechildrenburdeningtheir @ parents.Heconcludesonp.150:"Itisusual_Ԁtothinkofthe X schoolrescuingtheworkingchildfromthefactory;itismore   plausibletothinkofitremovingtheidlechildfromthestreet.  In1871whenthenumberinthecensus'athome'wasstillhigh, `  theRegistrarGeneralsuggestedthatschoolwastheproperplace ( x forthese'unemployedchildren'."AlsonoteMaryB.Rose,  @ "SocialPolicyandBusiness;ParishApprenticeshipandtheEarly    FactorySystem17501834,"BusinessHistory12(Oct.1989):67;    thestatementsbyDefoeandPittinHammondandHammond,Town H   _Labourer_,144.Thompson'scritiqueofchildlabor,alludedto `  above(p.119),whenplacedamidstsuchevidenceforchild (  unemployment,largelyappliestothosechildrenemployedinthe   factoryandminingdistricts,wherethelaborintensityand h  lengthoftheworkday_were__undeniably_extremely_demanding._Ԁ H ~$  Ӏ  203    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.  xvii,xviii;Horn,"ChildWorkers,"174. R ~$  Ӏ  204    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_SonyaO.Roseraises_Ԁasimilarpointinconnectionwith  thehouseholdeconomyfunctioningindomesticindustry,not x agriculture.Whenchildrenareworkingfortheirparents @ directlyandnotforanemployerfor_wages,__those__gathering__data X __for__a__census__are__more__apt__to_overlook_them________________________._ԀSee___Rose,_Ԁ"Proto   Industry,Women'sWorkandtheHouseholdEconomyinthe  TransitiontoIndustrialCapitalism,"JournalofFamilyHistory `  13(1988):188.  ~$  Ӏ  205    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Cunningham,_"EmploymentofChildren,"14047.Eventhe_  186768Reportfound,atleastintheThamesValleyarea,only x relativelyfew___employed_Ԁundertheageoftenandthatonlyone @ eleventhunderage_eight_______Ԁwereemployed.CommissiononEmployment X inAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,p.xxix.  ~$  Ӏ  206    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_ԀdevelopsthisthemeatgreatlengthinAnnals.Note  especiallypp.67103,210219,322327.SeealsoCunningham, x "EmploymentofChildren,"123,148. ~$  Ӏ  207    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Cunningham,"EmploymentofChildren,"120.  ~$  Ӏ  208    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,p.  _xi(recommendage),_Ԁxxi(Cambridge),xxvi(Northampton),_xxxi_ x (Thames);Arch,JosephArch,p.247. C ~$  Ӏ  209    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thisevidence,butcomingfromtheEnglishside,_backs  Genovese'sclaim:"Thesouthernslaveholdersknew,too,that x theirslavechildren_Ԁfaredclosertothestyleoftheirown @ pamperedchildrenthantothatofthechildrenof X V _nonslaveholders_,whohadtohelptheirparentsbydoingrough  workatearlyages."Roll,Jordan,Roll,_p.504.Again,Kemble x andothersraiseanimportantpoint:_ԀWaskeepingachildin @ idlenesswithoutaneducationbetterthanputtingthemtowork X undertheirparents'eyes(asopposedtoatextilemillowner   _owner_'simpersonalsupervisionandhighintensityworkregime)? c ~$  Ӏ  210    _?+ ` hp x (#X?SeeMorgan,Harvesters,pp.2327,98;Committeeon  Allotments,_BPP_,1843,pp.211,222,225,226,227;Commissionon x EmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.xiv @ (Northumberland),xxiv(Yorkshire);_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:7374.  ~$  Ӏ  211    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:6567,7374.Somervilleportrayed  laborers'childrenaspickingflowersalso.Whistler,pp.281 x 82;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,p.68;Arch,JosephArch,pp.27, @ 28,3334.  ~$  Ӏ  212    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Plato,Republic,338c;TheCollectedDialoguesofPlato  IncludingtheLetters,_Bollingen_ԀSeries_LXXI_,_eds_.EdithHamilton x and_HuntingtonCairns,trans.ofRepublic,PaulShorey @ (Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,_Ԁ_1961),___Ԁ588.  ~$  Ӏ  213    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_cf.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,16168.Ofcourse,this  analysisassumes_Ԁtheeliteandmassesofthesamesocietymostly x sharethesamereligion.  ~$  Ӏ  215    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,p.69. b ~$  Ӏ  216    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeeWinthropD.Jordan,TheWhiteMan'sBurden:  HistoricalOriginsofRacismintheUnitedStates(NewYork: x OxfordUniversityPress,1974),pp.9192. R ~$  Ӏ  217    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemblementionsthetwomodels.Journal,pp.7172,131.  FreedwomanJennyProctorofAlabamaforawhilebelievedshehad x noafterlifebaseduponwhatonewhitepreachedtoblacksonher @ plantationbecause"wedidn'thavenowayfindingoutdifferent. X Wedidn'tseenoBibles."Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.91. o ~$  Ӏ  218    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.131;Gallay,"OriginsofSlaveholders'  Paternalism,"38081.SeealsoGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p. x 185;PaulC.Palmer,"ServantintoSlave:TheEvolutionofthe @ LegalStatusoftheNegroLaborerinColonialVirginia,"South X AtlanticQuarterly65(summer1966):36061;Jordan,WhiteMan's   Burden,pp.89,97,98.  ~$  Ӏ  219    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Notethelocalclergystimiditywiththeonetime  overseer_ԀofKemble'shusband'sestates,whoopposedchurch x gatheringsofforevenontheplantationshemanaged.Kemble, @ Journal,pp.26768.  ~$  Ӏ  220    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.91;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.  2526;Brent,Incidents,pp.7071;Armstrong,OldMassa's x People,pp.22527;Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp.8489; @ Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.2079. n ~$  Ӏ  221    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.118;Bassett,Plantation  Overseer,pp.1415(LunsfordLane);Stampp,Peculiar x Institution,pp.15859;RobertStarobin,"Disciplining @ IndustrialSlavesintheOldSouth,"JournalofNegroHistory,53 X __(April__1968):_Ԁ113.  ~$  Ӏ  222    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Ofcourse,Catholicismitself(especially)isa  syncretisticcombineoftheRomanEmpire'sreligions,Jewish x beliefs,anddoctrinesspecificallyoriginatingfromJesusof @ NazarethandPaul.EasterandChristmasweresubstitutedforthe X PassoverandDayofAtonement,SundayforSaturday,thesaints   andMaryreplacedthegodsofthepantheonconcerningeachhaving  specificcontrolofvariousnaturalprocessesaffectinghumanity, `  etc.  ~$  Ӏ  223    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_ForBrazil,noteGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,180.In  someareaswhereorganizedVoodooemerged,suchassouthern x Louisiana,_ԀtheAfricansideofthecombinewas_fully_dominant,_or_ @ even_all__that_was_present._ԀBlassingame,SlaveCommunity,41; X Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,217,220. b ~$  Ӏ  224    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,2124;Botkin,LayMy  BurdenDown,3638;MaryF.BerryandJohnW.Blassingame, x "Africa,Slavery,&theRootsofContemporaryBlackCulture," @ MassachusettsReview,autumn1977,515.Theyoverstatetheir X casebecausethepoorwhitesatservices,especiallyrevival   meetings,hadanemotionalinterpretationofreligionaswell,  comingfromtheProtestantbeliefinbeing"bornagain."The `  emotionalservicesheldbyMethodistsandothersamongthe ( x EnglishworkingclassshowsAmericanwhitesneednothavecopied  @ theblacksinthisregard._ԀNoteStampp,Peculiar_Institution,___    37677;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,_____1:__265_71;Genovese,Roll,    Jordan,Roll,_239_40.  ~$  Ӏ  225    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.371,37476;WilliamC.  Suttles,Jr.,"AfricanReligiousSurvivalsasFactorsinAmerican x SlaveRevolts,"JournalofNegroHistory56(April1971):96100, @ 102;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,18283. o ~$  Ӏ  226    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmstedmaintainedthatthegeneralityofpreachinginthe  Southtotheslaveshadbeenoverstated,thatmanymastersstill x discouragedit.CottonKingdom,2:21314.  ~$  Ӏ  227    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Davis,PlantationLife,198.Oneoverseerkepttheslaves  inhiscarefromgoingtoanearbychurchbecauseitwouldjoin x togetherslavesfromdifferentplantations.Thisleftthemwith @ servicesjustonceamonth.Kemble,Journal,220.  ~$  Ӏ  228    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Drew,Refugee,89(West),331(Freeman),35354(Troy)  38384(Johnson);Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,231;Cf.Catoof x Alabama'stestimonyinBotkin,LayMyBurdenDown,86. S ~$  Ӏ  229    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Drew,Refugee,332;Kemble,Journal,16768;__Brent,  _Incidents,75. , ~$  Ӏ  230    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,91,121;Kembleusesasimilar  analogy.Journal,90.  ~$  Ӏ  231    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble,Journal,73(segregatedcommunion),150(a_Ԁlargely  segregatedchurch);Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,_81_Ԁ(Kinney),147 x (Chaney).See_also___Ԁ62,143,14546;_Davis,PlantationLife,184; @ Gallay,"Originsof_ԀSlaveholders'Paternalism,"38687;Olmsted, X CottonKingdom,2:213. r ~$  Ӏ  232    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Evenacapableandconscientiouswhitepastorcouldalso  getawesomerespectfromhisblackflock:Olmsted,Cotton x Kingdom,2:226.  ~$  Ӏ  233    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsteddescribedtheeffectsofhavingarespected  positionontheircharacter.CottonKingdom,1:260. ~$  Ӏ  234    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,91. ~$  Ӏ  235    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Blassingame_,SlaveCommunity,13037. / ~$  Ӏ  236    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,28385.Note286also;_Kemble_,  Journal,84. ~$  Ӏ  237    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,8893,27179. = ~$  Ӏ  238    _?+ ` hp x (#X?JamesD.Anderson,"AuntJemimainDialectics:Genovese  onSlaveCulture,"JournalofNegroHistory61(Jan.1976):113. : ~$  Ӏ  239    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Whatoneslavepreachersaidwhenhegotsoexcitedduring  servicesthathismaskslippedmayhintatwhatwaspreachedat x suchgatherings.Forgettingthatawhitemanwaswatchinghim, @ heprayed:"Freeindeed,freefromdeath,freefromhell,free X fromwork,freefromwhitefolks,freefromeverything."Henry   ClayBruce,TheNewMan.TwentynineYearsaSlave.Twentynine  YearsaFreeMan(York,PA,1895),73,citedby_Blassingame_, `  SlaveCommunity,13537.  ~$  Ӏ  240    _?+ ` hp x (#X?JamesC.Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance  HiddenTranscripts(NewHaven,CT:YaleUniversityPress,1990), x passim.Scottrejectstheconceptofhegemonyaltogether, @ whetheritbethestrongversioninwhichthemassesgainfalse X consciousnessfromtheelite'spropagandaandthenreallybelieve   intheideologyofthesuperstructure,ortheweakversion,  whereintheelitesettlesforthemassessimplybecomingresigned `  andpassiveabouttheirplight.Hisrejectionistoocomplete, ( x atleastforadvancedindustrialcountrieswithahistoryoffree  @ electionsandfreespeech.Insuchnations,themassesmay    reallycometoacceptsomeoftheelite'sideologyasbeingin    theirselfinterest--suchaspropertyrightsand(inAmerica)the H   Horatio_Alger_Ԁmyth.(HowelsecouldRush_Limbaugh_,andright `  wingtalkradioingeneral,getsuchhighratings?)Still,Scott (  hasdealtamightyblowagainst_Gramscian_Ԁtheorizing. ~$  Ӏ  241    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,96. - ~$  Ӏ  242    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,351;HammondandHammond,Village  _Labourer_,215.  ~$  Ӏ  243    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,41.Similarly,notethemessageof  patienceandsubmissiontaughtbytheConferenceofMethodist x Ministers,inanaddressadoptedin1819almost30yearsafter @ Wesleysdeath:HammondandHammond,Town_Labourer_,28081.  ~$  Ӏ  244    _?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,Town_Labourer_,22324,329. 6 ~$  Ӏ  245    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Forthefarmersresentmentagainstthetithes,see  _Cobbett_,RuralRides,191. + ~$  Ӏ  246    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Hobsbawm_ԀandRude,CaptainSwing,109,118,130,152,158  59,23133. F ~$  Ӏ  247    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Cobbett_ԀblaststheEstablishedChurchforsuchabuses,  wheretheparsonstaketheirtithesforagivenparish,but x totallyneglecttoserveit,failingeventomaintainarectory @ or(inoneWiltshirecase)achurchinit._Cobbett_,RuralRides, X 36566,400403. ~$  Ӏ  248    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,170.Notealso178.  ~$  Ӏ  249    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Cobbett_,RuralRides,176;Arch,JosephArch,1617,1920.  ~$  Ӏ  250    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,34;Arch,JosephArch,78,15,17  18,2122,5052,5354. ` ~$  Ӏ  251    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onthetwotypesoftithes,see_J.W._Ԁ_Anscomb_,  "ParliamentaryEnclosureinNorthamptonshireProcessesand x Procedures,"NorthamptonshirePastandPresent,7(198889):413; @ TheLifeandHistoryofSwingtheKentRickBurner(London:R. X _Carlile_,1830),17,inCarpenter,RisingoftheAgricultural   _Labourers_;"Swing"letter,quotedby_E.P._ԀThompson,Makingofthe  EnglishWorkingClass,233.  ~$  Ӏ  252    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Hobsbawm_ԀandRude,CaptainSwing,28891;_J.A._Ԁ_Hargreaves_,  "Methodismand_Luddism_ԀinYorkshire,18121813,"NorthernHistory x 26(1990):161. 0 ~$  Ӏ  253    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,35465;HammondandHammond,Town  _Labourer_,28486. ~$  Ӏ  254    _?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,Town_Labourer_,27071. ~$  Ӏ  255    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,4748,50. I ~$  Ӏ  256    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,41;Rule,_Labouring_ԀClasses,31011.  The_Tolpuddle_Ԁcaseinvolvedsix_farmworkers_ԀfromDorsetwhowere x sentencedin1834tobetransportedforsevenyearsmerelyfor @ administeringoathsdespiteformingaunionitselfwaslegal. ~$  Ӏ  257    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,42. ~$  Ӏ  258    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,114,313,402. ~$  Ӏ  259    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Cobbett_,RuralRides,17778.Compare17172. h ~$  Ӏ  260    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:26571;_W.E.B._ԀDubois,citedby  Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,239.  ~$  Ӏ  261    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Blassingame_,SlaveCommunity,14950.Theearlier  colonialperiodsawmoreofanimbalanceuntilnearitsend. x NotethefiguresforKingWilliamParish,Virginiain_Gundersen_, @ "DoubleBondsofRaceandSex,"35456.Forcasesofpolygamy X beingtolerated,see_Kemble_,Journal,207,226.Alsonote   _Northrup_,TwelveYearsaSlave,169. ~$  Ӏ  262    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,141. / ~$  Ӏ  263    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Gundersen_,"DoubleBondsofRaceandSex,"370;Brent,  Incidents,4.  ~$  Ӏ  264    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,60;foramoreoptimisticspinon  estatedivisions,noteArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,12527; x _Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,2:232.HerbertG._Gutman_ @ decisivelyshatterstheiroptimisminSlaveryandtheNumbers X Game:ACritiqueofTimeontheCross(Urbana,IL:University   ofIllinoisPress,1975),13236. W ~$  Ӏ  265    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,258;Drew,Refugee,198;  _Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:154;Ball,SlaveryintheUnited x States,16.Seealso7778;NoteBobbyFrankJones,"ACultural @ MiddlePassage,"inHerbert_Gutman_,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame, X 13334.  ~$  Ӏ  266    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_F.N._ԀBoney,"ThomasStevens,AntebellumGeorgian,"South  AtlanticQuarterly72(spring1973):23839;_Olmsted_,Cotton x Kingdom,2:3;JackE.Davis,"ChangingPlaces:SlaveMovementin @ theSouth,Historian55(summer1993):66163.Inpassing,he X notes_Tadman_'sestimatethatnomorethan30percentof   interregionalslavemigrationcamefromslavesaccompanying  movingowners;_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:48;_Sutch_ `  and_Gutman_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,100105. ) ~$  Ӏ  267    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,102;Drew,Refugee,45,121;  Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,25860;Brent,Incidents,14; x Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,16,3536;Chambers's @ Journal,_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:37577.Oneormoreofthese X sevenchildrenmayhavediedearlier,longbeforethissaletook   place;_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,132. & ~$  Ӏ  268    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Bassett_,PlantationOverseer,197.Notethatevenwithan  intactnuclearslavefamilybeingrelocatedtotheirnewmaster x becauseofinheritance,shewasstilltoldthattheyseemedtobe @ indistressoverseparatingfromfriendsandotherfamily X members. ~$  Ӏ  269    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,31617. ~$  Ӏ  270    _?+ ` hp x (#X?myemphasis,Davis,PlantationLife,184. { ~$  Ӏ  271    _?+ ` hp x (#X?JudithKelleher_Schafer_,"NewOrleansSlaveryin1850as  SeeninAdvertisements,"JournalofSouthernHistory47(Feb. x 1981):36. | ~$  Ӏ  272    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Herman_Freudenberger_ԀandJonathanB.Pritchett,"The  DomesticUnitedStatesSlaveTrade:NewEvidence,"Journalof x InterdisciplinaryHistory21(winter1991):45455.Thesourceof @ thisfigurewasthecertificatesofgoodcharacterwhich X Louisianabrieflyrequiredforallslavesales._Fogel_Ԁand   _Engerman_Ԁmaintainonly9.3percentofslavessoldwerechildren  underthirteeninTimeontheCrossbasedonsalesinvoices.A `  latersamplingoftheirsusingthesecertificatesofgood ( x characterofchildrentenyearsoldandlessproducedafigureof  @ 11.1percent.See_Freudenberger_ԀandPritchett,Ibid.,p.453;    _Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:4950._Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_    demolish_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_'scalculationsthatindicatedmost H   youngslavessoldwereorphansinDavid,Reckoning,130131. `  Pritchettand_Freudenberger_'sdataalsorefutetheirclaimthat (  thisLouisianalawwasseldomenforced.See_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,   TimeontheCross,2:5354.Significantly,_Schafer_Ԁfoundtwenty h  eightadslistingchildrenseparatelyundereleven,ofwhomonly 0  sixweresaidtobeorphans,inNewOrleansnewspapersfor1850. H  V "NewOrleansSlavery,"3637. & ~$  Ӏ  273    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:49;2:5152.  ~$  Ӏ  274    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,58;cfthementionoffourteen,sixteen  ,andeighteenyearoldsin_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:80.Very x fewofthesechildrenwereillegitimate:Onlythreeunmarried @ motherswereonthericeislandestate_Kemble_Ԁstayedat. X Journal,13435._Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_Ԁusedprobaterecordsto   establishahighaverageageforslavemothersatthefirstbirth  ofachild.Buttheycommitsomanyfallacieswiththedata `  (includingequatingoldestsurvivingchildwithafirstbirthat ( x thetimeofprobate),anyreexaminationoftheevidencetotally  @ controvertstheirclaims.See_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,Timeonthe    Cross,1:13839;_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,13646;    _Gutman_,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,14052. V ~$  Ӏ  275    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Forthegeneraldiscussionaboutthisissue,note_Fogel_  and_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,2:4853;_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_Ԁin x David,Reckoning,11233;_Gutman_,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame, @ 10823.  ~$  Ӏ  276    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Blassingame_,SlaveCommunity,341,361;_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_  inDavid,Reckoning,12829. - ~$  Ӏ  277    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,29(WilliamJohnson),30(_Tubman_),52  (GeorgeJohnson),179(Jackson).SincetheWPAnarrativesare x heavilyweightedtowardsthosewhowereonlychildrenwhilein @ bondage,theymightnotoftenmentionthiskindoffear,whichis X theprovinceofadults.  ~$  Ӏ  278    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,106;Chambers'sJournal,  _Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:374,377;Douglass,Narrative,97.  ~$  Ӏ  279    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,18.NotealsoGenovese,Roll,Jordan,  Roll,495;_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,287.After x emancipation,theforcedequalityinfieldworksoondisappeared, @ forthefreedmenand_freedwomen_Ԁpreferredandadoptedthesexual X divisionoflaborthatthewhiteshad.SeeDill,"OurMothers'   Grief,"422.  ~$  Ӏ  280    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onthedamagedfather'srole,see_Stampp_,Peculiar  Institution,34446.Thetwothirdsfigureisbasedona1866 x militarycensusofexslaveswholivedinPrincessAnneCounty, @ Virginia,wheretheblacksquestionedstatedwhoownedthemin X 1863._Gutman_,SlaveryandtheNumberGames,105;_Northrup_,   TwelveYearsaSlave,169;_Kemble_,Journal,60;Genovese,Roll,  Jordan,Roll,48689;_Blassingame_,SlaveCommunity,179.  ~$  Ӏ  281    _?+ ` hp x (#X?NarrativeoftheLifeofMoses_Grandy_,16,quotedinPeter  _Kolchin_,UnfreeLabor:AmericanSlaveryandRussianSerfdom x (Cambridge:_Belknap_ԀPress,HarvardUniversityPress,1987),211. @ Cf._Kemble_,Journal,175;Brent,Incidents,4143;_Blassingame_, X SlaveCommunity,172.  ~$  Ӏ  282    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thispracticealsoincreasedthemen'sfeelingof  independencebecausetheyreceivedthefreedomtowalktoanother x plantationusingastandardormonthlypass.BennetBarrow @ opposedallowingoffplantationmarriagesinpartbecause:"3d X itcreatesafeelingof_independance_,frombeing,ofright,out   ofthecontrolofthemastersforatime."Davis,Plantation  Life,408.  ~$  Ӏ  283    _?+ ` hp x (#X?DeborahG.White,"FemaleSlaves:SexRolesandStatusin  theAntebellumPlantationSouth,"JournalofFamilyHistory,Fall x 1983,255;Davis,PlantationLife,408,409;Onthefrequencyof @ marryingabroad,see_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,1034 X and_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:81;Onseeingthe"grassis   greenerelsewhere,"seeArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,155.The  bondsmenalsohadgoodreasonsfortheircustom,butithadits `  intrinsiccosts,includingincreasedinvoluntaryseparations. 2 ~$  Ӏ  284    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,147;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,16668. $ ~$  Ӏ  285    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,166;_Botkin_,LayMyBurden  Down,65;MaryReynoldsofLouisianadislikedasimilarcasual x weddingshehad(124)._Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:81;_Kemble_, @ Journal,167. ~$  Ӏ  286    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,34243. ~$  Ӏ  287    _?+ ` hp x (#X?SeeDill,"OurMothers'Grief,"418. ~$  Ӏ  288    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Bassett_,PlantationOverseer,84. ~$  Ӏ  289    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:81.  ~$  Ӏ  290    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:22527.Thelattertwocases  maybeoffreeblacksinsteadofslaves;thecontextdoesnot x makeitcompletelyclear.  ~$  Ӏ  291    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onthedifferenceofslaveparents,see_Stampp_,Peculiar  Institution,346;_Kemble_,Journal,95,174;Davis,Plantation x Life,201,269,432;_Bassett_,PlantationOverseer,141,26465. ( ~$  Ӏ  292    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,228;Douglass,Narrative,44  45.  ~$  Ӏ  293    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,7172(_Nichols_);Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,172.True,sheputanoptimistic(perhapsnostalgic) x spinonthesituation:"Butwegot'long_jus_'fine!" @ Nevertheless,todayitisknownthatonaveragetheuncertainty X stemmingfromfamilyinstabilityproducesfarmorechildrenwith   majorpsychologicalproblemsthanstablefamilyenvironmentsdo.  AcaseofaKentuckyslavewomanhavingsevenchildrenbyseven `  differentmenappearsin_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,346. ~$  Ӏ  294    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,55,89,102,156.  ~$  Ӏ  295    _?+ ` hp x (#X?ClarenceL._Mohr_,"Slaveryin_Oglethorpe_ԀCounty,Georgia,  17731865,"_Phylon_,32(Spring1972):11. ~$  Ӏ  296    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Note_Stampp_,PeculiarInstitution,35960. ~$  Ӏ  297    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,35,105,193. ( ~$  Ӏ  298    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,164;_Botkin_,LayMyBurden  Down,16162;Drew,Refugee,84.Whileexaggeratingthe x frequencyofarrangedmarriages,Franklinmakesinsightful @ commentsontheirnegativeconsequences.FromSlaveryto X Freedom,148. ( ~$  Ӏ  299    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:133,2:110;  BentleyGlassand_C.C._ԀLi,"TheDynamicsofRacialIntermixture x anAnalysisBasedontheAmericanNegro,"AmericanJournalof @ HumanGenetics5(Mar.1953):10;D.F.Roberts,"TheDynamicsof X RacialIntermixtureintheAmericanNegro--SomeAnthropological   Considerations,"AmericanJournalofHumanGenetics7(Dec.  1955):36162,366;BentleyGlass,"OntheUnlikelihoodof `  SignificantAdmixtureofGenesfromtheNorthAmericanIndiansin ( x thePresentCompositionoftheNegroesoftheUnitedStates,"  @ AmericanJournalofHumanGenetics7(Dec.1955):371;T.Edward    Reed,"CaucasianGenesinAmericanNegroes,"inLaura_Newell_    Morris,ed.,HumanPopulations,GeneticVariation,andEvolution H   (SanFrancisco:ChandlerPublishingCompany,1971),42748; `  _Gutman_,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,146,154;_Sutch_ԀinDavid, (  Reckoning,28384. F ~$  Ӏ  300    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Gutman_Ԁand_Sutch_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,151._Gutman_Ԁand  _Sutch_ԀarguetheEvansandBullockcountyresultsarebiased x downwardsbecausetheysaymulattoeswereexcludedfromthemand @ becauseproportionatelymoremulattoesmigratednorthorto X Southerncitiesthanblacks.But_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_Ԁmaintain   thatsouthernurbanareasevenin18501860hada  disproportionatelyhighpercentageofmulattoeswhentheir `  movementswerestill(largely)regulatedby_slaveholders_.Time ( x ontheCross,2:113.Clearly,moremiscegenationhappenedin  @ urbanareasthaninrural,sincethebondswomenincitieshadfar    morecontactwithwhitesandwerelesstightlysupervisedthanon    plantationsandfarms.Afterdiscussingthereliabilityofthe H   1860Censusreportsfigurethatabout13percentofblack `  Americanshadwhiteancestry,Genovesemaintainsmost (  miscegenationtookplaceincities.Roll,Jordan,Roll,41415.  ~$  Ӏ  301    _?+ ` hp x (#X?GlassandLi,"DynamicsofRacialIntermixture,"8;Glass,  "UnlikelihoodofGenesfromNorthAmericanIndians,"371,372, x 375,377;Reed,"CaucasianGenesinAmericanNegroes,"436;_Fogel_ @ and_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,2:111,112. S ~$  Ӏ  302    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Bassett_,PlantationOverseer,107,129;_Botkin_,LayMy  BurdenDown,241.  ~$  Ӏ  303    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Whendescribingthegreaternumberofrolesaslavecould  playinLatinAmericacomparedtotheUnitedStates,StanleyE. x _Elkins_Ԁwronglydeclares:"He[theLatinAmerican/Caribbean @ slave]couldbeahusbandandfather(fortheAmericanslaves X theseroleshadvirtuallynomeaning)."Conspicuously,_Elkins_s   summaryjudgmentoverlookstheslavewomanandherrolesaswife  andmother,which(followingtheinsightsofGilderinMenand `  Marriage)aremuchmoredurableandlesssociallyconstructed ( x thanthemansrolesashusbandandfather.Byapparentlytaking  @ theuniversal"he"ofhissentencetoonarrowlyandliterally,he    accidentallyeliminatedhalfofallAmericanslaves'experience    withfamilylife!Slavery:AProbleminAmericanInstitutional H   andIntellectualLife(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress, `  1959),136.Theimbalancedsexratiosinwhichmenoutnumbered (  womenonmanyCaribbeanandLatinAmericanplantationsundermine   hisargumentaswell. ~$  Ӏ  304    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,35960.  ~$  Ӏ  305    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Eugen_ԀWeber,PeasantsintoFrenchmen:TheModernization  ofRuralFrance,18701914(Stanford,California:Stanford x UniversityPress,1976),16791;_Gillis_,DevelopmentofEuropean @ Society,312,3132;_Snell_,Annals,914,36973,399410.Also X note,asimplicitlysidingwithWeberand_Gillis_,George_Huppert_,   AftertheBlackDeath:ASocialHistoryofEarlyModernEurope  (Bloomington,IN:IndianaUniversityPress,1986),27,11727. > ~$  Ӏ  306    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Gillis_,DevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,5,7;Weber,  PeasantsintoFrenchmen,175. ~$  Ӏ  307    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,10,370. G ~$  Ӏ  308    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,11,370;_Huppert_,AftertheBlackDeath,  118. ~$  Ӏ  309    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,367. ~$  Ӏ  310    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Weber,PeasantsintoFrenchmen,175. ~$  Ӏ  311    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Gillis_,DevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,4. ~$  Ӏ  312    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,367. _?+ ` hp x (#X?_W.E.B._ԀDubois,TheNegroAmericanFamily,ed._W.E._Ԁ_Burghardt_,  AtlantaUniversityPublications,no.13(Atlanta:Atlanta x UniversityPress,1908),47,49,citedby_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_, @ TimeontheCross,2:2012. G ~$  Ӏ  314    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,5354n.,21017;Somerville,Whistler,385;  Rule,VitalCentury,2325. ~$  Ӏ  315    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,38. N ~$  Ӏ  316    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,354,395396.CompareArch,Joseph  Arch,35;_Snell_,Annals,352. m ~$  Ӏ  317    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,47;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,55,5758,  6263;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,58.  ~$  Ӏ  318    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Despite_Jeffries_Ԁobviouslystereotypes_Hodge_,hisaccount  about"TheLow'Public'"containsenoughsubtletiestoshowit x shouldbetakenseriously._Hodge_,2:8092;_Snell_,Annals,359 @ 63;_Snell_,Annals,354,especiallyfootnote97;_Gillis_, X DevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,6.  ~$  Ӏ  319    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,354;CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,_BPP_,1837,  50,5354.However,insomeratherconfusing,seemingly x contradictorytestimony,Arthur_Daintrey_,amemberofthis @ union'sboardofguardians,saidtheNewPoorLawdiscouragedthe X marriageofalreadypregnantwomenbecauseobtaininganorderof   affiliationunderitcostsomuch. ~$  Ӏ  320    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,356.  ~$  Ӏ  321    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Sincetheslavesthemselveschosetoemulatethe  traditionalsexualdivisionoflaborafteremancipation,this x implicitlywashowtheyjudgedtheirownsituation.Toapply @ _Snell_'spointaboutlettingthepoorthemselves@ddjudgewhatconstitutesthequalityoflifecanproduceresults X thathistoriansemployingcontemporaryvaluesmayfind   disagreeable._Snell_,Annals,914. ~$  Ӏ  322    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:24243.  ~$  Ӏ  323    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,1:16567. ~$  Ӏ  324    _?+ ` hp x (#X?See_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,2:22324.  ~$  Ӏ  372    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Doyle'slistasinMorgan,Harvesters,1078.Cf.Doyle's  figureswithBearfortheRoyalCommissionon_Labour_Ԁin1893for x _Bedfordshire_.Agar,_Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,30. ~$  Ӏ  325    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,910,1314,369(quote). i ~$  Ӏ  326    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Interestingly,_Snell_'sapproachturnstheWhig  interpretationofhistoryonitshead.Whatisnowprivilegedare x thevaluesofamajorityofaveragepeopleinthepast,instead @ V ofemphasizingthe(relativelyfew)originatorsanddevelopersof  presentdayvaluesinvariousmovementsorindividualsinthe x past. L ~$  Ӏ  327    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Atleast,byc.1700thisseemedtobethecasein  Virginia._Kolchin_,UnfreeLabor,32;45455,n.27. ~$  Ӏ  328    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Gundersen_,"DoubleBondsofRaceandSex,"367.  ~$  Ӏ  362    _?+ ` hp x (#X?MarxsviewsonalienationaredescribedbyFritz  _Pappenheim_,TheAlienationofModernMan:AnInterpretationBased x onMarxand_Tonnies_Ԁ(NewYork:ModernReaderPaperbacks,1959), @ 8497;_E.P._ԀThompson,"Time,WorkDiscipline,andIndustrial X Capitalism,"PastandPresent,no.38(Dec.1967),93,95;M.   DorothyGeorge,EnglandinTransition:LifeandWorkinthe  EighteenthCentury(London:Penguin,1953)139,ascitedby `  Robert_Hessen_Ԁin_Ayn_ԀRand,Capitalism:TheUnknownIdeal(New ( x York:TheNewAmericanLibrary,1967),11617.  ~$  Ӏ  329    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,28,121,122,15152(Ned). ~$  Ӏ  330    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Dill,"OurMother'sGrief,"418.  ~$  Ӏ  331    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:21617,2012;Drew,Refugee,  44;_Northrup_,TwelveYearsaSlave,11617;White,"Female x Slaves,"250,251._Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_Ԁmaintainthat"plowgangs @ wereconfinedalmostexclusivelytomen,andpredominantlyto X youngmen,"butthisisundulydogmatic.TimeontheCross,   1:141. , ~$  Ӏ  332    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,77,78,79,80,86,121,125,141,  234,243,247,252,304,305,310,315,344.  ~$  Ӏ  333    _?+ ` hp x (#X?SpinningasasymboloffemininityisdiscussedinNorton,  Liberty'sDaughters,15,1820.  ~$  Ӏ  334    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,355;similarexpressionsarefound  on99and188. ~$  Ӏ  335    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,86,142,223,252,256,317,344. ~$  Ӏ  336    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,77,78,93,105,121,154,222,300,304.  ~$  Ӏ  337    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,80,82,105,211,212,222,223,234,243,246,  252,256,305,310,315,317.Thedisproportionofmentrashing x cottoncomparedtowomenstemslargelyfromBarrowstendencyto @ havethewomenspinonrainydays,butthementrashcotton. ~$  Ӏ  338    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,80,93,192,317. ~$  Ӏ  339    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,21718,233;White,"FemaleSlaves,"251.  ~$  Ӏ  340    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:141.Notethe  generaldescriptionsofthesetwogroups--"themenbetween"and x "menofskill"(myemphasis)--inGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll, @ 36598. } ~$  Ӏ  341    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Washington,UpfromSlavery,17;_Blassingame_,Slave  Community,18081;_Kemble_,Journal,18283.Seealso79. x _Kemble_,forherpart,couldscarcelykeepherselfcomposedduring @ thelatter'srequest,havingbeenstruckatthesentimental X centerofherlife;White,"FemaleSlaves,"25153;MichaelP.   Johnson,"SmotheredSlaveInfants:WereSlaveMothersat  Fault?,"JournalofSouthernHistory47(Nov.1981):51214; `  Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,35361.  ~$  Ӏ  342    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:206207.For  communalcooking,note_Bassett_,PlantationOverseer,31.  ~$  Ӏ  343    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexamplesofthissystem,seeArmstrong,OldMassa's  People,23,6869;Douglass,Narrative,22;_Olmsted_,Cotton x Kingdom,1:239;Boney,"BlueLizard,"354;_Botkin_,LayMyBurden @ Down,147. ~$  Ӏ  344    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,31;Drew,Refugee,141. . ~$  Ӏ  345    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:318;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,212.  ~$  Ӏ  346    _?+ ` hp x (#X?AngelaDavis,"ReflectionsontheBlackWoman'sRolein  theCommunityofSlaves,"MassachusettsReview,winterspring x V 1972,8889;Dill,"OurMothers'Grief,"422;Genovese,Roll,  Jordan,Roll,451,501.  ~$  Ӏ  347    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onthesubjectofwomenbeingpushedoutofthelabor  force,seeRabHoustonand_K.D.M._Ԁ_Snell_,"_Historiographical_ x V Review:ProtoIndustrialization?CottageIndustry,Social  Change,andIndustrialRevolution,"HistoricalJournal,27(June x 1984):487;_Snell_,Annals,21,4066,15658;1834Report,as @ quotedinCunningham,"EmploymentandUnemploymentofChildren," X 135.Forageneralanalysisofmensnaturerelativetowomens   anditsinfluenceontheirsexroles,seeGeorgeGilder,Menand  Marriage. L ~$  Ӏ  348    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Anevidentexceptiontothisgeneralizationconcerned  largelypastoralareassuchasDorset,wherebythelate x nineteenthcentury_(c_.1885),womendidfieldworkonly @ uncommonly._Snell_,Annals,392394.However,_Jeffries_'account X ofwomenfieldworkersinWiltshire,anotherheavilypastoral   countyinsouthwesternEngland,pointsinanotherdirection.  _Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:6162.  ~$  Ӏ  349    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Morgan,HarvestersandHarvesting,11,15,20,21,24,26,  52,93,102,10910,115,152.  ~$  Ӏ  350    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Eventhough_Snell_'ssubtitlementions16601900,hiswork  onlysparselycoversthelasthalfofthenineteenthcentury, x especiallywhendiscountinghisdiscussionoftheinaccuraciesin @ ThomasHardy'sportrayalofEnglishrurallife. ! ~$  Ӏ  351    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,p.  x.  ~$  Ӏ  352    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,pp.xiii,xiv;Agar,"_Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,"  15,citing_Culley_'sinvestigationforthisreport. x Conspicuously,thesample_Bedfordshire_Ԁfarmemployedfourteenmen @ andeightboys,butnowomen,whiletheNorthumberlandonedid, X befittingthedifferenceinthesexualdivisionoflaborbetween   thenorthandsouthbroadlyspeaking,atleastforarable  districts.  ~$  Ӏ  353    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Patrick,"AgriculturalGangs,"2226;ReportonEmployment  inAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.xvi,xxii(HumberWold)xxvi x (Northampton);_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:6162. ~$  Ӏ  354    _?+ ` hp x (#X? X ~$  Ӏ  355    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,4045,158;Deborah_Valenze_,"TheArtof  WomenandtheBusinessofMen:Women'sWorkandtheDairy x Industryc.17401840,"Past&Present,no.130(Feb.1991),142 @ 69;_Jeffries_,_Hodge_ԀandhisMasters,1:85.  ~$  Ӏ  356    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,pp.  vii,x(generally),xxiv(Yorkshire),xiii(Northumberland), x xviii(Nottingham/Lincolnshire);SeeStiltoninPatrick, @ "AgriculturalGangs,"25._Caird_ԀfoundinNorfolkcondemnations X offemalefieldworksimilartothe186768Reports:"They   contendthatit[regularfieldworkforwomen]hasamost  V _demoralising_Ԁeffect,causingwomenthusemployedtoloseall  feelingofselfrespect,renderingthembadhousewiveswhen x married,andunfit,fromwantofexperience,toexercisethat @ stricteconomyinexpenditure,andtoprovidethosesmall X firesidecomfortswhicharesonecessaryina_labourer_'swife."   EnglishAgriculture,17576.  ~$  Ӏ  357    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,147,cf.42;_Cobbett_,RuralRides,  219220;Seealso_Snell_,Annals,6771;_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:97, x 100108.  ~$  Ӏ  358    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,5157,66.Althoughleftunstated,  presumablytheeconomicrationalization_Snell_Ԁmentionsinvolved x theincreasinguseofscythesinplaceofsicklesforthe @ harvestingofgrain.Butthesubstitutionofonefortheother X washardlyanovernightprocess,sincevariousmethodsof   harvestinggrainweresometimesemployedsidebyside.Theslow  placeoftechnologicalprogressstillallowedsomewomentodo `  harvestingworkevenlateinthenineteenthcentury.Morgan, ( x HarvestersandHarvesting,1720,2529,9798,115.  ~$  Ӏ  359    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Valenze_,"Women'sWorkandtheDairyIndustry,"168;  CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,_BPP_,186768,p.xviii; x _Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:62. 3 ~$  Ӏ  360    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,_BPP_,1843,18,107;William  Bear'sreport,1893RoyalCommissionon_Labour_,_BPP_,189394, x _XXXV_,asfoundinAgar,_Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,31.  ~$  Ӏ  361    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Snell_,Annals,408;seealso304,309,36973,399410.  Ofcourse,centralizedworkplacesdidhavetheirpractical x advantagesforhomelife,asGeorgeM.Trevelyancomments: The @ workingclasshomeoftenbecamemorecomfortable,quietand X sanitarybycasingtobeaminiaturefactory.EnglishSocial   History(NewYorkandLondon:_Longmans_,Green&Company,1942),  487,ascitedbyRobert_Hessen_Ԁin_Ayn_ԀRand,Capitalism:The `  UnknownIdeal(NewYork:TheNewAmericanLibrary,1967),116.  ~$  Ӏ  363    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,notepoeticlamentconcerninghouseworkpiled  ontopoffieldworkbythe(fictional)earlyeighteenthcentury x rurallaboringwife"MaryCollier"inThompson,"Time,Work @ Discipline,andIndustrialCapitalism,79.  ~$  Ӏ  364    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Avaliantattempttosquarethisparticularcircleappears  inJoanWallachScott,GenderandthePoliticsofHistory(New x York:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1988),16777.Fortheview @ thattraditionalgenderrolesarenotonlybasedonbiological X V differences,butthatsocietyneedstomaintainthemtoavoid   sexualsuicide,seeGeorgeGilder,MenandMarriage. . ~$  Ӏ  365    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Onhoursofworkgenerally,see_Stampp_,Peculiar  Institution,7379;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,6061;One x sugarplantationownerdislikedthepoorwhiteslivingnearby @ becausetheirlivesofrelativeeasetendedtodemoralizehis X bondsmen._Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:331,2:37,88(workhours);   Drew,Refugee,183;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,87;_ Botkin_ ,  LayMyBurdenDown,70,89.  ~$  Ӏ  366    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,29;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,  353.Concerningoverseers,note_ Bassett_ ,PlantationOverseer, x 12;Davis,PlantationLife,329,354;_ Botkin_ ,LayMyBurdenDown, @ 166;Drew,Refugee,50(Banks),97(_ Gowens_ ),190(Sidles).Cf. X Sidle'stestimonywithIsaacGriffin'son199andJohnCn'son   192fromtheirtravelsontheMississippi.  ~$  Ӏ  367    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Botkin_,LayMyBurdenDown,86;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,  1:327328,337338,2:4647,239;_Kemble_,Journal,303.  ~$  Ӏ  368    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,52,65,255,260,315;Douglass,  Narrative,88;Drew,Refugee,52(Johnson),260(Younger),280 x (Brown);Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,210;_Olmsted_,Cotton @ Kingdom,1:103(Virginia),2:100(Mississippi),2:17980(near X Natchez);Davidand_Temin_ԀinDavid,Reckoning,21112.These   figuresalsoarebaseduponthenumberofdaysworkedperyear,  notjustthehoursperdaythatwasworked.Genovese,Roll, `  Jordan,Roll,61;_Fogel_Ԁand_Engerman_,TimeontheCross,1:208.  ~$  Ӏ  369    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Thomas_Batchelor_,GeneralViewoftheAgricultureofthe  CountyofBedford(London,1808),foundinAgar,_Bedfordshire_ x FarmWorker,11;Thompson,"Time,WorkDiscipline,andIndustrial @ Capitalism,"60;_ Jeffries_ ,_ Hodge_ ,2:5763,130,132.Henoted X thatwageswerehigherinsummerthaninwinter,which   correspondstothenumberofhoursworkeddaily. ) ~$  Ӏ  370    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,3738;_Batchelor_ԀasinAgar,  _Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,12,13;Somerville,Whistler,32; x CommitteeonAllotments,_BPP_,1843,112.Theslavesnormallyhad @ lesstimethanthisformeals.OneofDouglass'schief X complaintsagainstCovey,towhomhismasterhadrentedhim,and   withwhichhelaterfought,wasthatheroutinelycuttheirmeal  timestooshort.Narrative,88. ~$  Ӏ  371    _?+ ` hp x (#X?AsinAgar,_Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,19  ~$  Ӏ  373    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,37;_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:62;Agar,  _Bedfordshire_ԀFarmWorker,30. < ~$  Ӏ  374    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Cf.thiswiththediscussionofNorthernversusSouthern  agriculture'srelativeefficiencyinDavid,Reckoning,20911.  ~$  Ӏ  375    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Kemble_,Journal,p.65;_Olmsted_,CottonKingdom,1:103;  2:100,179;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.56,87,210; x BenjaminDrew,Refugee,pp.97,128.Inanumberofthesecases @ theexactlengthofthebreakisnotgiven,butwhereitis X statedorimplied,oftenitwasforahalfhourorless,whenit   wasnottwohoursinstead!  ~$  Ӏ  376    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Somelaborersgotoffatfiveorsix,andthenworkedon  theirallotmentsfromsixfifteenorsixthirtytotheendofthe x evening,butthiswasnotdoneinwinter.Othersworkedonthem @ earlyinthemorningatfourorfive,beforegoingintoworkfor X alocalfarmerorlandowner.CommitteeonAllotments,_ BPP_ ,1843,   pp.12,15.  ~$  Ӏ  377    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.151,170;Armstrong,Old  Massa'sPeople,p.42;Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,p.149; x Drew,Refugee,pp.59(Williams),163(Holmes),186(Warren),360 @ (Sanford).  ~$  Ӏ  378    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Gallay,"OriginsofSlaveholders'Paternalism,"pp.380,  393;ForslavesreceivingSundayoff,seeBotkin,LayMyBurden x Down,p.147;Davis,PlantationLife,pp.188,407;Olmsted, @ CottonKingdom,2:7172;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.79, X 168;Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,p.107. ~$  Ӏ  379    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.360;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.  79. ~$  Ӏ  380    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,pp.14849.  ~$  Ӏ  381    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexamplesofslavesbeinggivenotherholidaysoff,see  Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.13435;Botkin,LayMyBurden x Down,pp.14344;SudieDuncanSides,"SlaveWeddingsand @ Religion,"HistoryToday,24(Feb.1974):84.  ~$  Ӏ  382    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.139,218,247,248,279.See  alsop.51;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.92;Douglass, x Narrative,p.83;Brent,Incidents,p.13;Northrup,TwelveYears @ aSlave,p.163. ~$  Ӏ  383    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cf.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.56769. L ~$  Ӏ  384    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,seeDavis,PlantationLife,pp.272,301302,  349,352.Coldweatheralsocouldhavesimilareffects:Ibid., x p.321. ! ~$  Ӏ  385    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.118,119,120,124,195,196,  198,232,233,258;Kemble,Journal,p.274. ~$  Ӏ  386    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,p.385. Q ~$  Ӏ  387    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forhowpastoralareasweredifferentfromarablein  seasonalunemployment,noteSnell,Annals,pp.4049;Hudson, x Shepherd'sLife,p.327.Notealsop.329;Jeffries,Hodge, @ 1:81,2:71;Bear,RoyalCommissiononLabour,1893,asfoundin X Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.3031;M.C.F.Morris,The   BritishWorkman:PastandPresent(London:OxfordUniversity  Press,1928),p.121.Thechapterthisstatementappearsinwas `  saidtocharacterizetheyears18401860;Arch,JosephArch,p. ( x 281.  ~$  Ӏ  388    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,pp.12,112;  Jeffries,Hodge,1:7172;cf.2:165.  ~$  Ӏ  389    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Diary,asfoundinAgar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.107;  CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,p.xi x (rain),xv(Durham),xvi(HumberWold),xxix(sickness);Hudson, @ Shepherd'sLife,pp.21920;Somerville,Whistler,p.45.  ~$  Ӏ  390    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.50.Fromtheslave'sviewpoint,Allen  Parkersaidnearlythesamething,ascitedbyBlassingame,Slave x Community,p.317;NoteRedpath'sphraseinBotkin,LayMyBurden @ Down,p.2."Daytodayresistance"isdescribedinStampp, X PeculiarInstitution,pp.97109.Notethattherevoltsand    pitchedbattlesweremuchlesscommoninNorthAmericanslavery  thanintheCaribbeanandLatinAmerica. ~$  Ӏ  391    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:6061. d ~$  Ӏ  392    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.407.Thiscommentattacksthe  systemprevailinginCaribbeanslavery,wheretheslaveshadto x worksomanydaysontheirmasters'estates,andthenspendso @ manydaysworkingontheirowngardenstoraisefoodfor X themselves,likemedievalserfs.Insomecasesthetasksystem   inmainlandNorthAmericacameclosetothis. ~$  Ӏ  393    ?+ ` hp x (#X?NotethetestimonyofJamesSmithofVirginiainDrew,  Refugee,p.351. m ~$  Ӏ  394    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.174.Forcasesofslaves  notwhipped,ornotwhippedasadults,ormasterswhorarely x whippedtheirslaves,noteBotkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.66, @ 143;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.68;Drew,Refugee,p.282; X Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:70.Whilesuchcasesshowthat   masterswhoneverwhippedtheiradultslaveswerenotcomplete  oddities,theycertainlyconstitutedamightysmallminorityof `  thosewhoownedslavesintheSouth,asGenoveseobserved,Roll, ( x Jordan,Roll,p.64.  ~$  Ӏ  395    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forasampleoftheavailableevidenceonthispoint,see  Botkin,ed.,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.9,43,85,160,164;Kemble, x Journal,pp.175,200;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.180; @ Davis,PlantationLife,pp.109,127,133,134;Brent,Incidents X intheLifeofaSlaveGirl,p.197;Douglass,Narrative,pp.71   72;Drew,Refugee,pp.42,49,51,54,68,7475,132,138,210,  227,257,382;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:280. ~$  Ӏ  396    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:207. " ~$  Ӏ  397    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:145;Fortheir  generalanalysisoftheBarrowdiaryandwhippingfrequency,see x SutchandGutmaninDavid,Reckoning,pp.5769;Gutman,Slavery @ andtheNumbersGame,pp.1734;Davis,PlantationLife,pp.181, X 191,192,205,239,437,439. p ~$  Ӏ  398    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.268,272,421,422;392406  (will);GutmanandSutchinDavid,Reckoning,pp.6263;Kolchin, x UnfreeLabor,p.123. ~$  Ӏ  399    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Gutman,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,p.19. } ~$  Ӏ  400    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:349,354;Davis,Plantation  Life,p.262;includingothersuchatrocitiesisBall,Slaveryin x theUnitedStates,pp.viviii;AlanD.Watson,"ImpulseToward @ Independence:ResistanceandRebellionamongNorthCarolina X Slaves,17501775,"JournalofNegroHistory63(Fall1978):327.   AlsonoteKemble,Journal,p.304. 4 ~$  Ӏ  401    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.41(MasterJim),211  (Union);Drew,Refugee,p.259;Douglass,Narrative,pp.4142. ~$  Ӏ  402    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.40;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.  55. g ~$  Ӏ  403    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.67(arson),86(Cato),132  (Grayson);Gutmanusesthislynchingstatisticthisway.Slavery x andtheNumbersGame,p.19. ~$  Ӏ  404    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.148,174,202,211,239,359.  ~$  Ӏ  405    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.92,164,226;Davis,  PlantationLife,pp.50,91,112,154,175;JohnThompson,The x LifeofJohnThompson,AFugitiveSlave(Worcester,MA:1856), @ p.18,citedbyStampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.172. 4 ~$  Ӏ  406    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.165,166,175,269;Douglass,  Narrative,pp.9799;Drew,Refugee,pp.6364,206,379.  ~$  Ӏ  407    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Sellingrecalcitrantslaveswasanotherpunishment  slaveholdersinflicted,perhapsthemosteffectiveoneintheir x arsenal,becauseitmanipulatedslavefamilytiesforthe @ purposesofimposinglabordiscipline,apointalreadycovered X above(p.159).AsGenovesenoted:"Themastersunderstoodthe   strengthofthemaritalandfamilytiesamongtheirslaveswell  enoughtoseeinthemapowerfulmeansofsocialcontrol.... `  Nothreatcarriedsuchforceasathreattosellthechildren, ( x exceptthethreattoseparatehusbandandwife....Masters  @ andoverseers...shapeddisciplinaryprocedurestotakefull    accountoffamilyrelationships."Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.452. k ~$  Ӏ  408    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.130,135,163,165;Botkin,  LayMyBurdenDown,p.152;Drew,Refugee,p.220;Stampp, x PeculiarInstitution,p.101. u ~$  Ӏ  409    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:14647.Barrow  knewofoneincidentwhereadriverwaskilledfortryingtowhip x aslave.Davis,PlantationLife,p.156. ~$  Ӏ  410    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:147,231. w ~$  Ӏ  411    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Barrowappealedtohisslaves'selfinterestthroughhis  "RulesofHighlandPlantation."Commentingonwhatmighthappen x iftheywerescatteredaboutduetobeingallowedtogowherever @ theywishedafterworkwasdone:"WhocantellthemomentWhena X plantationmightbethreatenedwithdestructionfromFirecould   theflamesbearrestedifthenegroesarescatteredthroughout  theneighborhood,seekingtheiramusement.Arethesenotduties `  ofgreatimportance,andinwhichevrynegrohimselfisdeeply ( x interested...Wherevertheirwiveslive,theretheyconsider  @ theirhomes,consequentlytheyareindifferenttotheinterestof    theplantationtowhichtheyactuallybelong."Whenconsidering    suchchronicrunawaysasG.JerryandDennis,orsuchdefiant H   slavewomenasPatienceandBigLucy,thisappealtoidentify `  withtheirmaster'sinterestsapparentlydidnotpenetratethe (  quartersverydeeply.Davis,PlantationLife,pp.406,408. ~$  Ӏ  412    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:14753. ~$  Ӏ  413    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,ed.,LayMyBurdenDown,p.124,133,198,215;  Kemble,Journal,pp.210,274,335;May,"JohnA.QuitmanandHis x Slaves,"p.569;WallaceBrown,"NegroesandtheAmerican @ Revolution,"HistoryToday,14(Aug.1964):55758;ClarenceL. X Mohr,"BibliographicalEssaySouthernBlacksintheCivilWar:   AcenturyofHistoriography,"JournalofNegroHistory59(April  1974):18388,19395;FrankA.Cassell,"SlavesoftheChesapeake `  BayAreaandtheWarof1812,"JournalofNegroHistory57(April ( x 1972):14455;WilliamF.Messner,"BlackViolenceandWhite  @ Response:Louisiana,1862,"JournalofSouthernHistory,41    (Feb.1975):1936;JeffreyR.Young,"IdeologyandDeathona    SavannahRiverRicePlantation,18331867:Paternalismamidst'a H   GoodSupplyofDiseaseandPain,"JournalofSouthernHistory59 `  (Nov.1993):7023;SylviaR.Frey,"TheBritishandtheBlack:A (  NewPerspective,"Historian38(Feb.1976):22638;JohnCimprich,   "SlaveBehaviorduringtheFederalOccupationofTennessee,1862 h  1865,"Historian44(May1982):33546;Franklin,FromSlaveryto 0  Freedom,pp.87,92,119,21618.Genovese,duetohis H  overarchingmodelofpaternalismasthehegemonicideologyofthe  masterclassbeingreallyacceptedinamodifiedformbythe  slavestosuittheirownpurposes,underestimateshowdisruptive P warwasinmaintaininglabordiscipline.Resistancetoslavery h neednothavebeenmanifestedbyviolentrevolts,butbymasses 0 ofslavesrunningaway,alowerriskstrategywhichstilloften  obtainedthedesiredgoal.Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.14345,148 p 49.  ~$  Ӏ  414    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Actually,weknowtheslaves'"hiddentranscript"better  thantheagriculturalworkers',becausetherearefarmoreslave x narrativesandautobiographiesthandiariesandautobiographies @ byfarmworkers. R ~$  Ӏ  415    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,althoughtheUnionarmyevidentlywasstill  faraway,thewar'sdisorganizingeffectsquestionedthe x slaveholderregime'slegitimacy,makingtheslavesmorerestive @ andfreetospeak,stillexistedinthiscase.Afterhisgrown X sonhadparadedaroundinaConfederateofficer'suniform,one   NorthCarolinianmastershotandkilledaslavefordefiantly  saying,aftermumblingitfirst:"Isay,'Lookatthatgoddam `  soldier.Hefightingtokeepusniggersfrombeingfree." ( x Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.19495. ~$  Ӏ  416    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AsquotedinGillis,DevelopmentofEuropeanSociety,p.  41.  ~$  Ӏ  417    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.98.Cf.Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,  pp.297,309.  ~$  Ӏ  418    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:356;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,  Roll,pp.285324.SeealsoGutmanandSutchandDavidandTemin x inDavid,Reckoning,pp.5557,6974,8993,2047;Gutman, @ SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,pp.8,1418,2531,3942,85, X 165,17173. ~$  Ӏ  419    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.6,14344. M ~$  Ӏ  420    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance,pp.xii,11,  1718,24,66,7071,87,9395,1056;Douglass,Narrative,p. x 48. [ ~$  Ӏ  421    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AsquotedinVincentHarding,"ReligionandResistance  amongAntebellumNegroes,18001860,"inAugustMeierandElliott x Rudwick,eds.,TheMakingofBlackAmerica,vol.1:TheOrigins @ ofBlackAmericans;2vols.StudiesinAmericanNegroLife(New X York:Atheneum,1969),pp.182,185,18788;Botkin,LayMy   BurdenDown,p.26.  ~$  Ӏ  422    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.91,119,29293,295,  306,308,335,34261(sharingintimacies). ~$  Ӏ  423    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:346,2:117. L ~$  Ӏ  424    ?+ ` hp x (#X?OlmstednotedthattheSouth'sdominantcropwasgrownon  5,000,000acresoutofover500,000,000acres,leavingmuchof x theresttowilderness.CottonKingdom,1:24.Seealso @ Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.4344,forhowthefrontier X mentalityaffectedtheSouth'slegalsystembyencouragingextra   legalviolence.  ~$  Ӏ  425    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Boney,"ThomasStevens,"23233;CarlN.Degler,"The  FoundationsofSouthernDistinctiveness,"SouthernReview13 x (spring1977):230;May,"JohnA.QuitmanandHisSlaves,"p.564. @ BothDeglerandMaycitetheworkofMortonRothstein,andMay X citesWilliamScarborough,tosupporttheirviews. % ~$  Ӏ  426    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Degler,"FoundationsofSouthernDistinctiveness,"p.233.  SeeFogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,vol.1,pp.6773. x Forareply,noteDavidandTemininDavid,Reckoningwith @ Slavery,pp.3943.Theirargumentdoeshasforce,because(ina X perfectlyefficientmarket)therelativelyfewmarginal   purchasersofslaveswhowerepurelymotivatedbyprofitmaking  considerationswouldbeenoughtobringtherateofreturnto `  equilibriumwithotherprofitmakingactivitiesincommerceor ( x industry.However,howmuchcouldthe"tail"ofafewprofit  @ motivatedplanterswagthetheoretical"dog"ofpurelynon    economicallymotivatedslaveholdersinreality,especiallysince    themarketforslaves(inparticular)wasnotexactlyfully H   efficient?Theirpointlosesforcebecausethemereexistenceof `  profitspresupposessomeonedesiresthem,justastheexistence (  ofwagespresupposeslaborers'selfinterestinearningthem.   Furthermore,evenintheirexampleofthebudgetconstrained h  "Cavalierfop"whohasnoprofitmakingmotiveconcerninghis 0  slaves,selfinterestisstillpresent,evenifmoreweakly, H  becausewithinhislimitedresources"onaveragehewouldhold  moreslaveswereslavescheap(visavisothersthings)thanhe  wouldwereslavesrelativelydear"(p.41).Theyignorehowthe P furtheroffthismarketwouldgofromthegeneralrateofreturn h intheeconomyasawhole,proportionatelyincreasingamountsof 0 capitalwould"bleed"fromtheslaveowningsector.Profit  seekingentrepreneurswillshiftcapitalfromonesectorto p anotherastheratesofreturnbetweendifferentsectorsgrow 8 increasinglywider.  ~$  Ӏ  427    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Gallay,"OriginsofSlaveholders'Paternalism,"p.371;  Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.3031.Gallaymaintainsthis x rulingeliteownedoverhalfoftheslaves.Stamppcalculates @ thatonlyonefourthofalltheslavesbelongedtothosewho X ownedlessthanten,thatsomewhatmorethanhalflivedinunits   oftwenty,andonefourthlivedinunitsofoverfifty.Ifwe  acceptBoney'sdefinitionofa"planter,"whichevidentlytilts `  towardsthosewhoreallycoulddelegatethemanagementoftheir ( x plantationstootherssotheycouldpursuewomen,wildgame,and  @ cardplaying,thenastrongmajorityofslaveswerenotownedby    suchplanters.  ~$  Ӏ  428    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:73;Stampp,  PeculiarInstitution,pp.16364. ) ~$  Ӏ  429    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,asanillustrationofthisethos,wefindin  theNewTestament(Hebrews12:67):"ForthosewhomtheLord x lovesHedisciplines,andHescourgeseverysonwhomHereceives. @ Itisfordisciplinethatyouendure;Goddealswithyouaswith X sons;forwhatsonistherewhomhisfatherdoesnotdiscipline?" ~$  Ӏ  430    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Anderson,"AuntJemimainDialectics,"pp.11213.  ~$  Ӏ  431    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Degler,"FoundationsofSouthernDistinctiveness,"231;  Boney,"ThomasStevens,AntebellumGeorgian,"233;Olmsted, x CottonKingdom,1:142;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.325.  ~$  Ӏ  432    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.326.Genoveseimplicitly  rebutsthisargument.Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.10.Hemaintains x thatslaveholdersoftenknewalltheirslavesbyname,aswellas @ theirindividualpersonalities.However,thisisnotenoughfor X closeemotionalbondstoform.Manyhighschoolteachers,facing   120150differentstudentsinthecourseofaday,maysoonknow  alltheirindividualnamesandmanyindividuals'personalquirks `  andtalents.Nevertheless,theseriousemotionalbondsthatcome ( x fromtheintimacyofsharingwhatisoneachother'smindsare  @ likelylimitedtoarelativefewoutofthisgroup.  ~$  Ӏ  433    ?+ ` hp x (#X?DeglernotedthatFitzhugh'sbrandoftrueconservatism,  whorepudiatedtheliberaltraditionofAdamSmithandJohn x Locke,constitutedonlyasmallminorityviewpointamongwhites. @ Theseviewscouldnotbesoldtothepoorwhitevoterswho X personified"JacksonianDemocracy"intheSouth.WhileCalhoun,   amuchmoreinfluentialfigurethanFitzhugh,repudiatednatural  rightsanddefendedslavery,hestillremainedintheliberal `  traditionbycomparison.Hedidnotlookatpoliticalandsocial ( x institutionsasorganicwholesasBurkedid,butsomething  @ changeablebaseduponreason,asillustratedbyhisproposalfor    aconcurrentmajorityinapprovinglegislation.Deglersuggests    thatwhiteSoutherners,byemphasizingtheracialcomponentof H    Americanslaverymorethanitwaselsewhere,allowedthemtoread  theblacksoutofsocietyandpoliticallifeasbeinginnately x inferior.Thisheavydoseofracismallowedthemtohavean @ individualistic,liberalcapitalismwitharepublicangovernment X baseduponuniversalwhitemanhoodsuffrageamongthemselves   whilekeepingblacksinchains.Degler,"FoundationsofSouthern  Distinctiveness,"23439. d ~$  Ӏ  434    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.92;Drew,Refugee,p.115;Botkin,  LayMyBurdenDown,p.186;Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates, x  pp.4849.  ~$  Ӏ  435    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.76,1023,233,249.See  alsoArmstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.319;ClarenceL.Mohr, x "BeforeSherman:GeorgiaBlacksandtheUnionWarEffort,1861 @ 1864,"JournalofSouthernHistory45(Aug.1979):332.  ~$  Ӏ  436    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Someoftheothereffectsofusingignorancetocontrol  theslaveswasdealtwithinthesectiononeducation(pp.1079) x andthequalityoflife(p.97)above,sotheyneednotbe @ repeatedhere. ~$  Ӏ  437    ?+ ` hp x (#X?asquotedinGutman,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,p.101. ~$  Ӏ  438    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.298. ~$  Ӏ  439    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,pp.9192. ~$  Ӏ  440    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.110. \ ~$  Ӏ  441    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JoyceE.Chaplin,"SlaveryandthePrincipleofHumanity:  AModernIdeaintheEarlyLowerSouth,"JournalofSocial x History,winter1990,p.309.  ~$  Ӏ  442    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.25,258.Notealsopp.40,177,279  80;Drew,Refugee,pp.101,161;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:39, x 103,181;May,"JohnQuitmanandHisSlaves,"pp.55657.  ~$  Ӏ  443    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.123;Chaplin,"Slaveryand  thePrincipleofHumanity,"309;Davis,PlantationLife,p.157; x Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,p.292.SeealsoOrser, @ "ArchaeologicalAnalysisofPlantationSociety,"742. o ~$  Ӏ  444    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexamplesofthispractice,seeBotkin,LayMyBurden  Down,p.158;Kemble,Journal,p.47;Davis,PlantationLife,p. x  253;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.187,203,210;Olmsted,  CottonKingdom,1:238,251;2:180,19596,23839;Alex x Lichtenstein,"'ThatDispositiontoTheft,WithWhichTheyHave @ BeenBranded,':MoralEconomy,SlaveManagement,andtheLaw," X JournalofSocialHistory21(spring1988):42426;Morgan,   "OwnershipofPropertybySlaves,"pp.399420;Stampp,Peculiar  Institution,pp.16466. ~$  Ӏ  445    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.280.  ~$  Ӏ  446    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:148;Davis,  PlantationLife,pp.139,218,279;Sides,"SlaveWeddingsand x Religion,"83.Formoreonthisissue,seeGutman,Slaveryand @  theNumbersGame,pp.4447.  ~$  Ӏ  447    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:149,150,2:117  118,262;GutmanandSutchinDavid,ReckoningwithSlavery,pp. x 7486.TheyalsoexplainherehowFogelandEngerman'sinflated @ figuresonthepercentageofblackdriversandoverseers X (supervisorsofdrivers)wereinaccurate.  ~$  Ӏ  448    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp.25860,316;Orser,  "ArchaeologicalAnalysisofPlantationSociety,"pp.74041.For x thegeneralunpopularityofthedriverswithotherslaves,note @ Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.85,90,91,94,120,121; X Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.21718.Theexslaves   interviewedintheFWPnarrativesmayhaveemphasizedthe  brutalityofthedriversduetofearingsayingnegativethings `   abouttheirpastwhitemasterand/oroverseertowhite  interviewersthatgatheredtheirreminiscences.WilliamL.Van x Deburg,"SlaveDriversandSlaveNarratives:ANewLookatthe @ 'DehumanizedElite,'"Historian39(Aug.1977):72830.However, X inatleasttwoofthenarrativesfoundinBotkincitedabove,   theslaveswerewillingtosaynegativethingsabouttheir  mastersaswell,thusbluntingVanDeburg'spoint.  ~$  Ӏ  449    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.153;Brent,Incidents,p.41.  However,iftheslavewasavaluableartisan,punishinghimthis x waynormallycosttoomuch.Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p. @ 184.  ~$  Ӏ  450    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.272,359,419,421;Davidand  TemininDavid,Reckoning,pp.4546;Genovese,Roll,Jordan, x Roll,pp.37071,393.Thenearestanymastermighthavecometo @ FogelandEngerman'smodeloflongrunincentiveswasthelarge X plantationofZephaniahKingsleyinFlorida.Itfeatureda   threetieredhierarchy:freedmen,thedriverswhowerenextin  linetobefreed,andthemassofslaves,whichincludedaflow `  ofcontinualnewcomersfromAfrica.SeeJ.P.White,"Christmas ( x atthePlantation,"NorthAmericanReview278(Nov./Dec.1993):5  @ 6. ~$  Ӏ  451    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:189. $ ~$  Ӏ  452    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Gathering"horrorstories"ofharshoverseersiseasy,and  littleexiststorebuttheoverallimpressiontheygive.Unlike x thecaseconcerninggoodversusbadmasters,whereevenamongthe @ slavesamoredividedopinionexists,testimonyaboutoverseers X isnearlyalwaysnegative.SeeBotkin,ed.,LayMyBurdenDown,   pp.36,104,106;Kemble,Journal,p.180,22324;Davis,  PlantationLife,p.154;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.112, `  14547;Douglass,Narrative,pp.3840;Drew,Refugee,p.29, ( x 183;Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,pp.17071;Franklin,From  @ SlaverytoFreedom,p.139.Onestrikingexceptiontothis    generallydismalpicturewastheoverseerfromPennsylvaniawho    protectedNorthrupfromamasterabouttohanghimwiththeaid H   oftwootheroverseersforwhippinghim.SeeNorthrup,Twelve `  YearsaSlave,pp.77,8385. ~$  Ӏ  453    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:189.  ~$  Ӏ  454    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.99,154.Healsocomplains  aboutoverseersonpp.89,90,232.  ~$  Ӏ  455    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,"IdeologyandDeath,"697;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,p.213;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.32123;Stampp, x PeculiarInstitution,pp.5456;FogelandEngerman,Timeonthe @ Cross,1:23637;Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,pp.79,347. S ~$  Ӏ  456    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:24748;Cf.Genovese,Roll,  Jordan,Roll,p.621;Morgan,"OwnershipofPropertybySlaves," x pp.400401.Noticehoworganizingworkbytaskappealedtothe @ slaves'senseoftimeandwork(taskorientation),whiletrying X togetthemtoworkmethodicallybytheclockwasafailure   (timeorientation). ~$  Ӏ  457    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.135. ~$  Ӏ  458    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:136,24748. Q ~$  Ӏ  459    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.136;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,p.240;BlakeAllmendinger,"ActingandSlavery: x RepresentationsofWorkintheWritingsofFannyKemble," @ MississippiQuarterly41(fall1988):512;Starobin,"Disciplining X IndustrialSlaves,"112;Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp.126    27.  ~$  Ӏ  460    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,p.213;Davis,Plantation  Life,p.421.  ~$  Ӏ  461    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Debow'sReview18(March1855):339,quotedbyKolchin,  UnfreeLabor,p.79.  ~$  Ӏ  462    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.16869;Brent,Incidents,  p.123;Drew,Refugee,pp.24950.Formoreonthepatrol x system,seeGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.61719;Stampp, @ PeculiarInstitution,pp.21415. ! ~$  Ӏ  463    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,p.259;Davis,PlantationLife,pp.407  08;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.92. $ ~$  Ӏ  464    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.15051.FreedmanTony  Washingtontellsofasimilarpractice,ibid.,p.32. * ~$  Ӏ  465    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.86(Cato),113  (Robinson)146(Europe);Bassett,PlantationOverseer,p.25.  ~$  Ӏ  466    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,pp.28,3334;Drew,Refugee,pp.70  (Nichols),249(Younger);Mohr,"SlaveryinOglethorpeCounty," x 8;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.41;Olmsted,CottonKingdom, @ 1:356; ~$  Ӏ  467    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.50,76,148. ] ~$  Ӏ  468    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,pp.5758;Kemble,  Journal,pp.1023,135,170;Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp. x 31,32,81;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.8283.Alsonote @ theimplicationsofJacobssayingshecouldlookforno X protectionfromheryoungmistressagainstMr.FlintinBrent,   Incidents,p.18. ~$  Ӏ  469    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.7071,194.  ~$  Ӏ  470    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ball,SlaveryintheUnitedStates,p.58;Botkin,LayMy  BurdenDown,p.119;Drew,Refugee,p.69.However,later,after x hehadbeenchainedtoatree,hepunishedbymakinghimfallon @ hisback. ~$  Ӏ  471    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cf.toGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.51519. ~$  Ӏ  472    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Gutman,SlaveryandtheNumbersGame,p.26.  ~$  Ӏ  473    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Anderson,"AuntJemimainDialectics,"111;Assummarized  inRichardS.SterneandJeanLoftinRothseiden,"MasterSlave x ClashesasForerunnersofPatternsinModernAmericanUrban @ Eruptions,"Phylon30(fall1969):254.  ~$  Ӏ  474    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.133;Blassingame,Slave  Community,pp.21920;Anderson,"AuntJemimainDialectics," x 11112;SterneandRothseiden,"MasterSlaveClashes,"25060.  ~$  Ӏ  475    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.212,287(quote),  25358(policiesofrepression),3089(punishmentstatistics); x "AveryEnglishrising,"TimesLiterarySupplement,Sept.11, @ 1969,ascitedinRule,LabouringClasses,p.360;Hudson, X Shepherd'sLife,pp.23334;HammondandHammond,Village   Labourer,p.279(Cavan),254,266(policiesofrepression).  ~$  Ӏ  476    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.184;Rule,Labouring  Classes,p.360.  ~$  Ӏ  477    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.66,1025;Hammond  andHammond,VillageLaborer,pp.24649,25859;Seealso, x althoughfictionalizedandopposedtotherioters'demands, @ MachineBreakingandtheChangesOccasionedbyItintheVillage X ofTurveyDown:ATaleoftheTimes(Oxford,England:W.   Baxter,1830),pp.2630,asfoundinCarpenter,Risingofthe  AgriculturalWorkers. d ~$  Ӏ  478    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,pp.25052;compare  thesimilardemandsmadeandgrantedinHobsbawmandRude, x CaptainSwing,pp.105,11718. ' ~$  Ӏ  479    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Concerningthecounties'rulerswillingnesstomake  concessions,noteHobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.1617.  ~$  Ӏ  480    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.104,10910,118,  12425,130,152,15860,23133.  ~$  Ӏ  481    ?+ ` hp x (#X?TheremarkablerestraintandorderofEnglishcrowds  duringfoodriotsalsoconfirmsthischaracterization.See x Thompson,"TheMoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowd,"99,10820; @ HammondandHammond,VillageLaborer,pp.11618. ~$  Ӏ  482    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:35051.  ~$  Ӏ  483    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AlexisdeTocqueville,TheOldRegimeandtheFrench  Revolution,trans.StuartGilbert(1856;NewYork:AnchorBooks, x Doubleday,1955),pp.3272;HammondandHammond,Village @ Labourer,pp.1217;HammondandHammond,TownLabourer,pp.60 X 80,269;Arch,JosephArch,p.164.  ~$  Ӏ  484    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,pp.21617.Thepurposeofthisbrief  summaryonenclosureisnottodebatetheoverallmeritsof x enclosure,suchasthetradeoffbetweenincreasedproductionand @ highsocialcostslikeincreasedunemployment,lossofrightsto X  common,etc.  ~$  Ӏ  485    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,GeneralReport,pp.1213,16;Commissionon  EmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,pp.48,52,54;Anscomb, x "ParliamentaryEnclosureinNorthamptonshire,"pp.415416; @ HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,pp.93,9798;Rule,Vital X Century,pp.8687. ~$  Ӏ  486    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,GeneralReport,pp.155,158,16970;cf.p.81.  ~$  Ӏ  487    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,p.32;CommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture,BPP,186768,p.xlvii } ~$  Ӏ  488    ?+ ` hp x (#X?J.Arbuthnot,AnInquiryintotheConnectionbetweenthe  PresentPriceofProvisionsandtheSizeofFarms(1773),as x quotedinSnell,Annals,p.173.Cf.theclergymanforNaseing, @ Essex'scommentthatenclosurelocallyhad"aworthlesscrew X changedtoindustriouslabourers."Young,GeneralReport,p.   156;seealsopp.39192.Thoselivingnearlargecommonswere  considered"irregularintheirhabits"and"wereoftenthemost `  distressedandneedyofthesurroundingpopulation."Commission ( x ontheEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,p.lii. U ~$  Ӏ  489    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.3537;Hammondand  Hammond,VillageLabourer,pp.99101;Rule,VitalCentury,pp. x 8890.  ~$  Ӏ  490    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,p.221;Somerville,Whistler,p.407;  HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.76;Snell,Annals,pp.195 x 97.NotethatYorkshirewasbrokenupintothreedifferent @ "counties"forthesecomparisons;Young,GeneralReport,p.157.  ~$  Ӏ  491    ?+ ` hp x (#X?AsquotedinSnell,Annals,pp.70,77;compareHammonds,  VillageLabourer,pp.11516.  ~$  Ӏ  492    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.34,18283;Snell,  Annals,pp.1719,7273,7880,33436;NormaLandau,"The x RegulationofImmigration,EconomicStructuresandDefinitionsof @ thePoorinEighteenCenturyEngland,"HistoricalJournal33 X (Sept.1990):54172;HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,pp.   10816.Thereisanominoussimilaritybetweenthepre1795  certificatesystemandthepasssystemimposedonslaves,the `  maindifferencesbeingthelatterwasproportionatelymuchless ( x oftenenforced,especiallyinurbanareas,thatitwastiedto  @ givingaidtothepoor,notarestrictiononmovementforthe    sakeofcontrolalone,thatalocalunitofgovernment,nota    master/employer/ownergrantedit,andthedifficultiesimposedin H   instantlyspottingviolatorsbecauseofalackofracial `  differencesbetweenthelaborersandthosewhoenforcedit. b ~$  Ӏ  493    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ArthurYoung,ASixMonthsTourThroughtheNorthof  England2ded.,4vols.(London:W.Trahan,W.Nicol,1771), x 2:129;CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,pp. @ xvi,xvii,xxv,xxvi;Morgan,Harvesters,p.192,footnote14; X Rule,LabouringClasses,p.7980;HammondandHammond,Village   Labourer,p.108. { ~$  Ӏ  494    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Snell,Annals,pp.7476,84;CommissiononEmploymentin  Agriculture,BPP,186768,pp.xiixiii,xx,xxiv;Committeeon x NewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.47 B ~$  Ӏ  495    ?+ ` hp x (#X?J.C.D.Clarksaysenclosure"mayevenhavetendedto  increasethenumbersoflivinginservants,fortheeffectof x moreefficientagriculturewastoincrease,notreducethedemand @ forlabor."Thisassumesnotonlythatthegivenenclosuredid X notreplacearablelandwithpermanentpasture,butgenerally   discountshowenclosureincreasedunemploymentbydrivingmore  workersintolocallabormarkets,especiallyinwinter,since `  theycouldnolongerekeoutalivingoffthelocalcommons. ( x EnglishSociety16881832:Ideology,SocialStructureand  @ PoliticalPracticeDuringtheAncienRegime,CambridgeStudiesin    theHistoryandTheoryofPolitics(Cambridge:Cambridge    UniversityPress,1985),p.68.  ~$  Ӏ  496    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.3031;Somerville,Whistler,p.42;  cf.p.147citedabove(p.208).  ~$  Ӏ  497    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.21920;Chadwick'sletteras  reproducedinCommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,first x report,p.46;HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.4446; @ Snell,Annals,pp.6997,216. f ~$  Ӏ  498    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,Making,p.221;CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,  BPP,1837,firstreport,pp.5354,secondreport,p.18;Agar, x BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.52,64,73;seealsop.76; @ Somerville,Whistler,p.385;Snell,Annals,pp.21018,34852; X Rule,VitalCentury,pp.2324;Hammonds,VillageLabourer,p.   167.  ~$  Ӏ  499    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rushton,"ThePoorLawinNorthEastEngland,"147;  HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.76;Anonymous,TheLifeand x HistoryofSwing;reprinted.,Carpenter,Risingofthe @ AgriculturalLabourers,pp.1819,24;Hammonds,Village X Labourer,p.241;PeterDunkley,"'The'HungryForties'andthe   NewPoorLaw:ACaseStudy,"HistoricalJournal17(June  1974):337338;ReportontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,first `  report,p.71. W ~$  Ӏ  500    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Foracontemporaryanalysisofthisphenomenon,seeGeorge  Gilder,WealthandPoverty(NewYork:BasicBooks,1981),pp. x 14344,154,15661.  ~$  Ӏ  501    ?+ ` hp x (#X?asinAgar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.74.Evenwhen  somethingwasaccomplished,alackofincentiveforfurther x employmentcouldexistwhenoneendsupoverwhelmedwitha @ surplusinventoryofgravel.OneareainYorkshireemployedso X manyatstonebreakingthattheypiledupenoughstonestolast    overeighttotenyearsafteronlythreeorfourmonths.  CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,p.29.  ~$  Ӏ  502    ?+ ` hp x (#X?A.F.Cirket,"The1830RiotsinBedfordshireBackground  andEvents,"BedfordshireHistoricalRecordSociety57 x (1978):107;CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport, @ p.66;CommitteeonPoorLawAmendmentAct,BPP,1837,first X report,p.72;cf.testimonybyfarmerThomasWilliamOvermanof   Bedfordshirein1838,Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.92. c ~$  Ӏ  503    ?+ ` hp x (#X?QuotedbyDunkley,"The'HungryForties,'"340;letterto  E.Chadwick,1836,asfoundinAgar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p. x 131;seealsopp.7879.  ~$  Ӏ  504    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rushton,"ThePoorLaw,"pp.147148.Ontheearly  advocacyandapplicationofthistest,seeDavidEastwood, x "Debate:TheMakingoftheNewPoorLawRedivivus,"Past& @  Present,no.127(May1990),p.191.  ~$  Ӏ  505    ?+ ` hp x (#X?PeterMandler,"MakingoftheNewPoorLawRedivivus,"p.  192,footnote27;Formoreontheworkhouse/prisonanalogy,see x JamesTurner'sexchangeswithJamesFielden,M.P.,inAgar, @ BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.9294.Admittedly,whilethe X authorsofthe1834PoorLawReportwantedtheinmatesofthe   workhousescontinuallyconfined,localexceptionsexisted,such  asinPeterboroughunion,Northampton.Itsguardiansvotedto `  allowtheinfirmandagedtowalkoutsideforfourhoursdailyin ( x certainareas.AnthonyBrundage,"TheEnglishPoorLawof1834  @ andtheCohesionofAgriculturalSociety,"AgriculturalHistory    48(July1974):416.  ~$  Ӏ  506    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.35354;CommitteeonNewPoor  Law,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.70.Interestingly,henotedif x elderlycouples"wishedtolivetogether,theCommissionershave, @ insomecasesrelaxedtherule."TheNorthamptonguardiansin X 1837receivedsuchpermission,fortheyhadpartitionedoffa   roomforelderlycoupleswhowishedtosleeptogether.Brundage,   "EnglishPoorLaw,"416. Z ~$  Ӏ  507    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.35;cf.thedebateovertakingin  partofafamilyinCommitteeonNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,first x report,pp.16,32. p ~$  Ӏ  508    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Formoreonthisgeneraltheme,seeSnell,Annals,pp.  13335.Engelsmentionsthatpauperizedfamiliesweredivided x withinaworkhouse.Condition,pp.32425. ~$  Ӏ  509    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeeCrabbe'spoeminHammonds,VillageLabourer,p.144. v ~$  Ӏ  510    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville'sfictitiousdialog,basedonsolidfacts,said  theworkhousemade"thedietaslowaswillpossiblysustain x life"inordertodeterapplicants.Whistler,p.47.  ~$  Ӏ  511    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Formoreonthedeliberatelybadconditionsinworkhouses  andtheirdeterrentpurposes,seeEngels,Condition,pp.324, x 32629;Dunkley,"The'HungryForties,'"33537;Snell,Annals, @ pp.127,13237;Eastwood,"MakingoftheNewPoorLaw X Redivivus,"19092 0 ~$  Ӏ  512    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Morgan,Harvesters,p.192,n.10;OvermanasinAgar,  BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.75;seealsoGeryonp.52.  ~$  Ӏ  513    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ArthurYoung,AnInquiryintotheProprietyofApplying  WastestotheBetterMaintenanceandSupportofthePoor(Bury x St.Edmunds,1801),citedbySnell,Annals,p.214,footnote144; @ HughWadeGery,testifyingbeforeSelectCommitteeoftheHouse X ofLordsonthePoorLaws,BPP,1818,vol.VasinAgar,   BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.50;seealsoCirket,"1830Riotsin  Bedfordshire,"7576.  ~$  Ӏ  514    ?+ ` hp x (#X?BatchelorforLidlington,CommissiononPoorLaw,BPP,  1834asinAgar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.74;Committeeon x NewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.56;HobsbawmandRude, @ CaptainSwing,p.51.  ~$  Ӏ  515    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,BPP,1838,firstreport,pp.7,  38,46;Brundage,"EnglishPoorLaw,"412. ( ~$  Ӏ  516    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Snell,Annals,pp.12831.Thesearemoneywagesonly,  butSnellmaintainspricesweresimilarfor1833and1837,and x thatfor1850priceswereonly"marginallylower;"Committeeon @ NewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.24;Caird,English X Agriculture,p.85;Somerville,Whistler,p.128. ~$  Ӏ  517    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,186768,p.  xl. o ~$  Ӏ  518    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,p.v;seealsopp.iv,  6,22,40,49,84,110,137;CommissiononEmploymentin x Agriculture,BPP,18671868,pp.xxxi,xxiv. Z ~$  Ӏ  519    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,pp.12,24,40,84;  Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.7,22;Young,SixMonths x Tour,2:26164. r ~$  Ӏ  520    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Young,GeneralReport,pp.1415,16466;Committeeon  Allotments,BPP,1843,pp.11,15,17,22;seealsopp.v,12, x 32,113;Arch,JosephArch,pp.34243.  ~$  Ӏ  521    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cirket,"1830RiotsinBedfordshire,"10910;Hammonds,  VillageLabourer,pp.15657;CommitteeonAllotments,1843,BPP, x p.iii.Foranexampleofhowatwilltenanciesorinsecure @ tenurecouldintimidatefarmerswhenpublicvotingwasdone,see X Arch,JosephArch,pp.5960;cf.Somerville,Whistler,p.129.   Asforallotmentsstillnotbeingespeciallyextensiveevenmid  century,seeCommissiononEmploymentinAgriculture,BPP,1867 `  68,firstreport,p.xxxii. \ ~$  Ӏ  522    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,pp.2,16,39,47,  106,108;Somerville,Whistler,pp.3334;Morgan,Harvesters, x pp.13940,148.  ~$  Ӏ  523    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.34445,360.Actuallythe  administrativecostsandthelossofrentmaynothavebeenmuch x greater,otherthanagentsspendingmoretimewhilecollecting @ frommorepeople,becauselaborerswithallotmentsreliablypaid X theirrentinatleastsomecases.Inonecase,thelandlordhad   lostonlyonequarterof1percentofrentcharged.See  CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,pp.17,112,119.  ~$  Ӏ  524    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommissiononAllotments,BPP,1843,p.47;Jeffries,  Hodge,1:152;Somerville,Whistler,p.33;Arch,JosephArch,p. x 344;Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.7.  ~$  Ӏ  525    ?+ ` hp x (#X?myemphasis,Young,ASixWeeksTourThroughtheSouthern  CountiesofEnglandandWales,2ded.(London:W.Strahan,W. x Nicoll,etc.,1769),pp.324325;CommitteeonAllotments,BPP, @ 1843,p.47.  ~$  Ӏ  526    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,"Time,WorkDiscipline,IndustrialCapitalism,"  6061,9097.Curiously,whenhewaxesphilosophicalonthe x natureoftaskorientationtowardstheendofthisarticle,he @ largelyforgetsthiscrucialinsight.Necessarily,ifitisthe X divisionoflaborthatcreatestimedisciplinethroughhavingthe   managersandthemanagedinacentralworkplace--theessenceof  thefactorysystem--thenwhoownsthemeansofproduction, `  whetheritbethestateorprivateindividuals,becomes ( x irrelevanttotheswitchoverfromtaskorientationtotime  @ orientation,astheSovietexperienceinthe1930sdemonstrates.  ~$  Ӏ  527    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,asfoundin  Agar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.88. u ~$  Ӏ  528    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Suchpoliciesbackfiredthen,astheydotoday,forthe  basicreasonCairdsaw:"Nolabourismoreunprofitablethan x thatwhichisunderpaid."EnglishAgriculture,p.73. a ~$  Ӏ  529    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,2:60;Arch,JosephArch,p.340;Young,  GeneralReport,p.105;Morgan,Harvesters,pp.11014;seealso x pp.53,95,98,1067formoreonpiecework'sextensiveuse @ duringharvest;Caird,EnglishAgriculture,p.248;Royal X CommissiononLabour,1893,asfoundinAgar,BedfordshireFarm   Worker,p.32. ~$  Ӏ  530    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,"Time,WorkDiscipline,IndustrialCapitalism,"  7679.  ~$  Ӏ  531    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.164;seealsopp.15354;Hammond  andHammond,VillageLabourer,p.14;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife, x pp.22930;Jeffries,Hodge,1:141.Sinceinthisworkheis @ generallysympathetictotheruralelite,thisdescriptiongains X weight. | ~$  Ӏ  532    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,TownLabourer,p.62.Formoreon  thisgeneraltheme,seeThompson,Making,pp.10777,219,222; x HammondandHammond,TownLabourer,pp.80,94. X ~$  Ӏ  533    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JohnStyles,"Crimein18thCenturyEngland,"History  Today38(Mar.1988):41;Jeffries,Hodge,2:1317;Arch,Joseph x Arch,p.152. ~$  Ӏ  534    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,pp.16768. X ~$  Ӏ  535    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.151152.Fortheignoranceofthe  lawamongtheSwingRioters,seeHammondandHammond,Village x Labourer,p.276. ~$  Ӏ  536    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.15253. U ~$  Ӏ  537    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forsomeofthesespecificlawsandcases,seeHudson,  Shepherd'sLife,pp.22730;HammondandHammond,Village x Labourer,pp.27275. ~$  Ӏ  538    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Forexample,seetheHammondandHammond,Village  Labourer,pp.200202. ~$  Ӏ  539    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,p.280. ~$  Ӏ  540    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Morgan,Harvesters,pp.12426. ~$  Ӏ  541    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,pp.198200. ~$  Ӏ  542    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,TownLabourer,p.63.  ~$  Ӏ  543    ?+ ` hp x (#X?OnScottishbailiffs,seeHammondandHammond,Village  Labourer,pp.21112;ForArch'sideasontherelationship x betweenthelaborersandfarmers,seeArch,JosephArch,pp.35 @ 37,12830,17576,314;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.21617.  ~$  Ӏ  544    ?+ ` hp x (#X?IbelievethatwhileClark'sthesisisperfectly  sustainableformostoftheeighteenthcentury,itsfull x credibilityisseriouslyunderminedafterc.1795bythe @ aftereffectsoftheFrenchRevolutionandthewarswithFrance, X includingthegrowthofartisanalradicalism. ~$  Ӏ  545    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Brundage,"EnglishPoorLaw,"4067,41617. ~$  Ӏ  546    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Mandler,"MakingoftheNewPoorLawRedivivus,"194201.  ~$  Ӏ  547    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Evans,ForgingoftheModernState,p.146;ascitedin  Rule,LabouringClasses,p.360;HobsbawmandRude,Captain x Swing,pp.17,52;seealsop.47;Ontheoppositionofthepoor, @ seeSnell,Annals,pp.13337;Brundage,"EnglishPoorLaw,"408 X  9. ~$  Ӏ  548    _?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonNewPoorLaw,_BPP_,1837,p.48. D ~$  Ӏ  549    _?+ ` hp x (#X?_Jeffries_,_Hodge_,2:61;_Snell_,Annals,p.260. { ~$  Ӏ  550    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Snell,Annals,pp.6769,101103,321322.Whiledealing  withanurban,industrialcontext,Engelsmadethesamepoint. x Condition,p.138;HowardNewby,"TheDeferentialDialectic," @ ComparativeStudiesinSocietyandHistory17(April1975):155 X 57;Arch,JosephArch,p.249;Jeffries,Hodge,1:135;Hobsbawm   andRude,CaptainSwing,p.38. } ~$  Ӏ  551    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,p.25;Somerville,  Whistler,pp.12122;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.29394; x Eastwood,"MakingoftheNewPoorLawRedivivus,"192. V ~$  Ӏ  552    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,pp.22627;  HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.69;Newby,"TheDeferential x Dialectic,"16163.  ~$  Ӏ  553    ?+ ` hp x (#X?From1770to1851,Nonconformityrosefromhavingjusta  halfmillionoutofsevenmillioninEngland,toslightlyover x halfofthechurchgoingpopulationin1851,withoverhalfthe @ populationnotattendingchurchatall.Clark,EnglishSociety, X p.89. / ~$  Ӏ  554    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JamesObelkevitch,ReligionandRuralSociety:South  Lindsey18251875,asquotedinClark,EnglishSociety,p.68.  ~$  Ӏ  555    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Snell,Annals,p.136.ConfirmingSnell'sviewpoint,  althoughinanurban,artisanalcontext,wastheleading x grievanceofChartistoratorstheNewPoorLaw.Rule,Labouring @ Classes,p.390;alsoseeThomson,EnglandintheNineteenth X Century,p.71. ~$  Ӏ  556    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.42,1012,140,153.  ~$  Ӏ  557    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Newbynotesthattheoutwardsignsofdeference,suchas  bowing,saluting,etc.,arenotwithoutmeaning,becausethey x allowthesuperordinatetomaintainhissocialdistance(avoid @ "fraternizing"andexcessiveidentificationwithbythe X subordinate)whileroutinelyengaginginthecloseknitfaceto   faceinteractionbywhichtraditionalauthorityisexercised.  Sincehegemonyisfundamentallybaseduponthethinkingofthe `  subordinateclassinquestion,usingastrictlybehavioral ( x definitionofdeferencehaslittlebearingonthequestionofthe  @ elite'ssuccessingettingthesubordinateclasstobelievein    itsideology.Asaresult,amaskcanconcealaconsiderable    amountofclassconsciousness.Newby,"DeferentialDialectic," H   14243,15860. ~$  Ӏ  558    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.385. ^ ~$  Ӏ  559    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Clarkinsiststhattheessenceofpatriarchalismhis  preferredtermforthesameconceptishierarchyanddivinely x appointed,inherentauthoritybasedonthemodelofthefamily @ beingappliedanalogouslytothestate.Itisnot"fatherlycare X asaglossoncollectivism,orthedegreeofkindlinesswemight   fancywecanmeasureinsocialrelations."Butforthisdoctrine  tohavelegitimacytothelowerclass,itmustinvolvemorethan `  mereobedienceandsubjectiontotheupperclass.Paternalismis ( x notjustmere"dictatorship"or"tyranny,"butinvolvesasystem  @ ofunequalrightsanddutiesinwhichtheupperclassisfavored    becausesupposedlyitlooksoutfortheinterestsofallof    society,includingthelowerclass,notjustitsown.WhileClark H   rightlypointsout,inareplytoE.P.Thompson,that"amodel `  whichrelieson'emotionalcosiness'orjusticeasfairnessis (  likelytobeapplicabletonoperiod,"historians(ifthe   documentationisavailable)canstillcrudelygaugehowmuchofa h  realitythisaspectofthepaternalisticmodelhas.TheNewPoor 0  Lawof1834,combinedwithsuchgenerallyearliermovesas H  enclosure,thedeclineofservice,andthetighteningofthe  screwsonreliefundertheOldPoorLaw,weredecisivesignsthat  theupperclasswasrewritingthesocialcontract,andturning P awayfrompaternalisminpractice.Thegrowingacceptanceinthe h earlynineteenthcenturyofMalthusianismandClassicaleconomics 0 amongtheruralelite--somethingwhichClarkwouldcontest--may  nothavereducedthehypocrisylevelgreatly,dependingonhow p oftenpaternalisticrhetoricwasresortedtosimultaneously,or 8 bythesameindividuals.SeeClark,EnglishSociety,pp.7475. ~$  Ӏ  560    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,pp.113,137.  ~$  Ӏ  561    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ontherisingofthelaborers'politicalconsciousnessand  thefarmworkers'unions,notetheincidentaldiscussionbyG.E. x MingayinHartwell,TheLongDebateonPoverty,pp.43,45. J ~$  Ӏ  562    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,p.75;Committeeonthe  NewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,p.16;secondreport,p. x 23.  ~$  Ӏ  563    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ofcourse,thoselaborerswholivedincloseparisheswith  tiedcottages,i.e.,farmerorlandlordprovided("company") x housinggenerallyhadbetterhousing,butweresubjectto @ significantlymorecontrol.Iftheywerefired,theylosttheir X jobsandhomesjustasinstantly."Mr.Trethewy,agenttoLady   Cowper[inBedfordshire,wherethefarmershadfullcontrolover  thecottagesandwholivedinthemonherestatessaid]...he `  hasneverknownanyevilresulttothelabourerfromhisbeing ( x broughtmoreunderthecontrolofthefarmer."Agar,  @ BedfordshireFarmWorker,p.21. } ~$  Ӏ  564    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Admittedly,thepoorrateshadfallennearlyonethird  fromthe181520periodto183035,bearingwitnesstotherural x elite'ssuccessintighteningthescrewsinthelastyearsofthe @ OldPoorLaw.Mulhallestimatedthepencepaidperinhabitantin X Englandunderitfellfrom152to114duringthistime,andasa   percentofthenationalincome,3.25to1.75.HobsbawmandRude,  CaptainSwing,p.51.Thefallinproductivitycombinedwiththe `  fearsinducedbytheSwingRiotsmayhavebeenasimportant ( x reasonsforthepassageoftheNewPoorLawashighpoorrates. ~$  Ӏ  565    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CitedbyThompson,"Time,WorkDiscipline,Industrial  Capitalism,"84. ~$  Ӏ  566    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.235.  ~$  Ӏ  567    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arguably,athirdexists,Elkins'"Sambo"hypothesis,but  itdiffersconsiderablyfromthesetwo.Hisanalysisusessocial x psychologyandmaintainsthepressuresofslaverybentthe @ V personalityoftheslaves,notsomuchtheirideology,asis  discussedinthenextsection(pp.333336). + ~$  Ӏ  568    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ForsomeofScott'srelevantpointsonthismatter,see  Scott,DominationandtheArtsofResistance,pp.190,19394.  ~$  Ӏ  569    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.598;FogelandEngerman,  TimeontheCross,2:210,225.  ~$  Ӏ  570    ?+ ` hp x (#X?"Theslaves'responsetopaternalismandtheirimaginative  creationofapartiallyautonomousreligionprovidedarecordof x simultaneousaccommodationandresistancetoslavery."Genovese, @ Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.597,598. ~$  Ӏ  571    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Anderson,"AuntJemimainDialectics,"113.  ~$  Ӏ  572    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jones,ReligiousInstruction,pp.130131,ascitedin  Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp.316;Chesnut,DiaryfromDixie, x pp.269,29293.Seealsop.433.Incidently,andironically, @ thisofficer'sservantlikelyconstitutesastrikingcaseof X successfulhegemonicindoctrination. ~$  Ӏ  573    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.51011;Scott,  Domination,p.24. ~$  Ӏ  574    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Brent,Incidents,pp.162,173;Drew,Refugee,pp.86,  134. ; ~$  Ӏ  575    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.90;Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.66,  13233;Brent,Incidents,p.159;Kemble,Journal,p.134. } ~$  Ӏ  576    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.200,363,43334;Botkin,Lay  MyBurdenDown,pp.16465,190;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:340; x Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.9091 a ~$  Ӏ  577    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.3;Kemble,Journal,p.49;  seealsopp.120,263andOlmsted,CottonKingdom,1:105for x similardeclarations.  ~$  Ӏ  578    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeethediscussioninGenovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.  60912;Kemble,Journal,p.283.  ~$  Ӏ  579    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,pp.53,55,135,139,309;Allmendinger,  "ActingandSlavery,"51013.  ~$  Ӏ  580    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kemble,Journal,pp.16364;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,  1:47.Whilehenotedhowoneblackmanstronglyprotested x againstthreewhiteswhoshovedandhithimoutintothemiddle @ ofthestreet,thisdefiancewasexceptional.  ~$  Ӏ  581    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:26061;Ball,Slaveryinthe  UnitedStates,p.58. ` ~$  Ӏ  582    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thebestoverviewofthiscontroversyis:AnnJ.Lane,  ed.,TheDebateOverSlavery:StanleyElkinsandHisCritics x (Urbana,IL:UniversityofIllinoisPress,1971).Ablistering @ critiqueofElkins,althoughitstargetisoftenonlyclearto X thosefamiliarwiththiscontroversy,isinBlassingame,Slave   Community.Aexcellentandreasonablybriefcritiqueofthe  Elkinsthesisis:KennethM.Stampp,"RebelsandSambos:The `  SearchfortheNegro'sPersonalityinSlavery,"Journalof ( x SouthernHistory37(Aug.1971):36792.HughTullochnotesthat  @ theElkinsthesiswas"daring,cogentlyarguedandsatisfying    V complete,buthadthesingledisadvantageofbeingwrong,and  everystudythereafterhascontributedtotheslowaccumulation x ofcounterevidenceandimplicitrebuttal.""ButtheCatHimself @ Knows:SlaveryintheAnteBellumSouth--AHistoriographical X Survey,"HistoryToday30(May1980):58.  ~$  Ӏ  583    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,1:232;Scott,  Domination,pp.8385.  ~$  Ӏ  584    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,"ReflectionsontheBlackWoman'sRole,"85;  Elkins,Slavery,p.133,n.106;Farmer'sRegister5(May x 1837):32,ascitedinStamp,"RebelsandSambos,"391;MaryAgnes @ Lewis,"Notes:SlaveryandPersonality:AFurtherComment," X AmericanQuarterly21(spring1967):118;Blassingame,Slave   Community,pp.22326;WilliamW.Nichols,"SlaveNarratives:  DismissedEvidenceintheWritingofSouthernHistory,"Phylon32 `  (winter1971):4049.Forsomeoneinsightfullydrawingattention ( x tothesimilaritiestoGenovese'sandElkins'stheses,see  @ RichardH.King,"ReviewEssay:MarxismandtheSlaveSouth,"    AmericanQuarterly29(spring1977):126. r ~$  Ӏ  585    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.6,2526,46,49;  Douglass,Narrative,p.33;Davis,PlantationLife,p.211; x Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.12427. ~$  Ӏ  586    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,pp.75,106,192,239,346,359,  406,409,410. ) ~$  Ӏ  587    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Lichtenstein,"'ThatPredispositiontoTheft,''42432;  Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:196;Drew,Refugee,p.157. ~$  Ӏ  588    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.187,359. ~ ~$  Ӏ  589    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.32;Lichtenstein,"'That  PredispositiontoTheft',"pp.42223;Olmsted,CottonKingdom, x 2:37,177,19596;Chesnut,DiaryfromDixie,p.348.  ~$  Ӏ  590    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:106.Foranexampleofaslave  feelingperfectlyjustifiedinsuccessfullyhoodwinkinghis x owner'sintogivinghimhisunpaidwagesbeforerunningaway,and @ Jacobs'somewhatreluctantendorsement,seeIncidents,p.198; X Kemble,Journal,p.277.  ~$  Ӏ  591    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:219;Lichtenstein,"'That  DispositiontoTheft,'"413439;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll, x pp.6089;In"TheOldAllegiance,"summarizedbyLaurenceShore, @ "ThePovertyofTragedyinHistoricalWritingonSouthern X Slavery,"SouthAtlanticQuarterly85(spring1986):152;Robert   L.Paquette,"SocialHistoryUpdate:SlaveResistanceandSocial  History,"JournalofSocialHistory24(spring1991):684.  ~$  Ӏ  592    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:118121,149,153,238;2:198  200,38081;Davis,PlantationLife,pp.90,123,132,148,157, x 214,231,244,311,329;seealsoBotkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p. @ 72;Kemble,Journal,p.50.  ~$  Ӏ  593    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:208;Davis,PlantationLife,  pp.135,160,219,232,244.Forfurtherdocumentation,seethe x priorsectiondealingwithslaveholders'controlstrategies(pp. @ 23135). N ~$  Ӏ  594    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:99100;Blassingame,Slave  Community,pp.277,280,282;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,p. x 305.  ~$  Ӏ  595    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.5266.SeealsoBotkin,  LayMyBurdenDown,p.195;Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,pp.27677, x 295;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.1621,35758,38182.  ~$  Ӏ  596    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Armstrong,OldMassa'sPeople,pp.15253;Olmsted,Cotton  Kingdom,1:71.  ~$  Ӏ  597    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.165;Armstrong,OldMassa's  People,pp.126,17374;Davis,"ChangingPlaces,"657,67275; x Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.9596;Davis,PlantationLife, @ p.381. % ~$  Ӏ  598    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.5761;Gavindiaryas  citedinStampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.11415.  ~$  Ӏ  599    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.299300.Unquestionably,themild  treatmentcharacteristicofherareawasduetotheextreme x closenessoftheIllinoisborderacrosstheMississippi. @ Slaveholdersinsuchareaswereencouragedtotreattheirslaves X welltoavoidtheexpensesofrecapturingthemintheNorth.  ~$  Ӏ  600    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.130;Drew,Refugee,pp.  2067;Davis,PlantationLife,pp.135,359;seealsop.163; x Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:200;andBassett,PlantationOverseer, @ p.154formoreonhowinflictingpunishmentcouldbackfire X againstslaveholders. ~$  Ӏ  601    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,p.180. 4 ~$  Ӏ  602    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.115;Douglass,Narrative,  p.80;Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,p.288;Olmsted,CottonKingdom, x 2:200;Davis,PlantationLife,p.288;Drew,Refugee,pp.2045; @ Northrup,TwelveYearsaSlave,pp.97101,10611;Genovese, X Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.65556. r ~$  Ӏ  603    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.85,95;Drew,Refugee,pp.  5658,140,164;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.18;Genovese, x Roll,Jordan,Roll,p.654.  ~$  Ӏ  604    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.28889;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:161  62(seealso2:2122);Davis,PlantationLife,pp.215,217,227, x 341;Brent,Incidents,pp.117,151,210;Botkin,LayMyBurden @ Down,pp.17980;Drew,Refugee,p.145. ~$  Ӏ  605    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,p.293. ) ~$  Ӏ  606    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Bassett,PlantationOverseer,p.79;WilliamS.Willis,  "DivideandRule:Red,White,andBlackintheSoutheast," x JournalofNegroHistory48(July1963):16365;Davis, @ "ReflectionsontheBlackWoman'sRole,"91;Palmer,"Servant X intoSlave,"367;Watson,"ImpulseTowardIndependence,"323.  ~$  Ӏ  607    ?+ ` hp x (#X?KennethWigginsPorter,"NegroesandtheSeminoleWar,  18351842,"JournalofSouthernHistory30(Nov.1964):42750; x Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:155.Thestoryhadbeendifferent @ earlier:seeWatson,"ImpulseTowardIndependence,"322. w ~$  Ӏ  608    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.59091.Palmares,a  hugemarooncolony,hadupwardsof20,000blacks,andwagedwars x withtheDutchandPortugueseforoverahalfcentury. R ~$  Ӏ  609    ?+ ` hp x (#X?MexicowasthefavoreddestinationofTexanslavesseeking  permanentfreedom.Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:372;2:78,20, x  9192,153. D ~$  Ӏ  610    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Barrowhadoneslave,"nearlywhite"whoranawayfromhim  andanotherplanterin1835whosuccessfullyreachedCanadaall x thewayfromLouisiana.In1841hewrote,andaskedforthe @ fundstoreturntoslaveryinLouisiana.Thiscertainlyseemsa X trick,becauseofthepositiveportrayalofconditionsinCanada   foundinDrew,notmentioninghowmostslavesdefinitely  preferredfreedomoverbondagewhengivenanopportunityforit. `  Davis,PlantationLife,p.231;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp. ( x 9294.  ~$  Ӏ  611    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,p.v;Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,pp.28890.  Kolchincitesquantitativestudiesofclassifiedadsabout x runawayslaves.Onestudyfound76.6percentofthefugitives @ foundintheclassifiedadsoftheSouthCarolinaGazettewere X male,and88.3percentofthoselistedintheVirginiaGazette   duringasixtysevenyearperiodintheeighteencentury.Daniel  Meader,usingeighteenthcenturySouthCarolinanewspapers,found `  2,001runawayslistedin1,806notices,averagingoutto1.11 ( x fugitiveperescape.MichaelJohn'sstudyofgroupflightsbased  @ onCharlestonnewspapersbetween1799and1830found70percent    ofthemconsistedoftwopeopleonly.Thisevidenceundermines    Drew'sstatementthat"manyofthechildren"includedinthis H   populationof30,000couldhavebeenrefugeesfromslavery, `  especiallywhenthelogisticsofflightfavoredsolitarystrong (  unburdenedindividualadultswhocouldmoreeasilyhide,evade,   andescapefrompursuers. y ~$  Ӏ  612    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.648,652;Kolchin,  UnfreeLabor,p.287;Franklin,FromSlaverytoFreedom,p.194; x Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.3031.  ~$  Ӏ  613    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Olmsted,CottonKingdom,2:153;Kolchindrawsasharp  contrastbetweentheindividualisticchoicesofrunawayslaves x V withthecollectiveflightoffamiliesandvillagesamongRussian  serfs.UnfreeLabor,pp.28385,28890. U ~$  Ӏ  614    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,p.113;Drew,Refugee,pp.  16768;Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:249,2:2078;Thetestimonyof x AnnieColey,citedbyMichaelP.Johnson,"SmotheredSlave @ Infants:WereSlaveMothersatFault?,"JournalofSouthern X History47(Nov.1981):514;Bassett,PlantationOverseer,pp.18   19.  ~$  Ӏ  615    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Douglass,Narrative,p.83;Drew,Refugee,pp.42,15859,  16370,25556.  ~$  Ӏ  616    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Botkin,LayMyBurdenDown,pp.17576;Chesnut,Diary  fromDixie,pp.13940,14548,15152;Olmsted,CottonKingdom, x 2:13;Watson,"ImpulseTowardIndependence,"320;Kemble, @ Journal,pp.295,31314.  ~$  Ӏ  617    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,p.233;Formoreonslaves  killingorattackingtheirownersandtheirsupervisors,see: x Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.36163;Franklin,FromSlavery @ toFreedom,p.152;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.13032. 1 ~$  Ӏ  618    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.58893;Blassingame,  SlaveCommunity,pp.21421;Elkins,Slavery,pp.13637.  ~$  Ӏ  619    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,pp.51,53,57,23435,237;  Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp.59091;Blassingame,Slave x Community,pp.21415;FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,pp. @ 21,23;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.3031.  ~$  Ӏ  620    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp.21415;Genovese,Roll,  Jordan,Roll,pp.21415;FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross, x pp.26,28,242;Elkins,Slavery,pp.13637;Kolchin,Slavery, @ pp.236,25354,34352,36365.  ~$  Ӏ  621    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HerbertAptheker,AmericanNegroSlaveRevolts,Columbia  UniversityStudiesintheSocialSciences,no.501(NewYork: x ColumbiaUniversityPress,1943);Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll, @ pp.58788,59697.TullochnotedthatwhileApthekerwrotein X termsof250slaverevoltsintheSouth,"mostofthem,itturned   out,document[ed]Whitefearsandrumoursratherthanactual  physicaloutbreaksofrebellion.""ButtheCatHimselfKnows," `  5758.  ~$  Ӏ  622    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Myemphasis,Olmsted,CottonKingdom,1:42.Seealso  MarionD.deB.Kilson,"TowardsFreedom:AnAnalysisofSlave x RevoltsintheUnitedStates,"Phylon25(summer1964):187; @ Chesnut,DiaryfromDixie,p.456.  ~$  Ӏ  623    ?+ ` hp x (#X?RichardC.Wade,"TheVeseyPlot:AReconsideration,"  JournalofSouthernHistory30(May1964):150. ~$  Ӏ  624    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Elkins,Slavery,pp.21822;Stampp,"RebelsandSambos,"  36970. ' ~$  Ӏ  625    ?+ ` hp x (#X?EdwinA.Miles,"TheMississippiSlaveInsurrectionScare  of1835,"JournalofNegroHistory42(Jan.1957):4956. f ~$  Ӏ  626    ?+ ` hp x (#X?ChristopherMorris,"AnEventinCommunityOrganization:  TheMississippiSlaveInsurrectionScareof1835,"Journalof x SocialHistory22(fall1988):93111.  ~$  Ӏ  627    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.198,200,215217;  Formoreonthesepanics,andtheoverkillsandcontinual x suspicionsofthewhites,seeBlassingame,SlaveCommunity,pp. @ 23038;Stampp,PeculiarInstitution,pp.13639;Franklin,From X SlaverytoFreedom,p.218;DonnieD.Bellamy,"Slaveryin   Microcosm:OnslowCounty,NorthCarolina,"JournalofNegro  History62(Oct.1977):34647;Genovese,Roll,Jordan,Roll,pp. `  59597.  ~$  Ӏ  628    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Kolchin,UnfreeLabor,pp.5961,98102,13235,156,  23539,289,34849.  ~$  Ӏ  629    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FogelandEngerman,TimeontheCross,2:210;Kolchin,  UnfreeLabor,pp.24243. k ~$  Ӏ  630    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Paquette,"SocialHistoryUpdate,"682684;King,"Marxism  andtheSlaveSouth,"127,discussingGenovese.Henotesthe x escapedslavesinsomemarooncolonies"sanctionedformsof @ dependencyincludingslavery,"whichdemonstratestheywerenot X rebellingagainsttheideaofslaveryinitselfnecessarilyby   choosingtorunawaytojointhesegroupstobeginwith.  ~$  Ӏ  631    ?+ ` hp x (#X?"Notallpeoplehavesurvivedenslavement;henceher[the  slavewoman's]survivaloriented[whichincludeddomesticlabor x suchascooking,sewing,washing,raisingchildren,andcleaning @ house]activitieswerethemselvesaformofresistance."Wright, X "ReflectionsontheBlackWoman'sRole,"8687. { ~$  Ӏ  632    ?+ ` hp x (#X?DaleEdwardWilliams,"Morals,marketsandtheEnglish  crowdin1766,"PastandPresent,no.104(August1984),pp.69 x 70,asnotedinHarrison,CrowdsandHistory,p.13. 5 ~$  Ӏ  633    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.141,404;Arch,JosephArch,pp.  15052,15859,162;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.21213. ? ~$  Ӏ  634    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Somerville,Whistler,pp.3839,27279;Hudson,  Shepherd'sLife,pp.7980,8490.SeealsoEmsley,"Crimein x 19thCenturyBritain,"44;RobertLong'sdiaryasfoundinAgar, @ BefordshireFarmWorker,p.111;HammondandHammond,Village X Labourer,pp.186,191;Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.15960,43536.  ~$  Ӏ  635    ?+ ` hp x (#X?citedbyHammondandHammond,VillageLabourer,p.187;  Arch,JosephArch,pp.159161;cf.Bawcombe'sattitudein x Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,p.81andCobbett,RuralRides,pp.438 @ 440. ~$  Ӏ  636    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.155;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.  80,94. O ~$  Ӏ  637    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Cobbett,RuralRides,pp.160,44041;Hammondand  Hammond,VillageLaborer,pp.188,190;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife, x p.54.  ~$  Ӏ  638    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.16364.Comparingthisattitudeto  FrederickDouglass'on"taking"isespeciallyinstructive. x HoweverironicforthelineArchdrewhere,aroundKirdfordin @ SussexaftertheNewPoorLawwentintooperation,allofthe X "fowls"ofonefarmerandmostofhisneighborhadbeenstolen,   andpilferinggenerallyhadincreased.CommitteeonNewPoor  Law,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.10.  ~$  Ӏ  639    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeonAllotments,BPP,1843,p.2;Jeffries,Hodge,  2:88;Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.22122,22427;Arch,Joseph x Arch,p.14;Somerville,Whistler,p.95.Seealsopp.273,407 @ 8.  ~$  Ӏ  640    ?+ ` hp x (#X?JoannaInnesandJohnStyles,"TheCrimeWave:Recent  WritingonCrimeandCriminalJusticeinEighteenthCentury x England,"JournalofBritishStudies25(Oct.1986):38995; @ Styles,"Crimein18thCenturyEngland,"3839;Hammondand X Hammond,VillageLabourer,p.189. m ~$  Ӏ  641    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Formoreonthiscauseofcrime,seeCommitteeon  Allotments,BPP,1843,p.32;MarkBaker,"AspectsoftheLifeof x theWiltshireAgriculturalLabourer,c.1850,"Wiltshire @ ArchaeologicalMagazine74/75(1981):64.Somerville,Whistler, X pp.13940tiescrimestotheinsecurityofworkcomingfromat   willtenanciesandthelackofannualhirings. ~$  Ӏ  642    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.147.  ~$  Ӏ  643    ?+ ` hp x (#X?asquotedinSnell,Annals,pp.67.Thetowndwellers,  richormiddleclass,knewlittlebetterthemindofthe x farmworkers.SeeHobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,p.12. @ Interestingly,thestereotypesofSamboandHodgedivergein X severalkeyaspects,althoughtheyareinevitablyselfserving   creationsofthedominantclassinbothsocieties.Samboisseen  asaperpetualchild,asbeingfunlovingandenergeticbut `  irresponsible,whileHodgeisseenasslowingaitandtalk,as ( x noncommunicativeandmonosyllabic,but,nevertheless,asan  @ adult,asmoresteadyinhishabits,despitehispubfrequenting. ~$  Ӏ  644    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,p.11. j ~$  Ӏ  645    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.9496;Committeeon  Allotments,BPP,1843,p.10;Jeffries,Hodge,1:131,134; x Cirket,"1830RiotsinBedfordshire,"96. o ~$  Ӏ  646    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CommitteeontheNewPoorLaw,BPP,1837,firstreport,  p.4;foracaseofopposition,seeMorgan,Harvesters,p.123; x Olmsted,WalksandTalks,p.273. ~$  Ӏ  647    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.96,106,108,174220. ~$  Ӏ  648    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Ibid.,p.40. q ~$  Ӏ  649    ?+ ` hp x (#X?BogusiaWojciechowska,"Brenchley:AStudyofMigratory  MovementsinaMidNineteenthCenturyRuralParish,"Local x PopulationStudies,no.41(autumn1988),pp.3235. ~$  Ӏ  650    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,1:122. ~$  Ӏ  651    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Snell,Annals,pp.33839. / ~$  Ӏ  652    ?+ ` hp x (#X?FactoryCommission,SupplementaryReport,1834,parti,p.  169,ascitedintheHammondandHammond,TownLabourer,p.12.  ~$  Ӏ  653    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Jeffries,Hodge,1:66;asfoundinAgar,BedfordshireFarm  Worker,pp.1078. ~$  Ӏ  654    ?+ ` hp x (#X?CompareScott,Domination,pp.21319. / ~$  Ӏ  655    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Thompson,"MoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowd,"76136.  SeealsoHarrison,CrowdsandHistory,pp.1213;Hammondand x Hammond,VillageLabourer,pp.11618,17374.Byextrapolating @ fromtheunusualrestlessnessofCornishminers,Rulemistakenly X seesfoodriotsascommon.LabouringClasses,pp.34853. ~$  Ӏ  656    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeeRule,LabouringClasses,pp.35153. A ~$  Ӏ  657    ?+ ` hp x (#X?OntheSwingRiotsgenerally,seeHobsbawmandRude,  CaptainSwing,passim,butespeciallypp.170,17375,195203, x 212,262,35758;Hammonds,VillageLabourer,pp.239326;Rule, @ LabouringClasses,pp.35763;E.P.Thompson,Making,pp.22629; X Hudson,Shepherd'sLife,pp.195201,203,207,22935;Cirket,   "1830RiotsinBedfordshire,"75112;BarbaraKerr,Boundtothe  Soil:AsocialHistoryofDorset17501918(London:JohnBaker, `  1968),pp.100115;Somerville,Whistler,pp.26165.  ~$  Ӏ  658    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Onlaborers'distasteforthreshing,seeHudson,  Shepherd'sLife,p.207.OntheconnectionbetweenSwingand x Reform,andtheeffectsonwagesandmachinethreshing,see @ Thompson,Making,p.228;Dyke,"CobbettandtheRadicalRural X Platform,"p.199;foramorecautiousanalysisofthepolitical   connections,andforthemarginaleconomicbenefitsofmachine  threshing,seeHobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.29699,359 `  65;onmaskthickening,seeReportfromSelectCommitteeonPoor ( x LawAmendmentAct,BPP,1837,secondreport,p.10;seealso  @ firstreport,pp.38,49. ~$  Ӏ  659    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,pp.31012. H ~$  Ӏ  660    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeetheresearchofJonesandLowersoncitedinRule,  LabouringClasses,p.362;Hammonds,VillageLabourer,pp.237 x 38.  ~$  Ӏ  661    ?+ ` hp x (#X?HobsbawmandRude,CaptainSwing,pp.29296.Amongthe  leadersoftheAgriculturalLabourers'Unionthatbeganin1872, x mostwerelocalMethodistpreacherssuchasArchsometimeswas @ himself,whilenoneweretrainedforserviceasAnglicans.Arch, X JosephArch,pp.xixii. K ~$  Ӏ  662    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.6773;Jonesiscitedin  Wojciechowska,"Brenchley,"p.30;Caird,EnglishAgriculture, x pp.512,514.  ~$  Ӏ  663    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.xiii,110111,235,25354,275,  281,28889,333,376,38086,39091,401;forthe1875split, x seeAgar,BedfordshireFarmWorker,pp.810,(Long),p.109. ~$  Ӏ  664    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Rule,LabouringClasses,p.20.  ~$  Ӏ  665    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.13437,23334;Somerville,  Whistler,pp.381382. ~$  Ӏ  666    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Blassingame,SlaveCommunity,p.219;Arch,JosephArch,  pp.7475. 8 ~$  Ӏ  667    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Seethe"PublicNotice"reproducedinHobsbawmandRude,  CaptainSwing,pp.156.Thompson,Making,p.226ignoresthis x responsebyanumberoflocalmagistrateswhenhewrotetheriots @ were"metwiththesamesenseofoutrageasarisingofthe X 'blacks'."EvenwhenlaterLondonunleashedawaveof   repression,theblooddrawnwasmuchlessthanthatsurrounding  anymajorAmericanslaverevoltorconspiracy,especiallywhen `  therelativesizeoftheSwingRiotstothesearetakeninto ( x account. ~$  Ӏ  668    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Arch,JosephArch,pp.222,22425. u ~$  Ӏ  669    ?+ ` hp x (#X?SeethesummaryinPeterNovick,ThatNobleDream:The  'ObjectivityQuestion'andtheAmericanHistoricalProfession x (NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988),p.480.  ~$  Ӏ  670    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Shore,"PovertyofTragedy,"14748,155,157,15960,  16263;Drew,Refugee,p.78. F ~$  Ӏ  671    ?+ ` hp x (#X?W.E.B.Duboisregardedtheslaves'necessary"defenceof  deceptionandflattery"ascausing"amoralhesitancywhichis x fataltoselfconfidence,"thatlivinga"doublelife,with @ doublethoughts,doubleduties"involveda"peculiarwrenchof X thesoul."SoulsofBlackFolk,ascitedinShore,"Povertyof   Tragedy,"161. ~$  Ӏ  672    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,PlantationLife,p.409. ~$  Ӏ  673    ?+ ` hp x (#X?Drew,Refugee,pp.123,128130. ~$  Ӏ  674    _?+ ` hp x (#X?Davis,"SlaveryandthePostWorldWarIIHistorians,"9.3|d 26X9`("Courier 12cpiXd6X@8X@( T$  Adobe PDFxX,,,,xX0 @: }8 TU d T!   _ 8bXXdd8@3@3@xx*WHOWASBETTEROFF? 0  @ACOMPARISONOFAMERICANSLAVESANDENGLISHAGRICULTURALWORKERS, H  17501875  @3@tt2BY 0 @-ERICV.SNOW  @3@3 ,'3 Ї @+TABLEOFCONTENTSo[X` hp x (#%'0*,.8135@8:<H?AXoӈ  $4!X$1.WHYCOMPAREENGLISHLABORERSANDAMERICANSLAVESTOBEGIN @ WITH?..10 X   TheStandardComparisonofFactoryWorkerswithSlaves4!.X X H10    WhyDoSuchaComparison?4!.+10 `    WhatExactlyIsComparedOutofEachDiverseGroup4!.xxD12 ( x   FiveBroadAreasforComparisonPurposes4!.:12  @   2.AHISTORICALPERENNIAL:THESTANDARDOFLIVINGDEBATE4!.F14      SomeTheoreticalProblemsinComparingSlavesandLaborers' `      StandardofLiving4!.@@&14 (          DietandtheStandardofLivingforSlaves4!.<17 h    FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticReconstructionsoftheSlave 0      Diet4!. 18 H    TheSlaveDietasCrude,Coarse,andBoring4!.00=21    DifferingDietsforSlaveswithDifferentPositions4!.E23    TheSlaves'RoleinProvidingThemselveswithFoodonTheir P     Own4!.8 8  h   25 0   VariationsinWhatFoodDifferentSlaveownersProvidedTheir      OwnSlavesWith4!.#26 p   TheDietofEnglishFarmworkers:RegionalVariations4!.G28 8   TheSouthernEnglishAgriculturalWorkers'DietWasPoor, P     OftenMeatless4!.``"30    Grains,EspeciallyWheat,DominatetheAgriculturalWorkers'      Diet4!. 32 X   TheRoleofPotatoesintheLaborers'Diet,Despite  p     PrejudicesAgainstThem4!.+33 8   DidFarmworkersPreferCoarseorFineFood?4!.00=34     TheMonotonyoftheFarmworkers'DietintheSouthof x! England  36 @"   TheSuperiorConditionsoftheNorthernEnglishFarmworkers  X#   37  $   MeatasaNearLuxuryforManyFarmworkers4!.<39 !%   TheEffectsofEnclosureandAllotmentsonHodge'sDiet `"&   40 (#x'   ComparingFoodReceivedbyEnglishPaupers,Slaves,and #@( Their $ )     Nation'sArmy4!. !42 % *   BetterBreadVersusLittleMeat?TheSlaveVersus H&!+ Farmworker '`",     Diet4!. 43 '(#-   ClothingforSlaves4!.%44 (#.   BadClothingConditionsforSlaves4!.445 h)$/   DifferencesinClothingProvidedforSlaveswithDifferent 0*%0     Position4!. 46 *H&1   TheFactoryVersusHomespun:TheMaster'sDecision4!.E48 +'2   SlavesandShoeShortages4!.+49 ,'3   FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticTakeonSlaves'Clothing      Rations4!.  51 x   ClothingandEnglishAgriculturalWorkers4!.@@;51 @   TheLowStandardsforFarmworkers,EspeciallyinSouthern X     England4!.  52     HomespunMoreCommoninAmericathanEnglandbyC.1830    53 `    SpecialMeasuresNeededtoBuyTheirOwnClothes4!.B54 ( x   HousingForSlaves:VariationsaroundaLowAverage  @ Standard4!.pp55      CasesofGoodSlaveHouses4!.88,58      WasPoorWhiteHousingLittleBetterthantheSlaves'?4!.X X H59 H     FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticViewofSlaveHousing4!.G59 `    Genovese'sOverlyOptimisticTakeonSlaveHousing4!.xxD60 (    TheMoralHazardsofCrowded,OneRoomSlaveHouses4!.E62     SlaveHousing--SanitationandCleanliness4!.@@;63 h    EnglishFarmworkers'Housing--Quality/Size4!.<64 0    PoorHousingLeadstoSexualImmorality4!.PP966 H    HowtheArtist'sEyeCanBeSelfDeceivingWhenEvaluating      Cottages'Quality4!.%68    HowRentalsandthePoorandSettlementLawsMadeforPoor P     QualityHousing4!.#69 h   TheProblemofCottagesBeingDistantfromWork4!.A70 0   TheAristocracy'sPaternalisminProvidingHousing,andIts      Limits4!. 71 p   LittleDifferenceforSlavesandFarmworkersintheQuality 8 of P     TheirHousing4!. !73    AgriculturalWorkers--Sanitation/Cleanliness4!.>74    Slaves--FurnitureandPersonalEffects4!.876 X   EnglishAgriculturalWorkers:HomeFurnishings,Utensils,  p     etc.4!. 78 8   Fuel--Sambo'sSupplyVersusHodge's4!.pp579     Sambo'sMedicalCare4!.hh&82 x!   TheGeneralBackwardnessofAntebellumMedicalCare4!.E83 @"   MastersSoughtWaystoReduceMedicalExpenses4!.@84  X#   MastersandOverseersasAmateurHealersforSlaves4!.E84  $   BlackMedicalSelfHelp:ConjurorsandMidwives4!.B86 !%   MedicalCareforEnglishAgriculturalWorkers4!.  ?87 `"&   WhoseMedicalCareWasBetter?Hodge's?OrSambo's?4!.G91 (#x'   TheOverallMaterialStandardofLiving:WasHodgeorSambo #@(     BetterOff?4!. 92 $ )   TrickleDownEconomicswithaVengeance:HowtheSlaves % *     Benefited4!.  93 H&!+   ' 4!'3.THEQUALITYOFLIFE:SLAVESVERSUSAGRICULTURALWORKERS '(#-   95 (#.   TheQualityofLifeasOpposedtothe(Material)Standardof 0*%0     Living . 95 *H&1   LiteracyandEducationforAfricanAmericanSlaves .xxD96 +'2   WhySlaveholdersSoughttoKeepSlavesIlliterate .C98 ,'3   EnglishFarmworkers,LiteracyandEducation .00=102    ABriefSketchoftheDevelopmentofEnglishPublic x Education .104 @   WhatAgeDidChildLaborBeginandSchoolingEnd? .C105 X   IgnoranceVersusSkewedKnowledge:DifferentModelsfor       ControllingaSubordinateClass .XX3106    Slaves--TheTreatmentofElderly"Aunts"and"Uncles" .G109 `    AltruismandSelfInterestDidNotNecessarilyConveniently ( x     CoincidetoProtectElderlySlaves'Lives .=110  @   DidSlaveryProvideMoreSecurityAgainstStarvationthan        LaissezFaire? .``"110      OddJobsforElderlySlaves .-112 H     TheSeniorHodge:Caredfor,orFendsforHimself? .E113 `    TheEffectsoftheNewPoorLawontheElderly,NonWorking (      Poor . 115     HowtheLocalAuthoritiesProfitedfromtheWorkhouseTest h    117 0    WhoseElderlyWereBetterOff?TheFarmworkers'orthe H      Slaves'? . 118    TheSlaveChildhood:FullofFunorFullofFear? .xxD119    PastimesforSlaveChildren .-120 P   PlantationDayCare:HowSlaveChildhoodWasDifferent h   123 0   IsAllWorkBadforChildren? ./124    TheSlaveChildhood:Good,Bad,orIndifferent? .B125 p   Hodge'sChildhood:MoreWork,ButMoreWorthwhile? .E126 8   JustHowCommonWasChildLabor,Especiallyinthe P     Countryside . 128    TheParentalPushforChildLabor .3130    DayCareNotaCommonExperience .2131 X   YoungHodgeatPlay .%132  p   TheRelativeQualityofLifefortheChildrenofSlavesand 8     Laborers . 133     Religion--ASiteforEnlightenment,SocialUnity,andSocial x!     Conflict . 134 @"   SlaveReligion--TheSlaveholders'OptionsonChristianizing  X#   theSlaves . 135  $   TheEarlierPracticeofNotEvangelizingtheSlaves .E137 !%   TheGospelofObedienceDistortstheChristianityGivento `"&     theSlaves . 137 (#x'   TheSlavesAddtotheReligionGivenThembyTheirMasters #@(     andMistresses .``"139 $ )   NoSurprise:TheSlaves'LackofReligiousFreedom .E141 % *   TheSlavesUnbendaBentChristianity .``7142 H&!+   SlavePreachers:TheirRoleandPower .8144 '`",   DidSlaveholdersAchieveReligiousandIdeologicalHegemony '(#-     OvertheSlaves? .PP$145 (#.   EnglishAgriculturalWorkersandChristianity .  ?149 h)$/   ReasonsfortheEstablishedChurch'sUnpopularitywiththe 0*%0     Laborers . 149 *H&1   HowtheLocalEliteCanUseCharitytoControlthePoor +'2   151 ,'3   TheLaborersTurntoNonconformityandItsMixedResults    153 x   Christianity:AnInstigatorofLaborers'Resistance? .G154 @   SimilaritiesinSouthernWhiteandEnglishLowerClass X     Religion . 155     SomehowSeekingParticipationinandControlofOne's      Destiny:TheConsolationsofFaith? .8156 `    TheSlaveFamily:HowWellDidItSurviveSlavery? .E157 ( x   TheFamilyBondsofSlavesMadeConditionalUponthe  @     StabilityoftheSlaveholders .hh1159      TheRoutineDestructionofFamilyRelationshipsunder    Slavery  161 H     FogelandEngerman'sMistakenlyLowFiguresonMarriage `      Breakup .  164 (    HowtheSlaves'FearsaboutFamilyBreakupCouldMakeFor       ContinualAnxiety .%165 h    TheProcessofBeingBoughtandSoldasItselfDehumanizing 0    166 H    HowSlaveryUnderminedtheFamiliesofSlaves .  ?166    HowSlaveryWeakenedtheFather'sRole .8167    FactorsWhichEncouragedSlavestoTreatMarriageBonds P     Casually . 170 h   HowSlaveryEncouragedaCasualApproachtoFamily 0     Relationships . !171    TheWaysSlaveryDestroyedFamilyRelationships .A173 p   HowtheMasterCouldRoutinelyInterfereinSlaveFamily 8     Relationships . !174 P   MasterArrangedMarriages .+175    JustHowCommonWasMiscegenation? .4176    DespitethePressures,SlavesStillMaintainedSomeFormof X     FamilyLife . 178  p   TheKeyIssuesInvolvedinExaminingtheQualityofFarm 8     workerFamilyLife .@@&179     The"Weber/Gillis"ThesisSummarized:WasBrutishFamily x!     LifetheNorm? .``"180 @"   TheLimitstoSnell'sRebuttalAgainstSeeingLowerClass  X#     FamilyLifeasHarsh .00(182  $   HowNotBeingIndependentandSelfSufficientCouldImprove !%     FamilyLife . 184 `"&   TheLimitstoApplyingtheGillisWeberThesistothe (#x'     EnglishCase .p p 186 #@(   SomeEvidenceBearingontheQualityofFarmworkers'Family $ )     Life . 187 % *   WhytheSlaveFamilywasFundamentallyWorseOffthanthe H&!+     LaborerFamily .``"189 '`",   WhytheLaborersHadaHigherOverallQualityofLifethan '(#-     theSlaves . 190 (#.   TheProblemsofComparingtheSlaves'andLaborers'Quality h)$/     ofReligiousExperience .+190 0*%0   HowElderlySlavesCouldHaveBeenBetterOffThanthe *H&1     ElderlyFarmworkers .'192 +'2   HowtheSlaves'MoreCarefreeChildhoodWasNotNecessarily ,'3     aBetterOne .p p 192    TheHazardsofHistoricalAnalysisthatUsestheValuesof x     ThoseinthePast .%194 @   4.THESEXUALDIVISIONOFLABOR:ACOMPARATIVEANALYSIS .D196     TheSexualDivisionofLabor:AfricanAmericanSlaves .X X H196 `    KembleonaStricterSexualDivisionofLabor'sAdvantages ( x   197  @   JobsFemaleSlavesHad .XX(198      QualificationsabouttheGenerallyWeakSexualDivisionof        LaboramongSlaves .@@&201 H     PlantationDayCareRevisited ./202 `    TheSexualDivisionofLabor:EnglishAgriculturalWorkers (    203     Women'sWorkinArableAreasatHarvestTimeIncreased h      LaterintheCentury .00(204 0    TheFemaleDominanceofDairyWorkDeclines .00=205 H    HowtheSeparateSpheres'ViewonSexRolesInfluencedthe      186768Report .``"206    WhyDidLaboringWomenIncreasinglyFallOutoftheField P     LaborForce? .p p 207 h   AllotmentsPartiallyRestoretheFamilyEconomy .A209 0   QualityofLifeIssuesandtheSexualDivisionofLabor    209 p   TheDivisionofLabor:BlessingorCurse? .<211 8   WhoWasBetterOffDependsontheValuesOneHas .B213 P 5.CONTROLLINGSUBORDINATECLASSES--HOWITWASDONE .@213    TheCentralRealityofWorkandtheElite'sNeedsfor  p     ControllingItsWorkers .+213 8   DawntoDusk--WorkHoursforSlaves .pp5215     UsingForcetoGetSlavesintotheFieldsintheMorning x!   215 @"   FinishingWorkfortheDay--SomeVariations .00=217  X#   HoursofWork--AgriculturalWorkers .pp5218  $   WereWorkdaysShorterfortheFarmworkersthantheSlaves? !%   219 `"&   TheLengthoftheWorkweekandDaysoff--Slaves .A221 (#x'   SlavesNormallyDidNotWorkonSundays .PP9221 #@(   HolidaystheSlavesDidNotWorkOn .pp5223 $ )   UnplannedDaysOffDuetoWeatherortheStateofCrops % *   224 H&!+   TheDaysofWorkforAgriculturalWorkers .@@;225 '`",   ThoseLaborersWhoHadtoWorkSundays,andThoseWhoDid '(#- Not  226 (#.   SeasonalandOtherChangesintheWorkweek,andTheir h)$/ Effects 0*%0     onUnemployment .#228 *H&1   How"Voluntarily"DidSlavesWork?TheNecessityof +'2 Coercion ,'3     andSupervision .#230    WhytheWhipHadtoBeUsedtoImposeWorkDisciplineonthe x     Slaves . 231 @   HowCommonlyWeretheSlavesWhipped?TheTimeontheCross X     Controversy . 233     TheDeterrenceValueofOccasionalKillings .00=235    TheDangerofCorporalPunishmentBackfiring,Requiring `      "MassiveRetaliation" .)236 ( x   HowEvenGoodMastersCouldSuddenlyKillaSlaveinthe  @     HeatofPassion .#237      MiscellaneousPunishmentsthatMastersInflictedonSlaves      238 H     ExamplesofCorporalPunishmentBackfiring .<239 `    DidSlaveownersSuccessfullyImplantaProtestantWorkEthic (      intheSlaves? .``"240     TheSlaves'SenseofWorkDisciplineLikethatofOther h      PreIndustrialPeople .)242 0    Genovese'sPaternalism:HowSuccessfulWerePlantersin H      ImposingHegemony? .@@&244    ScottVersusHegemony .'244    WeretheSlaveholdersReallyBelieversinPaternalism?:The P     ImplicationsofJacksonianDemocracyandCommercial h     CapitalismintheAmericanSouth .4247 0   CounterAttacksAgainstPortrayingSlaveholdersasBourgeois      Individualists .``"249 p   IgnoranceasaControlDeviceRevisited .PP9252 8   HowMastersWouldManipulatetheSlaves'FamilyTiesin P Order      toControlThem .#253    PositiveIncentivesOnlyaSupplementaryMethodfor X     ControllingtheBondsmen .,255  p   TheBrutalOverseerasaHistoricalReality .00=258 8   TheTaskVersusGangSystems:DifferentApproachestoWork       Discipline . 260 x!   TheInfrapoliticsofTask(Quota)Setting .@@;261 @"   TheGangSystem'sAdvantages .((.262  X#   ThePatrol/PassSystem .XX(264  $   TheSlaveownersWhoLiberallyGrantedPassesorDispensed !% with `"&   ThemAltogether .!266 (#x'   HowtheDivisionsAmongWhiteSlaveholdersBenefitedthe #@(     Enslaved . 267 $ )   HowMistressesandotherFamilyMembersOftenRestrained % * Ill H&!+     Treatment .  268 '`",   TheCentralRealityofViolenceastheMainTooltoControl '(#-     theSlaves . 269 (#.   TheHighLevelsofViolenceBetweentheSlavesandMasters h)$/     ComparedtoEngland .'271 0*%0   BothSidescommittedFarLessViolenceDuringtheSwing *H&1 Riots +'2     inEngland . 272 ,'3   TheLowerGoalsandGreaterDivisionsamongLocalElitesin      theEnglishCase .PP$273 x   TheRoutinePoliceStateMeasuresintheSouth .@275 @   Coercion,NotIncentivesorIdeology,astheBasicMeansof X     EnforcingSlavery .%276     BasicDifferencesBetweentheAmericanandEnglishElites'      MethodsofControl .@@&276 `    TheFreedomofActionLocalGovernmentOfficialsHadin ( x     England .  277  @   TheBasicStrategytoBetterControltheFarmworkers .hhF278      EnclosureasaMethodofSocialControland"ClassRobbery"      279 H     Enclosure:DirectAccesstotheMeansofProductionand `      SomeFoodBothLost .'280 (    OpenandCloseParishes:OneDumpsLaborersontotheOther     282 h    TheDeclineofService .XX(284 0    WhyServiceDeclined .hh&285 H    HowPoorReliefItselfPromotedPopulationGrowth .C287    AssortedMethodsthatDeterredApplicantsforRelief .hhF288    Why"MakeWork"JobsFailedtoDeterApplicantsand P     UnderminedWorkDiscipline ..289 h   TheNewPoorLaw:DeterringApplicantsforReliefby 0     UsingtheWorkhouseTest .,290    FallingProductivity:OneMoreConsequenceoftheOldPoor p     Law .8 8 292 8   TheWorkhouseTestasaToolforIncreasingLabor P     Productivity .p p 293    TheWorkhouseTestWasaToolforLoweringWagesAlso .G294    AllotmentsHelpReduceIncreasesinRatesCausedby X Enclosure  .296  p   WhytheRuralEliteStillSometimesOpposedAllotments  .X X H297 8   MiscellaneousWaysAllotmentsWereUsedtoBenefittheRural       Elite  .( ( 298 x!   AnotherPositiveModeofCreatingWorkDiscipline: @" Piecework  .300  X#   TheLegalSystemandItsInfluenceontheLaborers  .xxD303  $   TheJusticeofthePeace/CountyCourtSystemNecessarily !%     ExpressedClassBias  .00(303 `"&   TheBiasesoftheCourtsAgainsttheLaborersShouldNotBe (#x'     Exaggerated  . 304 #@(   IgnoranceoftheLawasaControlDevice  .:305 $ )   ExamplesofHowtheContentsoftheLawCouldbeAgainstthe % *     Laborers  . 306 H&!+   TheImportantDifferencesBetweenControllingtheLaborers '`",     andSlavesatWork  .@@&307 '(#-   IdeologicalHegemony,Paternalism,ClassConsciousness,and (#.     Farmworkers  . 309 h)$/   DidSomeintheEliteBegintoRepudiatePaternalistic, 0*%0     CommunalValues?  .PP$309 *H&1   HowtheRuralEliteTriedtoHavePaternalismandCapitalism +'2     Simultaneously  .``"310 ,'3   PaternalismVs.Capitalism:TheTradeOffsbetweenFreedom      andSecurity  .p p 311 x   HowtheWaningofPaternalismMadetheLaborers'Class @     ConsciousnessPossible  .  *313 X   ThePowerofGiftstoControl,andWhenTheyDoNot  .E313     TheFailureofPaternalismasanIdeologicalControlDevice      fromC.1795  .p p 314 `    TheLaborers'GrowingClassConsciousness,C.1834to1850 ( x   315  @   WhentheLaborersasaClassinItselfBegantoActfor        Itself  . 317      AComparisonofRespectiveEliteControlStrategies:Slave H       ownersandSquires  .@@&318 `    HowMuchSuccessDidTheseTwoElitesHaveatHegemony? (    322     6.ONRESISTANCEBYASUBORDINATECLASS  .pp4325 0    TheInfrapoliticsofDailyLife  .1325    AnalyticalProblemswith"DaytoDayResistance"      (Infrapolitics)  .#325 P   TheContinuumofResistancefromInfrapoliticstoOrganized h     Insurrection  .p p 326 0   TheNeedforaSubordinateClasstoWearaMasktoConceal      TheirKnowledge  .#328 p   EarlyTraininginMaskWearing  .0329 8   TheCostsofBeingOpenandtheMaskFallingOff  .B330 P   TheSubordinateClass'sCompulsionstoLie  .<330    WhytheRitualsofDeferenceStillHadMeaning  .@332    Elkins's"Sambo"HypothesisandItsProblems  .>333 X   AnActofRoutineResistance:Stealing  .PP9338  p   VariousMotivesforTheft  .+338 8   TheIntrinsicCostsofDoubleStandardsinMorality  .E339     EvadingWorkbyClaimingSickness  .3341 x!   Work:SlowdownsandCarelessness  .3342 @"   TheStrategyofPlayingtheWhiteFolksOffAgainstEach  X#     Other  .( ( 343  $   ManipulatingWhiteAuthorityfortheSlaves'OwnPurposes !%   343 `"&   HowPleadingsandPetitionsCouldRestrainMastersand (#x'     Mistresses  . 343 #@(   TheGeneralProblemofSlavesRunningAway  .<344 $ )   TemporaryandLocalFlight  .88,346 % *   "Negotiating"aReturn  .XX(347 H&!+   HowRunawaysCouldResistCapture  .3348 '`",   Maroons:SettlementsofEscapedSlaves  .PP9349 '(#-   TheMostSuccessfulRunaways  .((.350 (#.   "Strikes"ConductedbyGroupsofSlavesRunningAway  .hhF352 h)$/   SmallScaleOpenConfrontationsandViolence  .>353 0*%0   "Nats"or"Sambos"?--SelectivePerceptionbytheMaster *H&1 Class  355 +'2   TheRarityofSlaveRevoltsintheUnitedStatesCompared ,'3     toElsewhere  .p p 356    TheFactorsMilitatingAgainstSlaveRevoltsintheUnited x     States  . 357 @   ManySlavesKnewHowMuchtheDeckWasStackedAgainst X     SuccessfulRevolt  .%359     Whythen,IfRevoltsWereSoRare,WeretheWhitesSo      Paranoid?  .  360 `    ResistancetoSlaveryintheUnitedStatesIsDominatedby ( x     Infrapolitics  . !362  @   ResidentSlaveholdersSupervisingSmallUnitsofProduction        SmotherResistance  .@@&363      ResistingEnslavementIsNottheSameasResistingSlavery H       asaSocialSystem  .@@&364 `    Hodge:ThePredominanceofDailyInfrapoliticsOver (  Outright       Riots  .( ( 366 h    SocialCrime--TheInfrapoliticsofPoaching  .00=367 0    TheLaborers'CounterIdeologyAgainsttheElite'sGameLaws H    368    TheRoleofTheft,MoreGenerallyDefined,inEnglish      RuralInfrapolitics  .'369 P   TheCorrelationbetweenPovertyandTheft  .@@;370 h   Hodge'sThinnerMask  .hh&370 0   HowFarmworkersCould"RunAway"--ResistanceThroughMigra      tion  . 372 p   TheReluctanceofLaborerstoMoveandOtherObstaclesto 8     Migration  .  373 P   TheTamerConfrontationsbetweenHodgeandHisMasters  .X X H375    FoodRiotsasaMethodofResistance  .6376    TheSwingRiotsGenerallyConsidered  .6378 X   HowtheLaborersDidBenefitSomefromtheSwingRiots  .X X H379  p   TheRelativeWeaknessoftheFarmworkers'UnionsCompared 8     toOthersinEngland  .00(380     TheOrganizationoftheAgriculturalLabours'Unionin1872 x!   381 @"   ComparingTwoSubordinateClasses'MethodsofResistance  X#   383  $ 7.CONCLUSIONS:THEBALANCEBETWEEN"RESISTANCE"AND"DAMAGE"? `"&   386 (#x'     ResistanceandtheSubordinateClass'sQualityofLife  .X X H386 $ )   SlaveryIsonaContinuumofSocialSystemsofSubordination % *   388 H&!+   SelectedBibliography . .'390 '`",  ,'3 ЇB+ ` hp x (# B1.WHYCOMPAREENGLISHLABORERSANDAMERICANSLAVESTOBEGIN P WITH? h @((TheStandardYetProblematicComparisonofFactoryWorkerswith  Slaves p ̀MississippislaveownerandpoliticianJohnA.Quitman P "professedlittlerespectforthenorthernfreelaborsystem,  where'factorywretches'workedelevenhourdaysin'fetid'  conditionswhiletheirintellectsweredestroyed'watchingthe X interminablewhirlingofthespinningjenny.'...TheQuitman  p plantationsfunctionedsatisfactorily,andhisbondsmenwere 8 appreciativeoftheircondition.Hedescribedhisslavesas   'faithful,obedient,andaffectionate.'"Quitman'scomparisonis x! stillmadetodaywhendebatesbreakoutoverthestandardof @" livingaboutwhowasbetteroff:slavesversus[Northern]  X# factoryworkers,notfarmservants.Similarly,whileexamining  $ generalEuropeanconditionsforworkers,JurgenKuczynskistates: !% "Itispreciselythesebadconditionswhichjustifythearguments `"& oftheslaveownersoftheSouth,thattheslavesarematerially (#x' betteroffthantheworkersinthenorth.Thiswouldinmany #@( caseshavebeentrue."Despiteitsfrequency,thiscomparisonis $ ) actuallyproblematic:Itdiscountstheadditionaleffectsof % * urbanization,crowding,anddoingindustrial/shopworkinside. H&!+ Inthecountryside,withitslowpopulationdensityandworkin '`", thefieldsoutside,peopleexperienceadifferentwayandquality '(#- oflife.Theconditionsofurbanfactorylifesimplyarenot (#. tiedtothelegalstatusofbeingfreeorslave.Thiscommon h)$/ comparisonactuallycontraststwoverydifferentwaysoflife, 0*%0 urbanversusrural,factoryversusfarm,towhichwidelyvarying *H&1 valuejudgmentscanbeattached.AsE.P.Thompsonobserves: +'2 "IncomparingaSuffolk[farm]labourerwithhisgranddaughter ,'3 inacottonmillwearecomparing--nottwostandards[of  living]--buttwowaysoflife."   1      ׀Bylikeningsomeother x agriculturallaborforcetotheslavesoftheAmericanSouth @ beforetheCivilWar,manyoftheapples/orangescomparison X problemsareeliminated.Thisworkshowsthelargelylandless   Englishagriculturalworkersduringthegeneralperiodofthe  industrialrevolution(c.17501875)hadasuperiorqualityof `  lifeofcomparedtotheblackslavesintheAmericanSouth(c. ( x 17501865),butthatthelatterattimeshadamaterialstandard  @ oflivingequaltoorgreaterthantheformer's,atleastin    southernEngland.    @'WhyDoSuchaComparison? `    Ahistoricalcomparisonbringsintofocusfeaturesofboth   subjectsunderstudythatmightotherwisegounnoticed.New h  insightsmaybegained,whichmightbemissedwhenhighly 0  specializedhistoriansdevotedtoaparticularfieldanalyze H  historicalphenomenastaystrictlywithintheirareaof  expertise.Suddenly,throughhistoricalcomparisonandcontrast,  thepedestriancanbecomeexceptional,andwhatwasdeemed P unusualbecomespartofapattern.Forexample,boththe h agriculturalworkersandtheslavesfoundwaystoresistthe 0 powerfulintheirrespectivesocieties,buttheirformsof  resistancedifferedsincetheirlegalstatusesdiffered.Inthe p prefaceofhisstudyofAmericanslaveryandRussianserfdom, 8 Kolchinobservessomeoftheadvantagesofdoingsucha P comparison.Itreducesparochialismingivenfields,allows  featurestobeseenassignificantthatotherwisemightbe  overlooked,makesfortheformulationandtestingofhypotheses, X andhelpstodistinguishwhichvariablesandcausalfactorshad  p moreweight.   2      ׀Acomparativetopicisjustified,evenwhenit 8 dealswithphenomenalongsinceanalyzedbyhistorians,ifit   wringsnewinsightsoutofthesameoldsources.Itmayexpose x! assumptionsabouteventsorprocessesexpertstakeforgrantedor @" overlookinthefieldsbeingcompared.Onesuspectssometimes  X# laborhistoriansandAfricanAmericanslaveryhistoriansmaybe  $ lettingtheirrespectivehistoriographicalworkpasseachother !% likeshipsinthenight,notknowingthevaluableinsightsone  groupmayhaveforthestudyoftheother'sfield.   3       x   ComparingandcontrastingEnglishagriculturalworkers X duringtheindustrialrevolutionandAmericanslavesbeforeand   duringtheCivilWarallowsfortheexplorationof(perhaps  unexpected)similaritiesanddifferencesintheirexperiencesin `  thesamegeneraltimeframe.Placingsidebysideforinspection ( x twoagriculturalworkforceswholivedatthesamebasictimewho  @ spokethesamelanguageseems"anatural,"butspecialistsin    bothfieldshavelargelyoverlookedthisidentification.The    historyofblackslaveryis"laborhistory."Onadailybasis H   slaveholdersgotpeopletolaborforthem,triedtomotivatethem `  byfearandthestick,or,lesscommonlybutideally,byloveand (  thecarrot.Ofcourse,fundamentaldifferencesremainedbetween   thetwoworkforces.Theblackswerenotreallyseenaspartof h  thesurroundingsocietyforracialreasons,whiletheEnglish 0  agriculturalworkersstillhadsomerealrights,despitetheir H  evidentsubordination.Exceptingforchildren,farmworkerswere  neversubjectedtothesupremeindignityofbeingfloggedwhile  onthejob,butthewhipwasvirtuallytheemblemofthe P slaveowner'sauthorityoverhisorherproperty.Exploringthe h similaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthesetwoworkforcesisthe 0 burdenofthiswork.  @44WhatExactlyIsComparedOutofEachDiverseGroup 8   Thisworkcomparesfromthesegroupsthosewholivedin  ruralareasanddidfarmworkastheirmainorexclusive  occupation.NeitherurbanslaveryintheAmericanSouthnor X slaveryintheNorthbeforeitsdemiseareanalyzedhere.  p However,somesourcedocumentsusedbelowinvolveslaveswho 8 eithermayhavelivedinasmalltownorinbothcityand   country.Artisanswholivedinruralareas,suchasblacksmiths x! andcarpenters,receivesomeattentionintheAmericancasebut @" almostnoneintheEnglish.Servantsareincluded,whether  X# AmericanslaveorEnglishfree,whetherdoingdomesticchores,  $ learninghusbandry,oracombinationofthetwo,butslave !% domesticsreceivemuchmoreattentionthanEnglishones.Slaves `"& workinginindustryorfactoriesareomitted,aswellastheir (#x' Englishcounterparts,sincethisworkisaboutagricultural/rural #@( workers.WorkersinEnglishdomesticindustryarealsopassed $ ) over.Butcasesinwhichsubstantialmachineryandmills % * functionedonplantations,suchasforriceandsugarrefining, H&!+ arecoveredsincetheyfunctionedamidstaruralsetting.Unless '`", otherwisementioned,itshouldbeassumed,as"Southernslaves"  arecomparedwithEnglishagriculturalworkers,thattheformer x liveinruralareasorperhapssmalltowns,andthattheyare @ eitherfieldhandsorservants,noturbanand/orindustrial X workers.Sinceaboutninetypercentoftheslavesdidnotlive   incities,thevastbulkofthemlivedinruralareas.   4      ׀Blacks  withoutmasters--"freeNegroes"--arenotcoveredhere.Thefocus `  shallbeonENGLISHfarmworkers,notScottish,Welsh,Irish,or ( x "British."Exclusionsandlimitsarenecessaryforwhatis  @ comparedherewithinthesetwolarge,diversegroups,sincemore    couldalwaysbeadded.    @ FiveBroadAreasforComparisonPurposes `    InfivebroadcategoriesEnglishfarmworkersandAfrican   Americanslavesarecompared.Thefirstconcernsthematerial h  standardofliving,suchasindiet,clothing,housing,and 0  medicalcare.Thesecondconcernsthelessquantitativebut H  essential"qualityoflife"issues,suchasinfamily  relationships,education,religiousactivities,andhavingan  informedoutlookonlife.Althoughthroughsheerignoranceand P goodtreatmentperhapssomeslaveswererelativelycontentwith h theirlot,theirsatisfactiondoesnotmaketheirsituationtobe 0 actuallygood.ItisbettertobeSocratesdissatisfiedthana  pigsatisfied,adictumwhichafewquantitativeeconomic p historiansseemtemptedtoforget.Onlythoseslaveswitha 8 "livefortoday"philosophy,whomadethemselvestotally P oblivioustothefuture,couldpossiblyforgetwhatmasters  sellingtheirfamilymemberswoulddotothem.Salesdueto  deathorbankruptcywerealwaysremainedaswordofDamocles X hangingoverthebondsmen.Third,thesexualdivisionoflabor  p betweenmenandwomeniscomparedfortheEnglishfarmworkers 8 andAfricanAmericanslaves.Thesetwogroupshadglaring   differencesinthisareawhich,perhapsironically,declined x! sharplyafterfreedomfortheslavescame.Fourth,work @" conditions,labordiscipline,andthewaysthemastersattempted  X# tocontroltheirrespectivesubordinateclassesarecompared,  $ includingbyandthroughthestate.Abusesatworkaredealt !% with,suchaswhipping,hoursofwork,holidays/daysoff,andthe `"& incentivesusedby"management,"broadlyconsidered.Thereality (#x' ofpaternalismandthequalityofworkrelationshipsare #@( examined.Fifth,themeansbywhichthesubordinateclasses $ ) resistedthewillofthedominantclassisanalyzed.Howthe % * oppressedclassesworea"mask"isconsideredhere.Bothof H&!+ thesegroupscarefullyconcealed,bylies,feignedignorance,or '`", thesimplenonvolunteeringofinformation,whattheyREALLY '(#- thoughtfromtheir"betters"toavoidpunishmentorexploitation. (#. Theinfrequent,butspectacular,casesofrevoltsandmass h)$/ actionsarecovered,aswellasunionactivitiesamongthe  agriculturalworkers.Usingthebroadcategoriesofthematerial x standardofliving,thequalityoflife,thesexualdivisionof @ labor,workconditionsandcontrols,andresistanceagainstthose X inauthorityandtheircontrols,themostimportantsimilarities   andcontrastsbetweenthesetwoworkforcesarefocusedupon.    Thiscomparisonusesthegeneraltimeperiodof17501875. ( x Makingforthedrawingofsharperparallels,thesedatesallow  @ twolargelycontemporaryworkforcestobecomparedwhoboth    livedinindustrializingnationsandspokethesamelanguage.    Thenineteenthcenturyisemphasized,partlyduetogreater H   documentation,butalsobecausethenthefactorscreatingthese `  twoworkforces'conditionspeaked.Theproletarianizationof (  thefarmworkersreachedaheightinthefirsthalfofthe   nineteenthcentury,beforeallotmentsspreadmorewidely, h  mechanizationbecamecommon,andoutmigrationhadpartially 0  emptiedtheEnglishcountryside.Similarly,aftergenerally H  experiencingaboomintheprecedingthirtyyears,theCotton  Kingdomclearlyreachedaneconomichighpointin1860.This  workemphasizesportrayingtherespectiveclimaxesofthetwo P workforces'conditionsasdeterminedbyeventsandprocesses h thatbeganintheseventeenthandearlyeighteenthcenturies, 0 suchastheinitialarrivalofslavesintheEnglishcoloniesand  thesecondgeneralwave(i.e.,postTudor)enclosureacts. p Changesfromearlierconditions(pre1750)aretreatedlargelyin 8 passing,whichmakestheconditionsoftheslaveslookbetter, P duetotheimprovementsintheirtreatmentfromtheearly  colonialperiod,whilethesemaketheagriculturalworkers  apppearworseoff,becauseofthenegativeeffectsenclosureand X theFrenchWarshadontheirstandardoflivingcomparedto(say)  p 1725. 8   Bothworkforceslivedinindustrializingcountries.The x! South'sindustrialsectorbeforetheCivilWarthatcouldemploy @" theslavespaledbeforewhatwasavailabletoruralEnglish  X# workers.Nevertheless,theystillresidedinthenationthat  $ was,bytheeveoftheCivilWar,theworld'ssecondgreatest !% industrialpower.TheNorth'sindustrialsectorclearlyaffected `"& them.OftenNorthernfactoriesmadetheclothesandshoesthey (#x' wore,andthetoolsandmachinestheyworkedwith.Corresponding #@( withtheperiodofEngland'sindustrialization,theenclosure $ ) actsaffectedthelaborerslargelynegatively.Theygreatly % * reducedtheindependenceandsocialmobilitythefarmworkershad H&!+ had.Iftheywerewillingtomigrate,industrygavetheman '`", outletfrombadruralconditions.Itevenprovidedsome '(#- competitionfortheirlaborthatraisedtheirwageswhenthey (#. stayedput,atleastinnorthernEngland.Importantly,amajor h)$/ chronologicaldifferenceseparatesthetwogroups:Freedom 0*%0 abruptlycametotheslavesin1865,buttheimprovementsand *H&1 changesinthefarmworkers'conditionsweregradual,withoutany +'2 radicaldiscontinuity.Perhapsthefarmworkers'gainingthevote ,'3 in1884wastheoneeventthatchangedtheirlivesthemost,for  althoughtheSwingRiotsof183031badlyshooktheBritish x establishment,theireffectsontheirliveswereapittance @ beforetheeffectsofemancipationonAmericanblacks.    5      ׀The X mechanizationofEnglishagriculturewasalong,slowprocess,   undoubtedlyhinderedearlyinthenineteenthcenturybythe  massivelaborsurplusthatprevailedinmuchoftheEnglish `  countryside,andevenby"CaptainSwing"himself.Hence,some ( x sourcesaboutpost1875conditionsarecitedfortheEnglish  @ case,sincetheirconditionschangedmoreslowly,butpost1865    conditionsaremostlyignoredforthefreedmen,althoughracial    subordinationcontinuedbymeansotherthanbondage. H   2.AHISTORICALPERENNIAL:THESTANDARDOFLIVINGDEBATE (  SomeTheoreticalProblemsinComparingSlavesandLaborers' h  StandardofLiving 0    Thedebateoverstandardoflivingduring  industrialization,andtheroleofcapitalisminloweringor  raisingthemasses'consumptionanduseofvariousmaterial P goods,isoneofhistoriography'sgreatestfootballs.TheLong h DebateonPoverty    6      ׀hasanaptlychosentitle!Unfortunately,for 0 bothSouthernslavesandEnglishfarmworkers,nosolidnationwide  statisticaleconomicdataexiststhatcoulddecisivelysettlethe p issue.TheEnglish(andWelsh)hadnofullyinclusivecensus 8 until1801,nooccupationalcensusuntil1841,andnoofficial P registrationfordeathsandbirthsuntil1839.    7      ׀Americancensus  databeginswith1790,butamerecountofpeople,cropsgrownin  agivenyear,andtheiroccupationsisnotenoughtocalculate X percapitaincome. H    8      ׀Furthermore,whattheaverageslavereceived  p hardlyequaledwhattheAmericandid!Torunsuchcalculations,  itisnecessarytoknowwhattheslavesalonegot.Theavailable x historicalevidence,suchasitis,cangivecluesand @ indicationsofwhattheactualstandardoflivingwas.But,at X thislatedate,nothingwithfullrationalcertaintycapableof   convincingallthedisputantsinvolvedislikelytoturnup.  Anecdotalevidenceisvaluable,becauseitcandescriptively `  exposetherelationshipswithinansocietythatanoveremphasis ( x onquantitativedatacanobscure.Butitcannottotallysettle  @ thisdebate,sinceconflictingstoriesappeartosupportboth    sides,suchashowkindlyorharshlythe"typical"mastertreated    the"average"slave.Thispointleadstothenextbigproblemin H   thestandardoflivingcontroversy... `    JustwhatexactlyISthe"average"slaveorthe"typical"   agriculturalworker?Theseabstractionsrepresentgroupsthat h  experiencedagreatvarietyofworkingconditions,climates, 0  lifestyles,occupations,familystatuses,andmasters H  supervising.Whatis"average"forslaveswhencomparingthe  relativelymildbondageoftheBorderStates,suchasVirginia  andKentucky,withtheharshnessofthefrontierDeepSouth,such P asTexasandArkansas?Whatis"average"foragricultural h workersbetweenNorthumberland,whereoneobserversaidthewages 0 andthestandardoflivingsurpassedAmerica'sforfarmworkers,  asopposedtotheuttermiseryofnotoriouslylowwagedWiltshire p insouthernEngland?    9      ׀Theoretically,afterwarmingupthe 8 computersarmedwithspreadsheetprograms,addingthetwo P togetheranddividing,theissuewouldbesettled,ifaccurate,  broadbased,quantitativestatisticsdidexist(buttheydonot).  Numbercrunchingcanobscuretheessentialrealityofanunequal X orextremesituationswithintheworkingclassorbondsmenasa  p whole.Theeconomistwhowarnedagainstwadingariverwithan 8 averagedepthoffourfeetdrewattentiontoaserious   theoreticalproblemthatpervadesquantitativeanalysiswhen  appliedtothestandardoflivingdebate.Althoughthe"average" x bondsmanorthe"mean"farmworkerarehandyabstractions,they @ remaingeneralizations.Itismistakentoallowthemtoobscure X theunderlyingrealitiesof(especially)regionaldiversityfor   thefarmworkers,orthewidelyvaryingtreatmentmetedoutby  variousmastersandmistressestotheirbondsmen. `  @  DietandtheStandardofLivingforSlaves  @   Theessenceofthestandardoflivingdebateseemstobe    diet,andhowfarthemasseslivedabovebaresubsistence.   10      ׀ H   Relatedissuesinclude:Howmuchandwhatkindsof"luxuries," `  suchassugar,coffee,andtea,didthegroupsinquestionenjoy? (  Howmuchandwhatkindsofmeatdidtheyhave?Didtheyeat   wheat,themostexpensivegrain,orbarley,rye,oats,etc.?How h  coarsewasthefoodtheyate?FortheAmericanslaves,asfor 0  AmericanSouthernersgenerally,themaingrainwascorn(maize), H  andthemainmeat,pork.   11      ׀Theabsolutelyarchetypalrations  slavesreceivedconsistedofsomanypecksofcornandpoundsof  porkorbaconperweek.Anythingaddingtoorreplacingthese P itemsasbasicfoodstuffswasatleastmildlyunusual.As h escapedslaveChristopherNicholstestifiedtoDrew:"Mymaster 0 usedtoallowusonepieceofmeataday,andapeckandahalf  ofcornmealaweek."Afterbeingsoldfor$1,200inNatchez, p EliJohnsonwas"putonacottonfarm,andallowedapeckofcorn 8 aweekandthreepoundsmeat."TravelerFrederickLawOlmsted P inquiredofonewhiteSoutherner:"'Whatdotheygenerallygive  theniggersontheplantationshere?''Apeckofmealandthree  poundofbaconiswhattheycall'lowance,ingeneral,Ibelieve. x Ittakesaheapo'meatonabigplantation.'"Agedexslave @ AndyAndersonpainfullyrecalledthatthenewoverseer, X Delbridge,cutrationsastheCivilWarbegan:"Heweighsout   themeat,threepoundfortheweek,andhemeasureapeckof  meal."The"meat"inquestionwasnormallyfromthefleshof `  hogs,althoughexceptionsappeared.Onceaslaveineastern ( x Maryland,FrederickDouglassmentionedhowthestandardmonthly  @ rationsincludedfishsometimes:"Themenandwomenslaves    received,astheirmonthlyallowanceoffood,eightpoundsof    pork,oritsequivalentinfish,andonebushelofcornmeal." H   CharlesBallsimilarlydescribedCalvertCounty,Maryland,where `  8  thepracticeamongstslaveholders,wastoalloweach   slaveonepeckofcornweekly,whichwasmeasuredout h  everyMondaymorning;atthesametimeeachone 0  receivingsevensaltherrings.Thisformedtheweek's H  provision,andthemasterwhodidnotgiveit,was  calledahardmaster,whilstthosewhoallowedtheir  peopleanythingmore,weredeemedkindand P indulgent.   12      h   Hence,thenormalbondsmanandwomanexpectedadietthat  includedseveralpoundsofporkorbaconand,evenmore p certainly,corn.H    13       8 Ї  Werethestandardrationsenough?Sometimestheywerenot,  atleastforsomeadultmen.AsBlassingamenotes:"Equally x seriouswashis[theslave's]dependenceonthe'average'amount @ offoodandclothinghismasterdecidedwassufficientforall X slaves."Whatwassufficientforonemanorwomanmaybe   insufficientforothers!    14      ׀ExslaveAndersonadded,after  describinghisplantation'snewstandardrations:"And'twa'n't `  enough.Hehalfstarveusniggers,andhewantmorework." ( x RunawayslaveWilliamsonPeaseironicallycommentedtoDrewabout  @ thedraughtanimals'superiortreatment:"Horsesandmuleshave    foodbythemallthetime,buttheslaveshadfourpoundsoffat    baconaweek,andapeckofcornmeal,--notenoughtolastsome H   menthreedays."FrancisHendersonsimilarlycommented:"Our `  allowancewasgivenweekly--apeckofsiftedcornmeal,adozen (  andahalfherrings,twoandahalfpoundsofpork.Someofthe   boyswouldeatthisupinthreedays."@   15      ׀Underfeedingalmost h  inevitablycausedtheft,asPeaseandHendersonalsoobserved. 0  HarrietBrentJacobs,aliasLindaBrent,describedwellhow H  miserlytherationscouldbedoledout.Hermistresswould  8  spitinallthekettlesandpansthathadbeenusedfor P cooking.Shedidthistopreventthecookandher h childrenfromekingouttheirmeagerfarewiththe 0 remainsofgravyandotherscrapings.Theslavescould  getnothingtoeatexceptwhatshechosetogivethem. p Provisionswereweighedoutbythepoundandounce, 8 threetimesaday.Icanassureyoushegavethemno P chancetoeatwheatbreadfromherflourbarrel.She  knewhowmanybiscuitsaquartofflourwouldmake,and  exactlywhatsizetheyoughttobe.   16      X   ЇSoaccordingtotheslaves'owntestimony,thenearlyuniversal  "standardrations"wereinadequateformanyofthem,atleastby x themselveswithoutwhattheycouldraise,hunt,orstealontheir @ own,orwhatmoreindulgentmastersmightissue.@   17       X   FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticReconstructionsoftheSlaveDiet    FogelandEngermaninTimeontheCrossarguethatslaves ( x werewellfed:  @ 8  Theaveragedailydietofslaveswasquitesubstantial.    Theenergyvalueoftheirdietexceedingthatoffree H   menin1879bymorethan10percent.Therewasno `  deficiencyintheamountofmeatallottedtoslaves. (  Onaverage,theyconsumedsixouncesofmeatperday,   justanouncelowerthantheaveragequantityconsumed h  bythefreepopulation.   18      0    Althoughsuchdataasaverageheightsandrapidpopulationgrowth  indicateAmericanslaveswerenotseriouslyunderfed,thisresult  wasnotentirelyduetotheirmastersandmistresses'efforts.   19      ׀ P Theslavesstruggledtogetfoodontheirown,suchasbyhunting h andtrapping(bothrelativelyproductiveinasparsely  populated/frontierregion),gardeningsmallpatchesofland, x purchasingfoodusingmoneytheyearnedfromextrawork,notto @ mentionstealing.Thetestimonycitedabovecastssomedoubton X the"standardrations"ofporkandcornalonealwaysbeingenough   tosatisfyatleastadultmalebondsmen.    FogelandEngermanclearlymakemanydubiousassumptionsand ( x casualmistakeswhilereconstructingtheslavediet,asshownby  @ RichardSutch'ssearchingandintensivecritiqueoftheirdata.    Theirdisappearancemethodusesdatafromonly44generally    backwoodscountiesoutofParkerandGallman'ssampleof413 H   counties'farmandplantationfoodproduction.Theyassumethe `  slavesmusthaveeatenmostofthefoodproducedonthe (  plantationsintheirsubsamplebecause(theyreason)thesewere   toofarfromsignificanturbanmarkets.Theirsubsampleofthis h  sampleexcludedfarmsandsmallplantationswithfewerthan 0  fiftyoneslaves,thusdiscountingthepossibilityoflocalsales H  ofproducebythebigplantationstoneighboringfarmsandsmall  plantations.Indeed,theirsubsamplecomesdowntojustseventy  sevenplantations,includinglessthan10percentofthetotal P populationand1.5percentofthetotalproductivelandholdings h intheParkerGallmansample.Withsuchanarrowsamplefocused 0 onthelargestplantations,abiassimilartoU.B.Phillips's  AmericanNegroSlavery,distortionsinevitablyappear.Since p plantationswerecommercialandnonsubsistentbynature,they 8 soldproduceforcash.Usingasubsampleoftheminbackwoods P areasmorethanfiftywagonmilesfromurbanareaswouldnot  eliminatethedistortionscausedbylocalsalesofproduceorthe  drivingofanimalsonthehooftomarket.Thelatterpoint X underminesFogelandEngerman'sevidencefortheslaveshavinga  p highbeefconsumptionbasedontheirsubsamplesince15percent 8 ofallthecattleinitwereonfourTexasfarmsintwocounties   whichfelloutsidethefiftymileradius.ButsinceTexaswas x! notoriousforlongdistancecattledrivestomarket,itis @" implausibletothinktheseranches'slavesatemostofthesteer  X# raisedonthem!Theyunderestimatetheresidentwhite  $ population'sconsumptionintheseareas,suchasbyusing !% conversionratios(suchasdressedtoliveweight)whichlower `"& howmuchporktheslavesateandraisehowmuchthewhitesatein (#x' thesubsampledareas.Betweenallthemistakesandquestionable #@( assumptionsSutchidentifies,manyofthemomittedhere,nobody $ ) shouldplacemuchstockinFogelandEngerman'sargumentsfora % * variedandnutritiousslavediet.   20      ׀ H&!+   MuchofthedebateontheslavedietbetweenFogeland '(#- EngermanandtheircriticslikeSutchsurroundsmineraland  vitamindeficiencies.Forexample,wasthephenomenonof x dirt/clayeating,whichstillsurvivesamongSouthernrural @ blacksintheUnitedStatestoday,duetomalnutrition?A X thiaminedeficiencycouldeasilyexplainsomeplantations'   outbreaksofsuddendirteatingfrenzies.   21      ׀Beinghighinpork  andmaize,theclassicslavedietclearlywastailormadefor `  producingpellagra,justasitdidamongpoorwhites.Duetoits ( x chemicallyboundform,cornlacksniacinthatthehumanbodycan  @ easilyuse.Itshighcontentoftheaminoacidleucinepartially    eveninterfereswiththebody'sdigestionofwhateverniacinthat    isconsumed.Althoughthebodycanconverttheaminoacid H   tryptophanintoniacinfromcrudeprotein,thelowqualityfat `  porkslavesnormallyateunfortunatelywasapoorsourceofit. (  Evennowadays,letaloneinantebellumtimes,physicianshad   difficultydiagnosingpellagrabecauseitssymptomsseemtobe h  likeotherafflictions;italsomanifestsitselfintheearly 0  stagesindisparatewaysindifferentindividuals.Itnormally H  doesnotdevelopalongstandard,classicallines.Nineteenth  centuryAmericandoctorssimplydidnotknowaboutthisdisease,  sotheywouldthinkthebondsmenundertheircarehadother P diseases.Thedescriptionofthe"negrodisease"calledblack h tonguebySouthernphysicians,however,fitsnearlyperfectly 0 pellagrainitsearlierstages.Employingsucharguments,Kiple  andKiplesuggestthatpellagra'ssymptomsmanifestedthemselves p duringhardtimeswhenplanterscutbackontheirrations.It 8 alsobecameoperativeinmanybondsmeninanearly,endemicform P thatemergedduringwinterandearlyspring,onlytodisappear  againduetoseasonalfreshfruitsorvegetablesenteringtheir  diet.Sutchobservesthatthestandardrationfallswayshortof X supplyingenoughniacin.Itevenlackstheextraproteinwith  p whichthebodycouldconverttryptophanintoniacin.The 8 unsupplementedstandardrationhadothervitaminandmineral   deficiencies,suchasinthiamine,riboflavin,andcalcium.It x! wasshorteveninvitaminA,sincethecornandsweetpotatoesof @" theantebellumSouthwereevidentlynormallywhite,notyellow,  X# incolor.`    22      ׀Sincethebondsmenlikelysufferedfromdietary  $ deficiencies,atleastduringwinterandearlyspringwhenforced  tosurviveontheeasilystoreditemsofthestandardration x and/orunderharshermastersandmistresses'morerestrictive @ diets,thiscastsdoubtuponFogelandEngerman'srosy X reconstruction.   @ TheSlaveDietasCrude,Coarse,andBoring `    Besidesbeinglikelyvitamindeficient,theslavedietwas  @ obviouslycrude,coarse,andboring.AsFrederickDouglass    commented:"Nottogiveaslaveenoughtoeat,isregardedas    themostaggravateddevelopmentofmeannessevenamong H   slaveholders.Theruleis,nomatterhowcoarsethefood,only `  lettherebeenoughofit."VictoriaMcMullenrememberedher (  slavegrandmotherdescribedtheaverageslave'sdietthisway:   "Buttheotherslavesdidn'tgitnothingbutfatmeatandcorn h  breadandmolasses.Andtheygottiredofthatsameoldthing. 0  Theywantedsomethingelsesometimes."MaryReynoldsrecalled H  duringslaverydayswhatshewasfed:"Mostlyweatepickled  porkandcornbreadandpeasandbeansand'taters.Theynever  wasasmuchasweneeded."Althoughmonotonous,thisdietshowed P hermasteratleastgavemorethanjustthestereotypical"hog h andhoecake"diet.AsOlmstedobserved:"Thefoodis 0 everywhere,however,coarse,crude,andwantinginvariety;much  moresothanthatofour[Northern]prisonconvicts."The p restrictedfoodtypestheyreceived,thecrudecookingequipment 8 theyused,andthesharptimelimitsimposedbybothsexes P workinga"sunuptosundown"workdayallcombinedtoproducea  drearydiet.AsactressturnedreluctantmistressFannyKemble  observedatherhusband'sriceplantation: X 8      8  Theygottothefieldsatdaybreak,carryingwiththem 8 theirallowanceoffoodfortheday,whichtowardnoon,   andnottillthen,theyeat,cookingitoverafire, x! whichtheykindleasbesttheycan,wheretheyare @" working.Theirsecondmealinthedayisatnight,  X# aftertheirlaborisover,havingworked,atthevery  $ least,sixhourswithoutintermissionofrestor !% refreshmentsincetheirnoondaymeal.`"&   Sincetheadultsofbothsexesworkedsuchlonghoursofhard #@( laborinthefields,thecookingequipmentconsistinggenerally $ ) offireplacesoropenfires,andrelativelyfewornometalpots, % * forks,knives,andspoonsbeingavailable,crudelypreparedmeals H&!+ inevitablyfollowed.SolomonNorthrup,afreemansoldinto '`", slavery,saidslavesoftenlackedthemotivationtohuntafter '(#- workbecause"afteralongandhardday'swork,thewearyslave  feelslittlelikegoingtotheswampforhissupper,andhalfthe x timeprefersthrowinghimselfonthecabinfloorwithoutit." @ Littletimeremainedfortheslavewoman,ifoneapplies X unrealisticallythecontemporaryVictorianmiddleclass'ideology   oftheseparatespherestothissituation,tospendlonghours  bringingsupper'sfooduptosomeelevatedlevelofgustatory `  delight.JohnBrown,onceayoungslaveinsouthernVirginia, ( x describedhowsimplyslavesoftenpreparedtheirfood:"Weused  @ tomakeourcornintohominy,hoeandJohnnycake,andsometimes    parchit,andeatitwithoutanyotherpreparation."   23      ׀Ifissued    unground,justgrinding/poundingthecornintosomethingcookable H   tookenougheffortandtimeitself.Nevertheless,theslave `  diet'sfundamentalproblemwasthelackofvarietyinwhat (  slaveownersissuedtheirhumanchattelstobeginwith,notthe   lackoftimeoriginatinginlongdaysoffieldworkbybothsexes h  thatreducedthenumberofdomesticchores,includingcooking, 0  thatcouldbedone.   24       H    Settingupcommunalfacilitiesarmystylewasonepartial  solutiontoslaveswithoutenoughtimetocook.Kemblementioned P thatoneoldwomaninashedboiledanddistributedthedaily h allotmentofriceandgritsonherhusband'sGeorgiariceisland 0 plantation.FrancisHenderson,whoescapedfromtheWashington  D.C.area,saidslavescookedfoodontheirown,butoftenlacked p thetimetodoso:"Inregardtocooking,sometimesmanyhaveto 8 cookatonefire,andbeforeallcouldgettothefiretobake P hoecakes,theoverseer'shornwouldsound;thentheymustgoat  anyrate."Frequentlyhehadtoeatontherunandcouldnotsit  downtoeatduetimeconstraints.Duringharvest,thisproblem X wassolvedbycookingeverythingatthebighouse"asthehands  p arewantedmoreinthefield.Thiswasmorelikepeople,andwe 8 likedit,forwesatdownthenatmeals."    25      ׀Butthecostof   removingthisburdenthiswaywasstillgreaterregimentationand  furtherweakeningoftheslavefamily'srolebyreducingtheir x freedomaspartofindividualhouseholdstomakedecisionsabout @ consumption,i.e.,howdinnerwascooked. X @DifferingDietsforSlaveswithDifferentPositions    Sincemastersandmistresseswere"respectersofmen,"they ( x treateddifferentslaves--orgroupsofslaves--differently.   26      ׀In  @ particular,thehouseholdservantsanddriversandtheirfamilies    wereapttoreceivebettermaterialconditions,inexchangefor    (inevitably)thetightercontrolsandsupervisionduetobeingin H   thewhiteowner'spresencemore.(Thisistheclassictradeoff `  ofasincerelypracticedpaternalism).Thebleakpictureof (  fieldhandssubsistingon"hogandhominy"dietsdidnotapplyto   alltheirneighborsdwellinginthequarters.Nothavingjustto h  subsistonthestandardrations,servantsbenefitedfromthe 0  leftoversoftheirmasterandmistress'table,asKemble H  observed.MaryBoykinChesnut'sservantsmobbedherwhile  visitingnearherhusband'sfather'splantation,wantingherto  comehome.Hercooksaid,whenaskedifshelackedanything: P "Lackinganything?Ilackeverything.Whatiscornmealand h bacon,milkandmolasses?Wouldthatbeallyouwanted?Ain'tI 0 binlivingandeatingexactlyasyoudoesalltheseyears?When  Icookferyoudidn'tIhavesomeofall?Derenow!"Her p complaintwas,inpart,"Pleasecomehome,sowecouldeatbetter 8 again!"FreedmanEdwardJenkinsofMountPleasant,South P Carolina,toldArmstronghowhouseservantsgainedfromtheir  owner'smeals:"Whatdewhitefolkhadtereat,deservan'shad  also,whendewhitefolksdoneeatdeyfill."Althoughhis X parentswerefieldhands,agedfreedmanTonyWashington  p rememberedhismistressmadehim"thewaiterandpantry"boy. 8 Thisjoballowedhimtogetextrafood,includingleftover   alcohol,ashenostalgicallyremembered: x! 8  Dey[thevisitingwhitegentlemen]setdownergain,an'  X# Massasay:'Sonny,bringdeglasses!'I'dbringde  $ glasses,an'debrandyfromdesidebo'ahd.Deyknow !% howtertreatdeyliquorindeolddaysan'nobodygit `"& drunk.Co'se,IgoterlittledizzyoncewhenIdrink (#x' alldatdegen'lemanslef'indeyglasses--heh #@( heh!--butMissussayshegwinetellMassaterwhipme $ ) if'nIdodatergain!% *   SamJacksonbenefitedfromhavingrelativesintherightplaces '`", in"thebighouse."Heenjoyedreminiscingabouthisboyhood  job'sperks: x 8  Iwasdewaitin'boyfo'detable.Don'youknow,in X demconditions,Ihadasof'bedterliein?Yaw...   didIgitplentytereat?Jus'guessIdid.De  waiterboyallaysgotplenty,an'whenhisMawwas `  housewoman,an'hisAuntiedecook,guesshegoin'go ( x hungry?Ho!   27       @   Byhavingfamilymembersclosetothemasterorthemistress,    thisslavechildavoidedthecustomarylackofgoodtreatment H   ("investment")mostreceivedfromtheirownersbecausetheywere `  tooyoungtoworkinthefields. (    Furtherevidenceoftierswithinslavesocietyinthe h  quarters,asreflectedbydifferencesindiet,comesfrom 0  archeologicalinvestigation.AtThomasJefferson'sMonticello H  estate,investigatorsfoundbonesdepositedfromdifferent  animals,domesticatedandwild,indifferentpartsofhisestate.  AlthoughthedifferencesinbonesburiedbetweenBuilding'o'and P thestorehouse,bothareasmainlyforslaves,couldbeexplained h bysomeothermechanism,apparentlyhigherqualitycutsofmeat 0 wereeatenattheformerbutnotatthelatter.AsCradernotes:  "Meatyelementssuchaslumbarvertebrae,thepelvis,andthe p frontandhindlimbsalsoarepresent,elementsthatvirtually 8 areabsentfromtheStorehouseassemblage." x   28      ׀Differences P betweenthesecondarybutcherymarks,causedbyremovingthemeat  atthecookingstage,appearedbetweenBuilding'o'andthe  storehouse'sartifacts.(Primarybutcheryinvolvestakingthe X animalapartatthejointsafteritsslaughter).Thebonemarks  p foundatthesiteofBuilding'o'arelikethosethatwouldbe 8 producedbythewaythewhitesatthemansionate,butare   completelyabsentfromtheStorehouse'sassemblageofbones.The x! master,aswellashisevidentlybetteroffslaves,atetheir @" meatasroasts,whiletheworseoffslavesstewedtheirmeatin  X# pots,withtheboneschoppedupmuchmore.!   29      ׀TheevidenceCrader  $ literallyunearthedmayindicatethatJefferson'sdomestic  servantsconsumedthebighouse'sleftoversattheirhomesinthe x quarters,whichgavethemasomewhatbetterdietthanthefield @ hands."@   30      ׀ X @ TheSlaves'RoleinProcuringTheirOwnFood    Slavescouldseekadditionalfood,iftheywereableand ( x willingtoputtimeintoitafteralongdayworkingfortheir  @ mastersandmistresses,byhunting,trapping,fishing,and    tendingtheirownplotsofcrops.Somemastersbannedthese    activities,buttheslavesmightstillgosecretlyhunting(at H   least)anyway.AsfreedwomanJennyProctorofAlabama `  recollected:"Ourmaster,hewouldn't'lowustogofishing--he (  saythattooeasyonaniggerandwouldn't'lowustohuntnone   either--butsometimeweslipsoffatnightandcatchpossums."A h  strongmajoritystillpermittedtheirslavesextrawaystoget 0  food,showingastronglydifferentspiritfromtheEnglishrural H  elite'saboutalmostanyoneelsehuntingbesidesthemselves.  Northrupstatedwhy:"Noobjectionsaremadetohunting,  inasmuchasitdispenseswithdraftsuponthesmokehouse,and P becauseeverymaraudingcoonthatiskilledissomuchsavedfrom h thestandingcorn."Afternearlytrippingoverahugepileof 0 oystershellsonherhusband'scottonislandplantation,Kemble  latercommented:"Thisisahorridnuisance,whichresultsfrom p anindulgencewhichthepeopleherehaveandvaluehighly;the 8 watersroundtheislandareprolificinshellfish,oysters,and P themostmagnificentprawnsIeversaw.Theformerarea  considerablearticleofthepeople'sdiet,andtheshellsare  allowedtoaccumulate."Theslavesalsosetoutsomewhat X ineffectivetrapsforbirdsattheupstreamriceislandestate.  p AneighboringmastershotandkilledanoldmanofDouglass' 8 masterinMarylandwhile"fishingforoysters"forthetrivial   offenseoftrespassingonhisland.Inthiswaythey"madeup x! thedeficiencyoftheirscantyallowance."Huntingcouldbeof @" criticalimportancetothebondsmen'sdiets.Archeological  X# evidencefromtheHamptonSt.Simonsislandplantationhad17.6  $ percentofthebonesgatheredfromwildanimals,whileoneat !% Cannon'sPointhadanamazing89.8percentbynumberofbones `"& (44.5percentbyestimatedmeatweight)fromsuchfauna.These  percentagessharplycontrastwiththe2percentorlessfigures x fromMonticello,theHermitage,andtheplantationat @ Kingsmill.#   31      ׀Hence,dependingtheenvironmentandslaveowners' X provisions(orpresumedlackthereof),hunting,fishing,etc.   couldbejustaminorwaytosupplementtheslaves'diet,ora  mainstayperhapsrequiredforsurvival. `    Manyslaveownersallowedtheirbondsmentocultivatesmall  @ patchesofland,similartotheallotmentsthatEnglish    agriculturalworkerstended.Theslavesoftenbenefitedlittle    fromthem,becausethisextrafoodwaseventuallyobtainableonly H   byworkingontheirgardensafterhavingputinafullday'swork `  forsomeoneelse,thusincreasingtheirrealworkweek.Asaged (  exslaveMaryReynoldsofLouisianarecalled:   8  SometimesMassaletniggershavealittlepatch. 0  They'draise'tatersorgoobers.Theylikedtohave H  themtohelpfilloutonthevictuals....The  niggershadtoworkthepatchesatnightanddigthe  'tatersandgoobersatnight.Theniftheywantedto P sellanyintown,they'dhavetogitapasstogo.h   Somemastersstoppedtheirslavesfromhavinggardens,asex  slaveJennyProctorremembered.Althoughthispracticewas p common,Olmstednoted,variousplantersprohibitedit"becauseit 8 temptsthemtoreserveforandtoexpendinthenightworkthe P strengththeywantemployedintheirserviceduringtheday,and  alsobecausetheproducethusobtainedismadetocovermuch  plunderingoftheirmaster'scrops,andofhislivestock." X PlanterBennetBarrowallowedhisslavestohavegardens,but  p stoppedthemfromsellinganythinggrownontheirplotsbecause 8 itcreateda"spiritoftrafficing"whichrequiredofthem"means   andtime"theyhadnorighttopossess.Further,headded: x! 8  AnegrowouldnotbecontenttosellonlyWhathe  X# raisesormakesoreithercorn(shouldhebepermitted)  $ orpoultry,orthelike,buthewouldsellapartof !% hisallowanceallso,andwouldbetemptedtocommit `"& robberiestoobtainthingstosell.Besides,hewould (#x' nevergothroughhisworkcarefully,particularlyWhen #@( otherengagementsmoreinterestingandpleasingare $ ) constantlypassingthroughhismind,butwouldbeapt % * toslighthiswork.H&!+   Butbyallowinganimalssuchaspigsandchickenstoberaisedby '(#- theirbondsmen,otherslaveownersweremoregenerous.Fanny  Kemblenotedthattheblacksofherhusband'sriceplantation x couldraiseasmanydomesticbirdsastheywished,butnolonger @ hadpermissiontoraisetheirownpigs.Someslaveswerefreeto X growevencashcropsontheir"allotments."OverseerJohnMairs   wrotetoMrs.SarahPolkabouthowmuchcottonherhandshad  raisedforthemselves,whichwasmarketedwiththerestofthe `  plantation'soutput:"Youreserventscropeofcotenin1849was ( x about8400lbsofseadcoten."$   32      ׀Hence,thepracticeofgiving  @ plotsoflandtoslavestoraisesomeoftheirownfoodorcrops    wascommonintheSouth,butslaveownersmanytimesplacedmajor    restrictionsonit. H   @((VariationsinWhatFoodDifferentSlaveownersProvidedtoTheir (  Slaves     Muchvariationaroseinwhatfoodandhowmuchofitslaves 0  hadfrommastertomasterandplantationtoplantation.Onthe H  onehand,enoughdisturbingcasesofslaveswhorarelyornever  gotanymeatappeartocastsomedoubtontheutteruniversality  ofthe"standardrations."Afterall,wouldLouisianahavealaw P requiringslavestobefed(Olmstedbelieved)fourpoundsofmeat h aweekifslaveownerswerealreadydoingit?Headdedalso: 0 "(Thislawisadeadletter,manyplantersintheStatemakingno  regularprovisionofmeatfortheirforce)."FrederickDouglass p notedMasterThomasAuldinMarylandallowedhimandthreefellow 8 slavesinhiskitchenlessthanhalfabushelofcornmealaweek, P "andverylittleelse,eitherintheshapeofmeatorvegetables.  Itwasnotenoughforustosubsistupon."ThomasHedgebeth,  bornfreeinNorthCarolina,workedonsomefarmsthere.Ashe X recountedtoDrew:  p 8  Ihaveknownthattheslaveshadnotabiteofmeat   giventhem.Theyhadapintofcornmealunsifted,for x! ameal,--threepintsaday...Thisisno @" hearsay--I'veseenitthroughthespring,andonuntil  X# croptime:Threepintsofmealadayandthebranand  $ nothingelse.!%   ЀAfterbeingbesetbyaminormobofchildrenbeggingherfor (#x' meat,Kemblelaterwrotethatatthericeplantationherhusband #@( owned:"Animalfoodisonlyallowedtocertainoftheharder  workingmen,hedgersandditchers,andtothemonlyoccasionally, x andinverymoderaterations."Aneighboringplantationowner @ toldhersomewhatoffhandedlythatameatlessdietwasagood X socialcontroldevice:"Hesaysthatheconsiderstheextremely   lowdietofthenegroesonereasonfortheabsenceofcrimesofa  savagenatureamongthem;mostofthemdonottouchmeattheyear `  around."JohnBrownrememberedasaslavechildinVirginia ( x that:"Weneverhadmeatofanykind,andourusualdrinkwas  @ water."%   33      ׀Contrarytowhatsomemaythink,thisevidence    indicatesthatthecorninthestandardrationswasmore    "standard"thanthepork! H     Otherslavesenjoyedamoreluxurious,oratleastvaried, (  diet.Forexample,ThomasJefferson'sslaveshadatleasta   diversityofmeatsintheirdiet.Theyreceived.5to1.5pounds h  ofbeef,4to8fish,and4to4.5poundsofporkpermonthper 0  manorwoman.JudgingfromarcheologicalremainsatAndrew H  Jackson'sHermitage,Jefferson'sMonticello,andtheHampton  PlantationinGeorgia,beefmayhavebeenmoresignificantinthe  slavedietthancommonlybelieved.AgedfreedwomanHarriet P McFarlinPaynerecalledinthequarters:"Lateofaneveningas h you'dgobythedoorsyoucouldsmellmeatafrying,coffee 0 making,andgoodthingscooking.Wewerefedgood."Although  admittedlythiscoffeemayhavebeenersatz,McFarlin'saccount p stillshowstheseslaveswerefarremovedfromthebasicallycorn 8 andwaterdietBrowndescribedabove.Althoughnowseenasa P provenpublichealthmenace,thegivingoftobaccotoslavesby  planterBennetBarrowdemonstratestheyreceivedmorethanthe  barenecessities.InLouisianaOlmstedencounteredaplantation X thattoaminutedegreemadeupforthealmostinhumanhoursof  p grindingseason:Itissuedextrarationsofflourandallowed 8 thesugarrefinery'shandstodrinkasmuchcoffeeandeatas   muchmolassesastheywished.Tobaccorationswereregularly x! dispensedyeararound,andmolassesduringwinterandearly @" summer.CatoofAlabamarememberedasaslavehismistresson  X# Sundaygaveoutchickensandflour.Healsohadvegetablesand  $ driedbeefforeatinglater.PlowdenC.J.Weston,aSouth !% Carolinariceplanterwithseveralplantations,prepareda `"& standardcontractforhisoverseerswhichincludedstandard (#x' rations(someweekly,somemonthly,someinonlycertainseasons #@( orconditionalupongoodbehavior)ofrice,potatoes,grits, $ ) salt,flour,fishormolasses,peas,meat,andtobacco.Some % * mastersalsoissued(appropriately)buttermilktotheoften H&!+ lactoseintolerantslaves.Manyslavesgottheirhandson '`",  alcoholthroughtheirownearningsorbysellingpropertystolen '(#- fromtheirmasters.&   34      ׀SoalthoughFogelandEngerman'srosy   perceptionsoftheslavediethavesomesupport,theweightof x theliterarysourcesavailablefailstosustaintheircase @ overall,thusimplyingtheexistenceofflawsintheir X quantitativesamplingmethodology.Theslavesusually"enjoyed"   aspartandiet--althoughtheirpoorwhiteneighborsperhapsoften  wereonlysomewhatbetteroff--butanumberhadmorethanthe `  standardrationsthroughhavingmoreprogressiveand/orindulgent ( x mastersandmistressesand/orunusualopportunitiesorabilities  @ togetfoodontheirown.    @TheDietofEnglishFarmworkers:RegionalVariations H     TurningtotheEnglishagriculturalworkers'diet,strong (  regionalvariationsmustberemembered.Inthesamewaythe   BorderStatesusuallytreatedtheirslavesbetterthantheDeep h  Southpartiallybecauseoftheirabilitytomoreeasilyescapeto 0  theNorth,theEnglishfarmworkerslivinginareasnorthofthe H  Midlandslivedbetterthantheirbrethrentothesouth,wherethe  mostdesperateruralpovertyprevailed.Additionally,thegrain  growingarabledistrictsinthesoutheast,duetogreater P seasonalvariationsinemployment,normallyhadworseconditions h fortheirgenerallymorenumerousinhabitantsthanthepastoral, 0 shepherding,dairyingdistrictsinthesouthwest.SirJames  Caird'sdividingline,drawnfromtheWash(northofEastAnglia) p acrossEnglandthroughthemiddleofShropshire,quiteaccurately 8 dividesthehighwagenorthfromthelowwagesouth.Inthe P north,becausefarmersasemployersfacedthecompetitionofmine  operatorsandfactoryownersforlabor,theyhadtopayhigher  wages.Otherwise,lowwageswouldprovokefarmworkersto"vote X withtheirfeet,"causingthemtomigratetonearbyboomingurban  p areasbenefitingfromtheeconomicexpansionproducedbythe 8 industrialrevolution.EventhelikesofE.P.Thompsonadmits   thattherealwagesoflaborersinsuchareasprobably"hadbeen x! risinginthedecadesbefore1790,especiallyinareascontiguous @" tomanufacturingorminingdistricts.'Therewantsawarto  X# reducewages,'wasthecryofsomenortherngentryinthe1790s."  $ Bycontrast,inthesouth,outsideofLondon,acityoftrades !% dominatedbyskilledartisanswhichalsocontainedrelatively `"& littlefactoryemployment,fewnearbyurbanareaspossessed (#x' employerscompetingforunskilledlabor.Theincreasingly #@( overpopulatedsouthernEnglishcountrysideduringthisperiod(c. $ ) 17501860),andtheveryunderstandablereluctanceofrural  laborerstorelocatelongdistances,enabledthegentryand x farmerstosuccessfullyrachetdownwagestolevelsoftenbarely @ abovesubsistence,especiallyformarriedmenwithlarge X families.AccordingtoBrinley,in185051southernEngland's   averageweeklyagriculturalwageswereeightshillings,five  pence,about26percentlowerthannorthernEngland's.ByJames `  Caird'scalculations,thedifferencewas37percent.'   35      ׀Underthe ( x oldpoorlaw(pre1834),parishreliefincreasinglybecameaway  @ oflifeformanyoftheruralpoor,especiallyduringwinter    monthsinarablecountiesduetotheirstronglyseasonalswings    inagriculturalemployment.Thesubsidizingofwagesdirectly H   outofparishrelieffundsraisedbylocalpropertytaxes("the `  poorrates")putmerebandagesoverthedeepwoundsultimately (  inflictedbythedeclineofservice,theenclosureacts,and   populationgrowth.Unfortunately,such"solutions"asthe h  Speenhamlandsystem,whichgavesupplementalallowancesfrom 0  parishrelieffundstomembersoffamiliescommensuratewiththe H  riseandfallofbreadprices,onlyservedtodepresswages  further.Thegrimpictureofsouthernfarmworkers'families  dependingyeararoundmostlyonthe(frequentlyirregularly P employed)father'swagesoftenshillingsaweekorlessand h littleelsebesidesparishreliefsharplycontrastswiththe 0 northernagriculturalworkers'muchhigherwages,thegreater  availabilityofworkforwivesand/orchildren,andthefrequent p survivalofservice(thehiringof(unmarried)farmservants 8 underoneyearcontracts). P ̀  TheagriculturalworkerssouthofCaird'swagelineoften  enduredtrulydesperatematerialconditions.Amajorityofthem X probablyhadalowerstandardoflivingthanthemoderately  p betteroffslaves.Inparticular,meathadlargelyfallenoutof 8 thedietsofsouthernEnglishfarmworkers.Rememberingasa   childhowscarcemeatwasinWarwickshire,Agricultural x! Labourers'UnionorganizerandleaderJosephArch(b.1826) @" commented:  X#   $ 8  Meatwasrarely,ifever,tobeseenonthelabourer's  table;thepricewastoohighforhispocket,--abig x pocketitwas,butwithverylittleinit...In @ manyahouseholdevenamorselofbaconwasconsidered X aluxury.Flourwassodearthatthecottageloafwas   mostlyofbarley.   Hethendiscusseshowscarcepotatoeswerein"country ( x districts"--oratleastin1830sWarwickshire.(Forthegrowing  @ dependencyoftheEnglishonpotatoes,seepp.3335).Locally    onlyonefarmer,ahoarderin1835,hadgrownthem.Similarly,a    "RectorandConservative"describedthestatusof"bacon,[which] H   whentheycangetit,isthestaffofthelaborers'dinner."A `  carefulrationingexerciseaccompanieditsappearance,which (  befitmaleprivilege,orfemaleselfsacrifice,dependingon   one'sperspective:"Thefrugalhousewifeprovidesalargelotof h  potatoes,andwhilesheindulgesherselfwithheryoungerones 0  onlywithsalt,cutsoffthesmallrasherandtoastsitoverthe H  platesofthefatherandeldersons,asbeingthebreadwinners;  andthisisalltheywant."(   36      ׀  @((TheSouthernEnglishAgriculturalWorkers'DietWasPoor,Often h Meatless 0   WilliamCobbett,thegreatToryturnedradicaljournalist p andgadfly,sawupclosethepoor,largelymeatlessdietof 8 southernfarmlaborers.WhiletravellinginHampshire,henoted P the"poorcreatures"who"aredoomedtoleadalifeofconstant  labourandofhalfstarvation."Aftermentioningthesnackofa  poundofbreadandaquarterpoundofcheeseheandhisyoungson X atecametofivepence,oralmostthreeshillings,iftheyhadit  p daily,hewondered: 8 8  How,then,GraciousGod!isalabouringman,hiswife, x! and,perhaps,fourorfivesmallchildren,toexist @" upon8s.or9s.aweek!Aye,andtofindhouserent,  X# clothing,beddingandfueloutofit?RichardandI  $ atehere,atthissnap,more,andmuchmore,thanthe !% averageoflabourers,theirwivesandchildren,haveto `"& eatinawholeday,andthatthelabourerhastowork (#x' ontoo!#@(   Whenfacingsuchtightbudgets,laborersspentlittleonmeat, % * butconcentratedoncerealfoodstuffsor(perhaps)potatoes, H&!+ whichCobbetthatedtosee.Laterinthesamecounty,he '`", indignantlyobserved: '(#- Ї8  Thesepoorcreatures,thatIbehold,herepasstheir  livesamidstflocksofsheep;but,neverdoesamorsel x ofmuttonentertheirlips.Alabouringmantoldme, @ atBinley,thathehadnottastedmeatsinceharvest; X [thiswaswrittenNov.7th]andhislooksvouchedfor   thestatement.)   37           Cobbett'spolemicsconstituteonlyasmallpartofthe ( x evidencedescribinghowpoorthelaborers'dietwasinsouthern  @ England.CalebBawcombe,ashepherd,recalledforHudsonhowthe    sightofdeertemptedhisfatherIsaacintopoachingwhileliving    inWiltshire(c.1820): H   8  Formanymanydayshehadeatenhisbarleybread,and (  onsomedaysbarleyflourdumplings,andhadbeen   contentwiththispoorfare;butnowthesightofthese h  animals[deer]madehimcraveformeatwithan 0  intolerablecraving,andhedeterminedtodosomething H  tosatisfyit.   Somervilleencounteredoneman,whowasbetterfedinprison(he P hadparticipatedintheSwingRiotsof1830)thanwhenfreedto h liveinHampshire.Inprisonheatefourtimesaweek14ounces 0 ofmeat."Noworkingmanlikemeascangetit[goodmeat].I  wishIhadasmuchmeatnowasIhadinthehulk;andIwishes p thesametoeverypoorhardworkingmaninHampshire."While 8 visitingEngland,Olmstedlearnedofthispatheticvignettefrom P afarmer.Illustratinghowscarcefreshmeatwasinthe  laborers'diets,theygorgedthemselvesthefewtimestheycould  affordit: X 8  They[thelaborers]willhardlytasteit[freshmeat] 8 alltheirlives,except,itmaybe,onceayear,ata   fair,whenthey'llgotothecookshopsandstuff x! themselveswithallthey'llholdofit;andifyou @" couldseethem,you'dsaytheydidnotknowwhatitwas  X# orwhatwastobedonewithit--cuttingitintogreat  $ mouthfulsandgobblingitdownwithoutanychewing, !% likeasafowldoesbarleycorns,tillitchokeshim.`"&   EdwardButt,aSussexrelievingofficerandfarmer,recalledfor #@( theCommitteeontheNewPoorLawthatwhenhewasyounger $ ) (before1794)thelaborershadsomemeateverydaywiththeir  breadwhentheycametoeatinhisfather'sfarmhouse.Butby x 1837,theymainlyatebreadandvegetables,especiallypotatoes. @ Unabletogetmilkinhisarea,thefarmworkersalsoatelittle X meat.SomervillefoundoneWiltshirelaborer,althoughsaddened   byhisyoungson'sdeath,notfullyregrettingiteither:"We  ben'tsorryhebegone.Ihopeshebehappyinheaven.Heatea `  smartdeal;andmanyatime,likeallonus,wentwithahungry ( x belly."Ironically,whileservingasentenceinBermudafor  @ poaching:"Wehadterriblegoodliving...byasIeverhad    forworkinginEngland.Freshbeefthreetimesaweek,porkand    peasfourtimesaweek."Whenimprisonedlaborersatebetter H   freeones,Wiltshire'sdireconditionscanonlybeimagined. `  Similarly,onelaborerinHampshiretoldSomerville:"Theysay (  meatbewonderfulcheapinReading,butwhatofitbeingcheapto   wewhocan'tbuyitatnoprice?"Speakingmoregenerally,Deane h  andColenoteanincreaseinEngland'sgraingrowingacreagetook 0  place"attheexpenseofthenation'smeatsupply"duringthe H  FrenchWars.Asshownbymeathavingdisappearedfromtheir  dinnertables,manyagriculturalworkersinsouthernEnglandwere  beatendowntotheedgeofsubsistence.*   38       P 8  Grains,especiallyWheat,DominatetheAgricultural 0 Workers'Diet       PerhapsbestillustratingtheimportanceofgraininHodge's 8 diet,considerthecaseofoneHampshirelaborerandhisfamily. P Theynormallyonlyatebread,withsomevegetables.Somerville  learnedthefatherhadforbreakfastjustdrybread,ifanything  atall,beforemidday.Especiallyinhardtimes,thelaborers's X budgetsmightbe80percentormorecommittedtobuyingbread  p and/orflour.LoominglargeinthedietofsouthernEnglish 8 agriculturalworkers,wheatwasthedominantgrain,atleastin   goodtimes.Barley,rye,oroatsalsoputtheirappearances, x! withthelastbeingthenorth'sdominantgrain.Thesegrainshad  theadvantageofavoidingsomeofthenutritionalpitfallsof x corn(maize).Forallhistravails,HodgeinsouthernEngland @ didnotsufferfrompellagra,asmanyblackslavesinthe X AmericanSouthlikelydidforsomepartoftheyear.Since   relianceongrainsotherthanwheatinsouthernEnglandwas  deemedasignofpoverty,laborersoftenresentedeatingbread `  madeoutofanythingelse.Showingbarleydidnotalwaysmake ( x forpalatablefare,andpointingtoexceptionalpovertyforthe  @ southernEnglish,considerthisstoryHudsonlearnedabout    conditionsinWiltshire(c.1830)forthoseontheparishmake    workdetailduringthewintermonths.Someofhismostelderly H   informantstoldofhowthelaborersplayedwiththeirfoodinthe `  fields: (  8  Themenwouldtaketheirdinnerswiththem,consisting h  ofafewbarleyballsorcakes,intheircoatpockets, 0  andatnoontheywouldgatheratonespottoenjoy H  theirmeal,andseatthemselvesonthegroundinavery  widecircle,themenabouttenyardsapart,theneach  onewouldproducehisbannocks,andstartthrowing, P aimingatsomeotherman'sface;therewerehitsand h missesandgreatexcitementandhilarityfortwentyor 0 thirtyminutes,afterwhichtheearthandgravel  adheringtotheballswouldbewipedoff,andthey p wouldsetthemselvestothehardtaskofmasticating 8 andswallowingtheheavystuff.P   Admittedly,foodfightsduringlunchwithbarleyballswere  exceptional.ForthesouthernEnglish,wheatwastheirmainstay, X with94percentofthepopulationinsouthernandeasternEngland  p subsistingonwheatin1801.Incontrast,thenorthernEnglish, 8 despitehigherincomes,hadlessofatasteforwheat.According   toThomas,justsome25percentofthemliveduponit,while50 x! percentconsumedoats,18percentbarley,and6percentrye. @" Duringthe1760s,CharlesSmithjudged,assumingapopulationof  X# aroundsixmillioninEnglandandWales,that3,750,000ate  $ wheat,888,000rye,623,000oats,and739,000barley.Evidently, !% wheatbreadgrewinmarketshareuntilthe1790s,whenovertwo `"& thirdsofthepopulationrelieduponwheat.ThesouthernEnglish (#x' desiretoclingtothewheatenloafandtoresistshiftingto #@( potatoesorothergrainsdespitetheirlowwagesandtheeffects $ ) ofenclosurecombined,Thomasinfers,tocausethempossiblyto % * eatlesswheatthanformerlyandperhapsevenlessfoodoverall. H&!+ ThenorthernEnglishpreferenceforoats(similartotheScots') '`", wasmadelargelypossiblebytheavailabilityofinexpensivemilk '(#- tothepoor.Duetoenclosurestakingawaymostoftheircows, (#.  laborersinthesouthcouldnoteasilydolikewise,asthe h)$/ Hammondssaw.+   39      ׀Byopposinghavingcoarsergrainsthemainstay   oftheirdiet,thesouthernEnglishmaywellkeptthefiner x "luxurygrain"(wheat)intheirdietonlybyeatinglessofit. @ @ddTheRoleofPotatoesintheLaborers'Diet,DespitePrejudices   AgainstThem    Potatoesplayedanimportantroleinthelaborers'diet, ( x especiallyasthenineteenthcenturydrewon,anddesperation  @ brokedownresistanceagainstsubstitutingthemforgrain.    Exemplifyingthiscontemptforpotatoes,Cobbettsawthemasa    signoftheEnglishslidingdowntotheIrishlevel: H   8  Isee[inSussex]veryfewof"Ireland'slazyroot;" (  andnever,inthiscountry,willthepeoplebebase   enoughtoliedownandexpirefromstarvationunderthe h  operationoftheextremeunction!Nothingbuta 0  potatoeeaterwilleverdothat.H    Further,ratherthanseetheEnglishworkingpeoplereducedinto  livingonpotatoes, P 8  hewouldseethemallhanged,andbehangedwiththem, 0 andwouldbesatisfiedtohavewrittenuponhisgrave,  'HerelietheremainsofWilliamCobbett,whowas p hangedbecausehewouldnotholdhistonguewithout 8 complainingwhilehislabouringcountrymenwerereduced P toliveuponpotatoes.',(    40         DespiteCobbett'sopposition,amanfulloftheprejudicesofthe X southernfarmworkerwhichinspiritheremained,potatoesbecame  importantinHodge'sdiet.Demonstratingthedecayoffarm x laborers'antipotatosentiments,oneDorsetshirelandownerin @ Dorsetsuccessfullygotlaborerstoreclaimwastelandforhimin X returnforplantingpotatoes,despitetheyknewnextyearthe   processwouldberepeatedwithanotherpieceofland.In  Somersetin1845duringtheIrishpotatofaminetheblightwiped `  outallthepotatoes.Duetothelaborers'extremedependenceon ( x them,thiswasadisasterbecausetheirwagesaveragedamere  @ sevenshillingsandsixpenceaweekyeararound:"Foryears    pasttheirdailydietispotatoesforbreakfast,dinner,and    supper,andpotatoesonly.Thisyeartheyarenotlivingon H   potatoes,becausetheyhavenone."InSussex,Somervillefounda `  laborer'swifecomplainingabout"howithurtstheconstitution (  ofamantoworkhardonpotatoes,andnothingelsebutabitof   drybread."Thisfamilyatefourdaysaweeknormallyonly h  potatoesanddrybread.Somervilleevenexaggeratedhow 0  importantpotatoeswereinthedietofEnglishlaborers.When H  commentingonhowthepotatoblighthadwipedoutthecropinthe  southandwestofEngland,hesaidthiseventhadgottenfarless  attentionthantheIrishdisaster:"SurelytheEnglishpotatoes P arenottobeoverlooked,northeEnglishlabourers,whosechief h articleofdietpotatoesare....Howmuchgreatermustbethe 0 sufferingbewhentodearnessofbreadthereisthecompanionship  ofscarcityofpotatoes!"Nowalthoughpotatoesloomed p increasinglylargeinthelaborers'diet,and184546wasabad 8 yearforbothEnglandandIreland,grainsstillremainedtheir P staffoflifegenerally,unlikefortheIrish.Still,Cobbett's  antipotatocampaignmustberankedanultimatefailure:Near  thetownofFarnhamwhereCobbettwasbornandburied,Somerville X found"thefinestspecimensofthisyear'scropwhichIhaveseen  p inanypartofEngland,"havingseensomeexcellentpatchesof 8 potatoesbetweenthatplaceandthelocationofCobbett'sfarmat   Normandy.-   41       x! @ DidFarmworkersPreferCoarseorFineFood?  X#   Againsttheviewthatthefarmworkers(orslaves,by !% implication)preferfinerandlesscoarsefoods,Jeffriesonce `"& commentedonHodge'sdesiresandtheproblemswithchangingwhat (#x' Mrs.Hodgewindsupcooking: #@( 8  Thedifficultyarisesfromtherough,coarsetastesof % * thelabourer,andthefact,whichitisuselessto H&!+ ignore,thathemusthavesomethingsolid,andindeed, '`", bulky....Givehimthefinestsoup;givehimpates, '(#- orevenmoremeatyentrees,andhisremarkwillbethat (#. itisverynice,buthewants'summattoeat'.His h)$/ teetharelarge,hisjawsstrong,hisdigestivepowers 0*%0 suchaswouldastonishacityman;helikessolidfood,  bacon,butcher'smeat,cheese,orsomethingthatgives x himasenseoffullness,likeamassofvegetables. @ Thisisthenaturalresultofhistrainingtoworkin X thefields....Letanyonegoandlabourdailyin   thefield,andtheywillcomequicklytothesame  opinion.`    Althoughhisrathercondescendingviewswereontargetconcerning  @ foodpreparation,theyignorethefarmworkers'desiresforaless    coarsegrainsinceitmaycompose80percentormoreoftheir    diets.Certainly,someclassbiasisdefinitelycoloring H   Jeffries'viewsofHodge'srealdesires.Considerthe `  implicationsofbreadremainingthestaffoflifeforthe (  laborersandmakingupmostoftheirdailycalories.Toswitch   fromwheattobarley,ortooatmealwithoutmilk,wouldtax h  anyone'sdigestivesystemusedtothefirstgrainwhenitismost 0  ofwhatheorsheeats,notjustanincidentalas(wheat)bread H  isinmanycontemporaryAmericans'diets.Anyway,Jeffrieswas  notdiscussinggrainsubstitutionatall.Unlikemost  aristocrats,thelaborersengagedinheavyphysicalworkneeded P seriousbulkintheirdietinordertohavesufficientcalories h tosustaintheirefforts,buttheirfoodneednotbeunusually 0 hardtodigestorunpalatablycoarseafteritspreparationto  fulfilltheirneeds.Indeed,accordingtoYoung,foodthatwas p toobulkymightslowdownthelaborerseatingit.AsE.P. 8 Thompsonconfirms:"Thereisasuggestionthatlabourers P accustomedtowheatenbreadactuallycouldnotwork--suffered  fromweakness,indigestion,ornausea--ifforcedtochangeto  roughermixtures.".   42      ׀Althoughthesecomplaintswerelikely X partiallypsychosomatic,theystillshowthelaborerspreferred  p lesscoarsegrainintheirdiet. 8   Admittedly,thesouthernfarmworkers'partialityforthe x! whitewheatenloafwasratherunwisefromamoderndietician's @" viewpoint,asOlmstedobserved:"Nodoubtacoarserbreadwould  X# bemorewholesome,butitisoneofthestrongestprejudicesof  $ theEnglishpeasant,thatbrownbreadisnotfitforhuman !% beings."Thiscommentraisestheissueoftakingintoaccount `"& thelaborers'definitionsof"goodconditions"beforejudging (#x' thesebypurelymoderncriteria.Snelldiscussesthisissueat #@( length.IfHodgeplacedastrongpriorityoneatingfinewhite $ ) wheatbread,outsidersarepresumptuoustorearrangehislifefor % * him,sayingheshouldlikewhattheyjudgetobe"goodforhim," H&!+ eventhoughobjectivereasonsjustifythewouldbeimposition, '`", i.e.,thehealthadvantagesofincreasingtheamountofbranin '(#- thedailydiet.ThethreattothestatusofEnglishlaborers  posedbycoarserornonwheatenbreadintimesofdearthwas x ratherirrational,butitstillwasprobablymoresensiblethana @ contemporarypreferenceamongtheyoungfordesignerbrandjeans X orsneakersoverstorebrandsofsimilarquality.The"Brown   BreadAct's"attemptstoforcelaborerstoconsumebreadmadeof  wholemealflourprovokedriotsevenduringtheterrible18001801 `  agriculturalyear.InSurreyandSussexinsouthernEngland,the ( x resistancetothislawwasespeciallystrong;unsurpisingly,it  @ lastedlessthantwomonths./   43            TheMonotonyoftheFarmworkers'DietintheSouthof H   England `    ThesouthernEnglishagriculturalworkers'dietwas   monotonous,liketheslaves'.IntheSalisburyarea(1850)Caird h  founditlargelyconsistedofwater,bread,somepotatoes,flour 0  withalittlebutter,andpossiblyalittlebacon.Hereports H  whatsoundslikeaprisoner'smeal:"Thesupperverycommonly  consistsofbreadandwater."In1840sWiltshire,Somerville  foundtwolaborerswhocouldnotaffordbaconandvegetableswith P everydinneroneightshillingsaweek.Followingarecentwage h reduction,"theydidnotknowhowtheywouldwithseven 0 [shillings]."InWooburnparish,eveninanappleorchardarea  mostlaborersdidnotearnenoughtomakeapplepies!Years p later(c.1875),inthissamegeneralarea,Jefferiesstill 8 commentedwhilenotingimprovement:"Abasketfulofappleseven P fromthefarmer'sorchard[asagift]isatreattothechildren,  for,thoughbetterfedthanformerly,theirdietisnecessarily  monotonous,andsuchfruitasmaybegrowninthecottagegarden X is,ofcourse,sold."NearMonmouth,Olmstedranintoalaborer  p who,althoughhealsohadapigandasmallpotatopatch,"oft 8 times...couldgetnothingmorethandrybreadforhisfamily   toeat."0    44      ׀ThomasSmart,aBedfordshirelaborer,andhisfamily x! subsistedupongardengrownpotatoes,bread,andcheese,witha @" littlebaconoccasionally,supplementedbyteaandalittle  X# sugar.Attimeshewentwithoutmeatforamonth.Milkwas  $ difficulttobuyfromthelocalfarmers.1@   45      ׀Thehotdinner !% laborershadaroundnoononSundayJeffriesdescribedastheir  "thegreatevent"fortheday.Ofcourse,beercertainlyemerged x inHodge'sdietaroundharvesttime,andoftennotjustthen. @ Thealcoholicpartofthelaborers'dietsprovokedtherural X middleandupperclassesintonearlyendlessmoralizing,atleast   aboutitsabusesthatcausedthefather'swagestobewastedin  beerhousesandalackoflabordiscipline.Duetothenear `  absenceofmeat,thisdietwasarguablylesssatisfyingthan ( x slaves',exceptthatitsbreadoftenwaspurchasedbaker'sbread.  @ Thisbread,orevenwhatthelaborer'swifemadeathome,wasa    muchmorecarefullypreparedandrefinedproductthanthe    cornmealtheslavesoftenhadtopoundintoacrudehoecakeor H   johnnycake(cornbread).AsOlmsted(c.1851)observedwhilein `  southernEngland: (  8  Themainstayofthelaborer'sstomachisfine,white h  wheatenbread,ofthebestpossiblequality,suchasit 0  wouldbealuxurytogetanywhereelseintheworld, H  andsuchasmanyaNewEnglandfarmernevertasted,  and,evenifhiswifewereabletomakeit,wouldthink  anextravagancetobeordinarilyuponhistable.2`    46      P   Admittedly,whitewheatbreadlikelywastheonlyluxuryHodge 0 andhisfamilyinthesouthofEnglandenjoyed.Despitethis  particularboon,alackofmeatstillcharacterizedthesouthern p Englishagriculturallaborer'sdiet,althoughnotthe 8 northerner's.Allinall,theslaves'"standardrations" P arguably,minustheproblemsofeatingcrudecornbreadandthe  riskofpellagrawithoutfurthersupplements,likelysurpassedin  overallsatisfactionwhatthemajorityofthefreeagricultural X laborersofEnglanddependedonbecausemeat(andmilk)fellout  p oftheirdietasenclosureadvanced,makingitdifficultor 8 impossibleforthemtokeeptheirowncowsorpigs(seepp.4041   below),andtheyoftendidnotconsumeenoughevenofstarches x! (potatoesandbread)inhardtimes. @" @TheSuperiorConditionsoftheNorthernEnglishFarmworkers  $ Ї  ThenorthernEnglishagriculturallaborerclearlyenjoyed  superiorconditionstohissouthernbrother(orsister)during x thegeneralperiodofindustrialization.JosephArchrecalled @ whytheunionfailedinorganizingthenorthernfarmworkers: X 8  Wecouldnotdomuchinthenorth;aboutNewcastleand  thosenortherndistrictsthemenweremuchbetterpaid, `  andtheysaid,'TheUnionisagoodthing,butweare ( x welloffandcangetalongwithoutit.'TheUnionwas  @ strongest,andkeptso,intheMidland,Eastern,and    Westerncounties.     InnorthernEnglandnearScotland,inNorthumberlandandDurham, `  the186768Commissionersfoundthewageswerehighandthatthe (  labormarketfavoredthelaborers.Theinstitutionofservice   stillpersistedinnorthernNorthumberlandinthemidtolate h  1860s.Theywereoftenpaidinkindandreceivedfifteento 0  eighteenshillingsaweek.Daylaborersthosenotundera H  contractfortheirservicereceivedtwoandahalftothree  shillingsaday.Sincethelaborers'cottagesweredispersed,  theyavoidedthepitfallsofthegangsystemsincetheylivedon P orneartheiremployer'spremises,thuseliminatinglongwalksto h work.Wageswerehighenoughsotheirchildrenrarelywentto 0 workbeforeagefourteenexceptduringsummers,wheneleven  twelveyearoldstooktothefieldsduringagriculture'sseasonal p peakinlaborrequirements.InsouthernNorthumberland,none 8 undertenworked.Higherwagesallowednorthernlaborers' P childrentoreceivemoreeducationthantheirsouthern  counterparts,wherethemuchsmallermarginabovesubsistence  correspondinglyincreasedtheneedforthemtoearntheirkeepas X soonaspossible.AsanothersignoftheNorth'stightlabor  p market,routinelysinglewomenlivingintheirparents'home 8 oftenwereinfarmservice--"bound"in"bondage"anddidall   typesofheavyfarmwork.3   47      ׀Exceptingperhapsforhousing(see x! p.69),thisarea'sagriculturalworkerswereaboutaswelloff @" asnonskilledmanuallaborersthencouldexpect.  X#   AwayfromtheseareasnearScotland,wagesgraduallydecline !% untiltheLincoln\Leicesterareaisreached,wherearather `"& abrupttransitiontosouthernEnglishconditionsoccurs.Lincoln (#x' andNottinghamhadwagesoffifteentoseventeenshillingsa #@( week,butLeicesterjusteleven.Theirdietsreflectedthese $ ) wagedifferences,sinceinLincolnlaborers'familieshadmeat % * twoorthreetimesaday,whileinLeicesteronlythefatherhad H&!+ it,andthenjustonceaday.Similarly,forOxfordshireand '`", nearby,Somervilledescribedmanylaborersas"alwaysunderfed, '(#- evenifalwaysemployed."Bycontrast,Yorkshire'shigherwages (#. offourteenshillingsperweekencouragedparentstokeeptheir h)$/ childreninschoollonger.Therefarmservicestillremained,  withforemenreceivingthirtypoundsayearandboard,awagoner, x sixteentotwentypounds,andplowboys,tentofourteen.Tom @ MullinsofStaffordrememberedatageseventeen(c.1880)he X earnedsixteenpoundsperyearandhiskeep.InStafford,where   duringhislifehemovedfromthesoutherntothenorthernpart.  (Incidently,Caird'swagelinefallsatthiscounty'ssouthern `  border).Oatmeal,frequentlyturnedintothinsourcakesshaped ( x likedisks,alongwithdairyproducts,formedthemainstayofthe  @ dietbeforec.1890."Thoughwageswerelowpeoplemanagedon    themandalsosavedabit.Tenshillingswentalotfurtherthen    thannow.Breadwas3d.thequarternloaf,milk3d.aquart, H   tobacco3d.anounce...beerwas2d.,thebestwas3d."Since `  servicepersistedinhisarea,anannualhiringfairtookplace (  aboutOctobertentheachyear."ButIneverneedtohiremyself   out,asIalwayshadmorejobsofferedthanIcouldundertake. h  PityIcouldn'thavespreadmyselfabit!"4   48      ׀Asthese 0  descriptionsillustrate,thedietofthefarmlaborersnorthof H  Caird'slinewasquitegood,showingunquestionablythatthey  werebetteroffonaveragethanmostslavesintheUnitedStates  evenbeforeconsideringanyqualityoflifefactors.5   49       P @@ @ !MeatasaLuxuryForManyFarmworkers 0   Unlikemostslaves,themeatEnglishfarmlaborersateoften p camefromwhatanimalstheypersonallyownedandslaughtered 8 themselves,assumingtheywerenotsoldtomeetrent,clothing, P orotherexpenses.InWiltshire,nearCranbourne,Somerville  found"allofthem[thelaborers]keptapigortwo;buttheyhad  tosellthemtopaytheirrents."ASussexfarmer/relieving X officertoldParliamentaryCommissionersthat"everylabourerat  p thattime[pre1794]hadapig."Farmworkersinthatareathen 8 gotporkfromfeedingtheirownanimal,notdirectlyfromthe   farmerstheyworkedfor.Showingaseriousdeclineinliving x! standardshadsetin,Somervillefoundin1840sDorsetthatoften  laborerswerenotallowedtokeepapig:"Thedictumofthe x fatherofSirJohnTyrrell,inEssex,isunderstoodandactedon @ inDorset'Nolabourercanbehonestandfeedapig!'" X Betrayingamaterialisticbent,Cobbettsummarizedwellhow   importantowningpigswastothelaborers:"Theworkingpeople  [nearWorcester]allseemtohavegoodlargegardens,andpigsin `  theirstyes;andthislast,saythefeelosoferswhattheywill ( x abouther'antallectalenjoyments,'istheonlysecurityfor  @ happinessinalabourer'sfamily."Ofcourse,aspartoftheir    dutiesfortheirmasters,slavesraisedpigsandotheranimals    forslaughter.Buttheydidnotownthempersonally,except H   wheretheirmastersandmistressesallowedthemto,suchasthe `  tasksystemdominatedareaoflowlandGeorgiaandSouthCarolina. (  InEngland,butcher'smeat(i.e.,themeatofanimalskilledand   alreadycutupforthebuyer)wasregardedasaluxury. h  Consequently,classesabovethelaborerswereitsmain 0  consumers.6   50      ׀Jefferiesheapedscornonmaidservants,bornof H  fathersstillattheplow,whowhenat"homeha[d]beengladof  breadandbacon,"butafterhavingworkedforwealthytenant  farmers,"nowcannotpossiblysurvivewithouthotbutcher'smeat P everyday,andgameandfishintheirseasons."7   51      ׀Themeat h laborersatewasoftenwhattheyhadraisedthemselves,whether 0 itwasonthecommonsbeforeenclosure,onallotments,orin  theirowngardens.Dependingonthecommercialmarketformeat p wasnotawaytoeconomize.Scarceuntilafteraround1830, 8 allotmentshelpedlaborersraisetheirownpigs(whenso P allowed).Indeed,insomeareaswithallotmentsmanyormostdid  keeppigs,inpartbecausetheseproducedsomeoftheneeded  manuretokeeptheir(say)fourthorhalfacrefertile.8   52      ׀Butas X theenclosuremovementgainedstrengthafter1760,stripping  farmworkersofgrazingland,theylargelylosttheirabilityto x raisetheirownanimalsuntilallotmentsslowly,partially,and @ haphazardlyrestoredthisabilityafterc.1830. X   TheEffectsofEnclosureandAllotmentsonHodge'sDiet    Althoughamoregeneraldiscussionenclosureand ( x alllotments'socialeffectsappearsbelow(pp.279282,296299),  @ theeffectsofbothonthedietofthefarmworkersareconsidered    here.Enclosureaffectedcottagersandotherswhomixedwage    earningandsubsistenceagricultureusingthecommonsbycutting H   outthelatter,throwingthemfullyuponwhattheirwagescould `  purchase.AsE.P.Thompsonobserves:"Invillageaftervillage, (  enclosuredestroyedthescratchasscratchcansubsistence   economyofthepoorthecoworgeesefuelfromthecommon, h  gleanings,andalltherest."Ironically,astheParliamentary 0  Commissionersobservedin186768,allotmentsundidthis H  consequenceofenclosure,althoughtheycamelaterandaffected  significantlyfewerlaborers,especiallybeforethelate  nineteenthcentury.Theyallowedthelaborerstogrow P vegetables,especiallypotatoes,onaquarterorhalfacreof h landspeciallyrentedouttothem.Despitehisnotorietyasan 0 advocateofenclosure,agriculturalimprovementwriterArthur  Younglearnedthatenclosureusuallyoppressedthepoor: p 8  Intwentyninecasesoutofthirtyonenoted[by P ministersmakingadditionalcommentsonasurvey  checkingtheeffectsofenclosureongrainproduction],  thepoor,intheopinionoftheministers,were X sufferersbylosingtheircows,andotherstock....  p [Insomecases]allotmentswereassignedthem;butas 8 theywereunabletobeattheexpenseoftheenclosure,   itforcedthemnotonlytoselltheircows,buttheir x! housesalso.Thisisaveryhardcase,thoughalegal @" one;andasinstancesarenotwantingofamuchmore  X# humaneconduct,itistobelamentedthatthesame  $ motivesdidnotoperateinall.!%   TheseAnglicanclerics(membersofagroupknowntobegenerally (#x' unfriendlytothelaborers'bestinterests,asCobbettandArch #@( madeclear)madecommentsthatindicateenclosure'srolein $ ) worseningthedietofthepoorinvariousareasfollowingthe % * lossofcowsandotheranimals.OnefortheparishofSouldrop, H&!+ Bedfordobserved:"Theconditionofthelabouringpoor[is]much '`", worsenowthanbeforetheenclosure,owingtotheimpossibility '(#- ofprocuringanymilkfortheiryoungfamilies."Anotheradded, (#. forTingewick,Buckingham:"Milk[was]tobehadat1d.per h)$/ quarterbefore;nottobehadnowatanyrate."Repeatedlythey 0*%0 sawmanyhadtosellofforotherwiselosetheircows(sixteenof  thethirtyonementionedthisspecifically).ForPassenham, x Northampton,onecommented:"[Thepoorwere]deprivedoftheir @ cows,andgreatsuffersbylossoftheirhogs."Amanofthe X clothforCranage,Chesterremarked:"Poormen'scowsandsheep   havenoplace,oranybeing."Suchdeprivationshelpedtobreed  resentmentonelaborerexpressedagainstalmostanyonericher `  thanhimself.Whileattackingfarmers,lords,andparsons,he ( x additionallybroughtSomervilleintohislineoffire:"Isee  @ youha'gotagoodcoatonyourback,andafacethatdon'tlook    likeanemptybelly;therebenohungerlookingoutatweenyour    ribsI'llswear."9   53      ׀Clearly,enclosurerobbedmeatandmilkfrom H   themouthsofmanyfarmlaborersandtheirfamilies,andwasa `  majorcauseforeliminatinganimalfoodsfromtheirdietsasthe (  enclosuremovementgainedsteamafter1760inareaswithalabor   surplus,suchassouthernruralEngland. h      Allotmentsreturnedsomeofwhatenclosurehadtaken.These H  smallpiecesoflandgaveunderemployedandunemployed  farmworkerssomethingtofallbackuponfinancially.Becauseof  theSwingriotsof183031andtherisingburdenofpoorrates P causedbylaborersapplyingforreliefwhentheirwageswere h insufficienttosupportthem,themovementtorentoutfourthor 0 halfacrepiecesoflandpickedupspeedasthenineteenth  centurypassed.Intensivelycultivated,smallamountsofland p couldproduceimpressiveamountsoffood,asthe1843Committee 8 reported.Oneroodofland--usuallyonefourthofanacre--could P growsixmonths'worthofvegetables!Perhapsonehalfwouldbe  plantedinpotatoes,withtherestbeingbeans,peas,andother  vegetables.Oneeighthofanacrecouldgrowfivepounds'worth X ofcrops--equaltotenweeksormoreofwagesformanylaborers  p insouthernEngland.Inatleastoncecase,suchatinyparcel 8 producedeightybushelsofcarrots,fourteenfifteenbushelsof   othervegetables,whichwasdoubleortriplewhatthetypical x! farmerwouldhaveraisedonthesameland.Arood'sworthof @" landcouldalsoyieldahundredbushelsofpotatoes.Youngeven  X# publishedcalculationssuggestingthatif682,394laborer's  $ familieseachgrewahalfacre'sworthofpotatoes,thenEngland !% wouldhaverequirednograinimportsinthedisastrous18001801 `"& agriculturalyear.Becauseofthelaborers'enormousdesiresfor (#x' parcelstogrowpotatoesonCobbett'shatedrootsomelandlords #@( unscrupulouslychargedrentsuptoeightpoundsperacreper $ ) year,whichgreatlyexceededwhatatenantfarmerwouldpay. % * Allotmentscouldallowthefarmworkerstokeepanimalssuchas H&!+ pigs,asnotedabove(pp.3940),potentiallyenablingthemto  eatmeatmoreregularly.OneM.P.forLincolnhelpedtenantsby x rentingoutsmallallotmentstokeepanimalson.The186768 @ CommissionreportedthatinYorkshiresomelaborersbenefited X fromhaving"cowgates"topasturecowsinlanesnearby.:   54      ׀   AllotmentsoftenmadeamajordifferenceinthedietsofEnglish  agriculturallaborersfortunateenoughtohavethem.Thesewere `  unquestionablymoreimportantintheirlivesthanthepatchesof ( x landslaveownersallowedmanyAmericanslavestocultivate.  @ Unlikeforthefarmworkers,mastersandmistressesautomatically    gavetotheslavesthestandardrations,whichwasmostofwhat    theyate,exceptingsomeintasksystemareas,unlikeinEngland H   unlesstheworkerwasaliveinfarmservant. `  @ComparingtheDietsofEnglishPaupers,Slaves,andTheir   Government'sArmy h    IndicatingthatmanysouthernEnglishagriculturalworkers H  arguablyhadadietworsethanthatofmanyslaves,considerthis  comparisonbetweenthefoodtheyreceivedandwhattheir  respectivegovernmentsgavetolowlyprivatesintheirarmies. P Thelaborersperfamilyonparishreliefreceivedlessthanwhat h onesoldierintheRoyalArmydid,butatleastsomeslaves 0 receivedrationsthatcomparedfavorablytotheAmericanarmy's.  AsCobbettvehementlyprotested: p 8  Thebasewretchesknowwell,thatthecommonfoot P soldiernowreceivesmorepayperweek(7s.7d.)  exclusiveofclothing,firing,candle,andlodging;  ...[and]moretogodownhisownsinglethroat,than X theoverseersandmagistratesallow[inparishrelief]  p toaworkingman,hiswifeandthreechildren.;x   55      8   Asagrowingpopulationraisedunemploymentratesandenclosure x! eliminatedagriculture'ssubsistenceeconomy,manylaborers, @" probablyasolidmajorityinthesouth,wereonparishrelieffor  X# extendedperiodsduringtheirlives,especiallyduringthe  $ winter.<   56      ׀Sincearableagriculturewasahighlyseasonal !% business,manymorelaborerswereoutofworkinwinterthanin  summer,causingmanytodependonparishrelieforatvarious x parishmakeworkjobssuchasstonebreakingonthehighwaysor @ flintgatheringinthefields.Thedisproportionbetweenat X leastsomeslavesandtheU.S.Army'srationsforprivates   appearssmallerthantheratiobetweenfarmlaborersonparish  reliefandaverageEnglishsoldiers.Olmstedcitedan `  advertisementintheRichmondEnquirerwhichlistedoneanda ( x quarterpoundsofbeefandoneandthreesixteenthspoundsof  @ bread--presumablyhardtack--asthedailyration,withan    additionaleightquartsofbeans,twoquartsofsalt,fourpounds    ofcoffee,andeightpoundsofsugardistributedoutovereach H   hundreddays.Incontrast,theDailyGeorgiannotedtherations `  forslavesbeinghiredforayeartoworkonacanal.Eachwas (  toreceive"threeandahalfpoundsofporkorbacon,andten   quartsofgourdseedcornperweek."Atleastsomemasterswould h  beatthisrationofpork:PlanterBarrowBennetgave"weakly""4 0  pound&5poundofmeattoevrythingthatgoesinthefield--2 H  poundover4years11/2between15monthsand4years  old--Cleargoodmeat."=   57      ׀Evidently,thedisproportionwas  greaterbetweenwhattheBritishgovernmentgaveitsprivatesand P itslaborersinparishrelief(admittedly,thosenotworking)and h whattheAmericangovernmentgaveitssoldiersandanumberof 0 slaveownersgavetheirslaves.    BetterBreadVersusLittleMeat?:TheSlaveVersus 8 FarmworkerDiet P   ManybondsmeninAmericahadarguablybetterdietsthanmany  farmworkersinEngland,atleastwhenlivingsouthofCaird's X wageline.Threepoundsofporkorbaconroutinelyappearedin  p thedietofmostadultslaves,whilemanysouthernEnglish 8 agriculturalworkers,oncebothpopulationgrowthandenclosures   tookoff,hadmeatgenerallyeliminatedfromtheirdietsduring x! theperiodc.17801840.Ontheotherhand,thegraintheslaves @" ateoftenwascoarser,and(perhaps)morenutritionallysuspect.  X# Wheatbread,oftenmadebyabaker,whichmostsouthernfarm  $ workersmainlysubsistedupon,wasclearlyamorerefinedand !% tastyproductthanmaizecrudelypoundedandcookedintheforms `"& ofhoecakeandjohnnycake.Reflectinghowthelaborershadlost (#x' meat,buthadamuchfinergrainproductcomparedtotheslaves, #@( J.Boucher,vicarofEpsom,observedinlate1800:"OurPoor $ ) livenotonlyonthefinestwheatenbread,butalmostonbread % * alone.">   58      ׀Itremainsunclearwhoatemorevegetables.Inthis  regard,thoselaborersfortunateenoughtohaveallotments--a x seriouspossibilityonlytowardstheendoftheperiodbeing @ surveyedhere--probablywerebetteroffthanamajorityofthe X slaves,manyofwhomlivedalmostexclusivelyonthe"standard   rations"ofcornandpork.Mostfarmworkerswerenotthislucky,  andthestoriesofprivationnotedabove(pp.3032)suggest `  whatvegetablestheyhadwerelimitedtopotatoes.Regional ( x variationswithinEnglandcomplicatethispicture:Theminority  @ offarmworkersfortunateenoughtoliveinthenorthnearwhere    competitionforlaborbyindustryandminingpusheduptheir    wageswerecertainlybetteroffmateriallythanmostAmerican H   slaves,evenbeforeconsideringanymoreetherealqualityoflife `  criteria.AsforAmericanregionalvariations,theBorderStates (  suchasVirginiaorKentuckymayhavetreatedtheirslaves   better.Butthedifferencemayhavebeenbeenmoreintheform h  oflessbrutaltreatmentthaninbetterfood,sinceFrederick 0  Douglass,JohnBrown,andCharlesBallinMarylandandVirginia H  describerationssimilartotheevidenceencounteredfrom  elsewhereintheSouth.(Regionalvariationsinthefoodgiven  toslaves,however,needmuchmoreresearch).Thedifferences P betweenAmerica,asparselypopulated,newlysettledcountry,and h England,arelativelydenselypopulatedandintensivelyfarmed 0 landsufferingfromtheMalthusianeffectsofrapidpopulation  growthduringitsperiodofindustrialization(andthe p mismanagementofenclosure),helpsexplainthissupremeirony: 8 ThefreefarmlaborersofsouthernEnglandarguablyhadadiet P worsethanthatofAmericanbondsmeninMississippiorGeorgia.  Ifthosekeptinslavery--theworstAmericanhumanrightsabuse,  allthingsconsidered--mayhaveeatenbetterthanEnglishrural X laborers,thatisdeeplytotheshameofEngland'selite--"old  p corruption."?X   59       8 @xx*ClothingforSlaves x!   Theamountofclothingslavesreceivedisrelativelywell  X# documented,becauseitwasasignificantitemofexpenseoften  $ boughtoffplantationandthenshippedandissuedtotheslaves !% insteadofbeingmaderightonit.Thisgeneralizationdoesnot `"& denyhowprevalenthomespunclothingwasintheSouth,butshows (#x' plantersandothermastersoftenchosenottoruntrulyself  sufficientplantationsorfarmsinmattersofclothing.Because x lowqualitypurchasesweremade,notmanymonthspassedbefore @ theslaves'"new"clothesbecameloosefittinghalfrags.Bennet X Barrowdispensedanotatypicalclothingrationperyear,at   leastforlargerplanters.Inhis"RulesofHighlandPlantation"  hestated:"Igivethemclothstwiceayear,two--onepair `  shouesforwinterevrythirdyearablanket--'single ( x negro--two.'"Hisrelativelyfrequentissueofblanketswas  @ perhapsunusual.Hedutifullynotedtheirissuancesometimesin    hisdiary.EscapedslaveFrancisHenderson,from"Washington    City,D.C.,"recalledthathismasterdealtwithblanketsless H   generously--hereceivedonlyonebeforerunningawayatage `  nineteen."Inthesummerwehadonepairoflinentrousersgiven (  us--nothingelse;everyfall,onepairofwoolenpantaloons,one   woollenjacket,andtwocottonshirts."InVirginia,Olmsted h  learnedthat: 0  8  Astotheclothingoftheslavesontheplantations,  theyaresaidtobeusuallyfurnishedbytheirowners  ormasters,everyyear,eachwithacoatandtrousers, P ofacoarsewoollenorwoollenandcottonstuff(mostly h made,especiallyforthispurpose,inProvidence,R. 0 I.)forwinter,trousersofcottonosnaburghsfor  summer,sometimeswithajacketalsoofthesame;two p pairsofstrongshoes,oronepairofstrongbootsand 8 oneoflightershoesforharvest;threeshirts,one P blanket,andonefelthat.   Thisoptimisticdescriptionprobablypertainedtothemoreideal X mastersandwhatslaveownersbyreputationweresupposedtodo,  p orreflectedthebettertreatmentofslavestheBorderStates 8 suchasVirginiawereknownfor.Later,inaconversationwith   anoldfreeblackman,heobserved:"Well,I'vebeenthinking, x! myself,theniggarsdidnotlooksowellastheydidinNorth @" CarolinaandVirginia;theyarenotsowellclothed,andthey  X# don'tappearsobrightastheydothere."Additionally,  $ Christmasgiftsofcertainfinerycouldsupplementthebasic !% yearlyrationoftwosummersuitsandonewintersuit,ashe `"& notedaboutfourlargeadjacentplantations"situatedona (#x' tributaryoftheMississippi"ownedbyonenormallyabsentee #@( planter.Slavesalsocouldpurchaseclotheswithearningsfrom $ ) workingonSundays,holidays,orlateatnight.@   60      ׀Hence,the % * slavesnormallywereissuedacertainamountofclothingyearly,  butwasitenough? x @ "BadClothingConditionsforSlaves X   Evidencerepeatedlypointstotheeverydayworkclothesof  enslavedblacksbeingnearrags.Thesemitropicalweatherof `  theDeepSouthnodoubtcontributedtoslaveowners'complacency ( x withilldressedslaves.PerhapsthereasonwhyOlmstedhad  @ observedbetterdressedslavesinVirginiaandNorthCarolinawas    becauseplantersandotherslaveholdersknewthesestateshad    harsherclimatescomparedtotheDeepSouth,whichencouraged H   themtodistributemoreand/orbetterclothes.Evenso,ragged `  slaveswerecommonthroughouttheSouth.BornfreeinNorth (  Carolina,ThomasHedgebethhadworkedforvariousslaveholders.   Hesawhowbadlydressedtheslaveswereatoneplace.Theyhad h  nohatswhilehavingtoworkinthefieldsinsummer.Ashe 0  described: H  8  Theywereabadlookingset--sometwentyof  them--starvedandwithoutclothingenoughfordecency. P Itoughttohavebeenadisgracetotheirmaster,to h seethemabouthishouse.Ifamanweretogothrough 0 Canada[wherehewaslivingatthetime]so,they'd  stophimtoknowwhathemeantbyit--whetheritwas p povertyorifhewascrazy,--andthey'dputasuitof 8 clothesonhim.P   TheslavesOlmstedsawwhilepassingbyonatraininVirginian  fieldswere"veryragged."AtonefarminVirginia,"thefield X handsworeverycoarseandraggedgarments."Adifferentproblem  p appearedonthericeislandestateKemblestayedat.Theslaves 8 issuedafairamountofthickclothtoturnintoclothes.Butin   coastallowlandGeorgia'shotclimatetheresultinggarmentswere x! virtuallyintolerableduringsummer,eventotheblacks @" accustomedtotheclimate.AX   61      ׀Simplyput,theirclotheswereso  X# badbecausetheirownersbasicallydeterminedhowmuchwouldbe  $ spentonthem,nottheslavesthemselves.Theirmasters'self !% interestnaturallyledtothemtominimize"unnecessaryclothing `"& expenditures." (#x'   Slavechildrensufferedmostfrominadequateclothing $ ) rations.Oftentheyendedupwithjustalongshirt,although % * nakednesswasnotunknown.AgedfreedwomanMaryReynoldsof H&!+ Louisianarecalledwhatsheworewhenshewasyoung:"Inthem '`", daysIwearedshirts,likealltheyounguns.Theyhadcollars '(#- andcomebelowthekneesandwassplitupthesides.That'sall  wewearedinhotweather."FrederickDouglassrecalledhiswant x ofclothingwhenhewasachild: @ 8  Isufferedmuchfromhunger,butmuchmorefromcold.   Inhottestsummerandcoldestwinter,Iwaskeptalmost  naked--noshoes,nostockings,nojacket,notrousers, `  nothingonbutacoarsetowlinenshirt,reachingonly ( x tomyknees. @   Hefoundthethoughtofowningapairoftrousersattheageof    sevenoreight--offeredbecausehewasbeingsenttoBaltimoreto H   workasaservant--"greatindeed!"AgedfreedmanCiceroFinchof `  Georgiarememberedhowbothslaveboysandgirlsworethesame (  basicpieceofclothing:   8  An'dechillun?Whendeybig'noughterputon 0  anything,it'sashirt.Boysan'girlsdesame.Run H  roun'indatshirttail.Somedegalstiebeltroun'  demiddle,an'dat'sdeonlydiffrunts.   Inanupbeatrecollectionpresumablyblurredbynostalgia,old h exslaveKikeEppsofSouthCarolinadescribedastilllower 0 standardthatprevailedforchildren'sclothingonhismaster's  plantation:"Dishy'ar[banyan]shu't...wuhmadejus'laka p sack.Gotholeintopfo'dehaid,an'holesfo'dearms.Pull 8 itoveryo'haid,pushyo'armst'roughdesideholes,an'dar P yo'is!"Theywouldwearthisbagwithholes"tilldeymos'  growedup!"DuetoSouthCarolina'swarmclimateeveninwinter,  heworethisoutfitwithoutcomplaint,makingforadecidedly X differentmemoryfromFrederickDouglass'sbitterexperiencein  p Maryland'smuchharsherwinters.Althoughthispatternhad 8 exceptions,generallylittlewasspentonchildren'sclothes   becausetheydidnofieldlaborwhenyoung,causingtheless x! forwardlooking"entrepreneurial"slaveownersto"invest"lessin @" their"humancapital"atthispointintheirlives,touse  X# desiccatedcliometricterminology.B   62        $ @TTDifferencesinClothingProvidedforSlaveswithDifferent `"& Positions (#x'   Justasforfood,differentgroupsofslavesreceived $ ) differentkindsand/oramountsofclothing.Mostobviously,the % * largerplantersissuedbetterclothestoservantsthantofield H&!+ hands,sincetheyhadtolookpresentabletothebighouse's  visitors.C   63      ׀Theyalsoreceivedthecastoffsofthemaster's x family,inthesamewaytheyenjoyedthescrapingsandleftovers @ ofthemaster'stable.Afterbeingmadeaservantasachild, X oldfreedmanHenryColemanrememberedhismothertoldhisfather   aboutoneofhisnewneeds:"Thatblacklittleniggerover  there,hegottogithisselfsomepants'causeI'sgwinetoput `  himupoverthewhitefolks'stable."Hisjobwastoswishaway ( x fliesfromaswingwithabrushofpeacockfeathersoverhis  @ owner'stable.Towearonlyashirtfromthatelevatedposition    justmightprovetobetoorevealing!Slaveswithmanagerial    dutiesalsoacquiredbetterattire.Olmsteddescribedthe H   "watchman"--thetopslavewhoservedvirtuallyasastewardand `  storekeeperforalargeSouthCarolinariceplanter--asbeingas (  welldressedandaswellmanneredasany(white)gentleman.One   exslavesaidhisfather,adriver,was"deonlyslavedatwas h  givedehonortowearboots."D   64      ׀Soatthecostoflivingundera 0  master'sormistress'sclosersupervision,driversanddomestic H  servantsenjoyedgreatermaterialbenefitssuchashavingbetter  foodandclothing.    Manyslavessavedtheirbestclothingforgoingtochurchon h Sundaysorspecialoccasions,butreservedtheworstforwork. 0 GusFeaster,aSouthCarolinianfreedman,remembered:  8  Usworethebestclothesthatushad[atchurch].... 8 Uskeptthemcleanedandironedjustlikethemaster P andtheyoungmastersdonetheirn.Thenusworea  stringtie,thatthewhitefolksdoneletushave,to  church.That'bouttheonliesttimethatadarkywas X seedwithatie. p   SolomonNorthrup,heldinbondageinLouisiana,recalledthaton   Christmasslavesdressedupthebesttheycould: x! 8  Then,too,'ofalli'theyear,'theyarraythemselves  X# intheirbestattire.Thecottoncoathasbeenwashed  $ clean,thestumpofatallowcandlehasbeenappliedto  theshoes,...[and,perhaps]arimlessorcrownless x hat...[was]placedjauntilyuponthehead.@   Manywomenworeredribbonsinthehairorhandkerchiefsover   theirheadsthenaswell.Kemblesawasimilarphenomenon,  comparingittopoorIrishimmigrantswhospent(judgingfromher `  middleclassstandpoint)toomuchonclothesaftercomingto ( x America:  @ Ѐ    8  Idrovetochurchtodayinthewoodwagon,withJack    andAleck,Hectorbeingourcharioteer,inagilt H   guardchainandpairofslipperstomatchasthe `  Sabbaticpartofhisattire....The[male]Negroes (  certainlyshowthesamestrongpredilectionforfinery   withtheirwomenkind.h    Moststrikingly,afreeblackmanfromNorthCarolinapeddling H  tobaccoinSouthCarolinatoldOlmstedhowdifferentlytheslaves  dressedwhileonthejobcomparedtochurch:  8  Well,master,Sundaysdeyismightywellclothed,dis h country;'pearslikederean'tnobodylooksbetter 0 Sundaysdandeydo.ButLord!workin'days,seems  likedeyhadennoclosedeycouldkeepon'umatall, p master.Deyisa'mos'naked,wendeysatwork,someon 8 'em.E   65      ׀P   Ofcourse,sincetheynormallyworkedsixdaysoutofseven,  bondsmencouldnotweargoodclotheseveryworkdaywithout X ruiningalltheyhad.Mostlackedthenecessarychangesof  p shirtsandpantstodothat.Dressingbadlyatworkcomparedto 8 churchorotherspecialoccasionsalsomayhavereflectedtheir   differentattitudestowardsthetwosituations.Onthedaythey x! arefreefromworkand"owntheirowntime,"theydressedto @" expressthemselves.Butwhentheyareinthefields,sixdays  X# outofseven,andtheirtimeisthemaster'stime,theyavoided  $ dressingaboveaverageortryingtoimpresstheircompanionsin !% bondage,unlikeatchurchonSundays.Doingsomightwellbring `"& theunwantedattentionsoftheoverseerormasteragainstsome (#x' "uppity"black.Fx   66      ׀BondsmenandwomenindulgedinwhatKemble #@( called"thepassionfordress"noteveryday,butonlyondays  wheretheimmediatecoercionassociatedwithworkceased. x @TheFactoryVersusHomespun:TheMaster'sDecision X   Mastersacquiredclothingfortheirslavesintwodifferent  ways.First,theycouldplaceorderswithfactoriesintheNorth `  orinEngland.Second,theycouldmakehomespunrightonthe ( x farmorplantationitself.Olmstedtimeandtimeagainrefersto  @ theubiquityofhomespunaswornbywhitesintheSouth,    includingthesmallerplanters,whichherarelywitnessedinthe    North.WhensummarizingtheeconomicbackwardnessoftheSouth, H   hepointedout:"HowisitthatwhileinOhiothespinningwheel `  andhandloomarecuriosities,andhomespunwouldbea (  conspicuousandnoticeablematerialofclothing,halfthewhite   populationofMississippistilldressinhomespun,andatevery h  secondhousethewheelandloomarefoundinoperation?"GX   67      ׀One 0  ofBennetBarrow'smostcommondiarynotationsdescribinghis H  slaves'dailyworkconcernedslavewomenspinningonrainydays  whichkeptthem(atleast)busy.Slavesandothersrecalledthe  makingofhomespunclothing.H   68      ׀Herethewhitepopulation's P standardoflivingconstitutesaceilingontheblack/slave h population'sconditions.Slavesareexceedinglyunlikelytohave 0 anythingroutinelybetterthantheirwhiteneighbors,outsideof  exceptionalindividualssuchastheaforementioned"watchman"on p oneSouthCarolinariceplantation.Homespunwascoarsercloth 8 andrequiredmuchtimetoproduce,buthadtheadvantageof P reducingcashoutlaysforsubsistencefarmers.Theygainedmore  independencefromthemarket,butatthecostofmanyextrahours  oflabor.Submittingtothedivisionoflabor,whichsmall X farmersaccessedthroughthemarket,alwayspresentstradeoffs:  p Theycouldstayindependent,andeithergowithoutorputmore 8 hoursoftheirlivesintoproducingathomewhatcouldbebought   instead,orpayforit,usingcashearnedfromcashcropssoldon x! anopenmarket,knowingthatasustainedpricedropcouldruin @" them.  X#   Unfortunatelyfortheslaves,whentheirmasterschoseto !% relyonthemarket,theclothingoftenspeciallymanufacturedfor `"& themwasofacheap,lowgradequality.Clothesmadeof"Negro (#x' cloth"weredurablebutroughontheskin.Evenclothesmadeof  thismaterialmaynotlastthatlong,sincetheyoftenhadonly x oneortwosetsofclothestowear,besidesanyfinerytheymight @ luckilypossess.Havingsofewclothesmadeithardtowashand X cleantheirclothesmorethanonceaweek.I   69      ׀Sincetheyoften   didnothaveanotherfullsetofclothestochangeinto,the  dailywearandtearonwhattheydidownwasnearlyceaseless `  duringtheworkweek.Clearly,sincetheslaveownersnormally ( x chosewhatandhowmuchthemarketproduced,itwashardlya  @ saviorinprovidingbetterclothesfortheslaves.    @'SlavesandShoeShortages H     Slavesalsosufferedfromnothavingenoughpairsofshoes (  orboots.TheSouth'swarmclimatefortunatelymitigatedthis   shortage'snegativeeffects,especiallyintheDeepSouth.Old h  freedwomanNiceyKinneyrecalledthatthefreedmenafter 0  emancipationwhengoingtochurchwere"intheirSundayclothes, H  andtheywalkedbarefootswiththeirshoesacrosttheirshoulders  tokeep'emfromgittingdirty.Just'foretheygottothe  churchtheystoppedandputontheirshoes..."Thisobviously P impliesthatmanyslavespreferredtogobarefootattimes,at h leastinsummer.Still,BarrowknewthedogdaysofAugustcould 0 tormentevenhisblacks'feet:"groundhereverryhottothe  negrosfeet."Butwhencoldweatherclosedin,lackingadequate p protectionforthefeetsuddenlybecamedangerous.Oncethe 8 jealousmistressofHarrietBrentJacobsorderedhertotakeoff P hercreakingnewshoes.Latershewassentonalongerrand  duringwhichshehadtowalkinthesnowbarefoot.After  returningandgoingtobed,shethoughtmightendupsick,even X dead."Whatwasmygriefonwakingtofindmyselfquitewell!"  p Asaslavechild,FrederickDouglassrecalledwhatgoingbarefoot 8 didtohisfeetinMaryland'swinter:"Myfeethavebeenso   crackedwiththefrost,thatthepenwithwhichIamwriting x! mightbelaidinthegashes."FreedwomanMaryReynoldshadto @" wearshoeswithbrassstudsinthetoesandsideswhichhurther  X# anklesbecausetheyweretoosmall.Despiterubbingtallowinto  $ theseshoesandputtingragsinthem,theystillleftherwith !% lifelongscars.Similartotheirclothingsituation,slave `"& childrenwereevenmoreneglectedaboutbeinggivenproper (#x' shoes--manyreceivednoneatall.OneVirginiaslaveowner #@( ruefullyregrettedthedeadlyresultoffailingtoshodone $ ) slave,tellingOlmstedthat:"Helostavaluablenegro,once, % * fromhavingneglectedtoprovidehimwithshoes."JX   70      ׀Judgingfrom H&!+ howmastersandmistressestendedtoneglectsupplyingtheir  bondsmenwithsufficientclothing,deemingitratheroptional, x especiallyintheDeepSouth,theslaveswereevenmoreapttobe @ illsuppliedwithshoes,especiallysincetheythemselvesdidnot X alwayswishtowearthem.Slavescertainlywereunlikelytohave   moreshoesthantheyneeded!  ̀  Justasforclothing,mastersandmistressescouldgettheir ( x bondsmenshoesfromtwodifferentbasicsources.Onestandard  @ approach,commonlyusedbythelargerplanters,wastoorderthem    fromsomecompanyintheNorthorEngland.Brogans,basic,hard,    andheavyworkshoes,werenotpurchasedwhilemeditatingonthe H   tendernessoftheslaves'feet.Theywereoftenorderedasize `  large,sincethecertaintyofthefitwasquestionablewhen (  orderingfromadistance.Barrowrepeatedlyrecordedgiving   shoestohisslaves,alwaysinOctoberwhennoted.Hesaidthey h  wereissuedforwinteryearly,whichhasitsimplicationsabout 0  therestoftheyear.Alternatively,shoescouldbemadelocally H  andindividuallybyashoemaker,perhapsbyaslavecraftsman  ownedbytheplanterhimself.K@   71      ׀Eitherway,therationofshoes  givenouteachyearwasunlikelytolastuntilthenextyear's P newallowancearrivedwhilesufferingunderthestrainofheavy h fieldwork.Thebondsmen'spreteenchildrenwerefortunateto 0 getanyshoesatall,sincetheyrarelyworkedwiththecrops.  @FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticTakeonSlaves'ClothingRations 8   Pressingforthanoptimisticlineonslaveclothing  allowances,FogelandEngermanclaim:  8  These[recordsfromlargeplantations]indicatethata  p fairlystandardannualissueforadultmaleswasfour 8 shirts(ofcotton),fourpairsofpants(twoofcotton   andtwoofwool),andoneortwopairsofshoes.Adult x! womenwereissuedfourdressesperyear,orthe @" materialneededtomakefourdresses.Hatswerealso  X# typicallyissuedannually(womenreceived  $ headkerchiefs).Blanketswereissuedonceeverytwoor !% threeyears.`"&   ЇTheyaddthatsometimesslaveownersissuedsocks,underclothes,  petticoats,jackets,andcoats,thelatterforwintermonths. x Likelyonlythemostpaternalisticmastersindulgedinsucha @ highyearlyissue.Twoorthreesetsofclothesseemamore X likelyaverageannualration,asSutchargues.Barrowissued   blanketseverythreeyears,butFrancisHenderson'smasterwas  apparentlyfarlessgenerous.TheexemplaryplantersFogeland `  Engermancitemustbeoffsetagainsttheveryneglectfulones. ( x Ballgavehiseditorahorrorstoryabouthisfellowslaves'lack  @ ofclothingonalargecottonplantationinSouthCarolina.In    theworkgang,nonehadafullsetofclothes,with"notoneof    theothers[besideshimself]hadoneventheremainsoftwo H   piecesofapparel,"andmanyoftheteenageslaveswerenaked. `  Althoughanabolitionisteditor'sbiasmayhavedistortedthis (  story,undeniablymostslaveslookedonworkdaysterriblyragged   byNorthernfreewhitestandards.L   72       h  @P P ClothingandEnglishAgriculturalWorkers H    TurningtotheEnglishcase,documentingconditionsbecomes  significantlyharder.Sincethefarmworkersnormallybought P clothingontheirown,sourcessimilartothatoftheplanters' h recordsofclothingboughtfortheirslavesdonotexist. 0 Furthermore,thekindofclothingthelowerclassesworein  Englandwasoftendifferedlittleingeneralappearancefromthe p middleclass's.UnlikeotherEuropeansocieties,Englandhadno 8 required"peasantcostume"thatautomaticallymarkedoffthose P workingthelandfromtherestofsociety.Butsimilartomany  Frenchpeasants,manyagriculturalworkersdidwearsmocks.  Somervilleoncesawacrowd,ofatleastonethousandmen,women, X andchildren,whogatheredtohearanticornlawspeeches.The  p men,composingtwothirdsofit,mostlywore"smockfrocksor 8 fustiancoats,justastheyhadcomefromtheirwork."This   outfit'sprevalencegraduallydeclinedasthenineteenthcentury x! progressed.AsayouthinWarwick(c.1840),JosephArchwas @" givenasmockofthecoarsestclothtowear,likeotherplowboys  X# inhisvillage.Sincethesonsofthelocalartisanssported  $ clothcoats(albeitmadeofshoddymaterial),theyfeltsuperior !% tothefarmworkers'sons.Thedifferenceresultedin"regular `"& pitchedbattlesofsmockfrockagainstclothcoat."InSussex, (#x' Cobbettsawaboywearingafaded,patchedbluesmock,whichmade #@( himreflectthathehadwornthesamewhenhewasyounghimself $ ) (c.1775).Thisboyalsohadonnailedshoesandawornbut % * cleanshirt.M   73      ׀Conspicuously,bycomparison,AfricanAmerican H&!+ slaves,thelowestofthelowintheirsociety,worenosmocks  whileinthefields,nordidthewhitefarmerseither. x @TheLowStandardsforFarmworkers,especiallyinSouthernEngland X   Clothingstandardsforagriculturalworkers,atleastin  southernEngland,approachedthebottomoftheheapevenforthe `  workingclass.Whileattackingtheupperclass'shypocrisyon ( x thisscore,CobbettquotedSirJohnPollen,anM.P.forAndover.  @ Attemptingtojustifythecornlawsasameansofhelpingthe    agriculturallaborers,Pollensaidthe"poordevils"had"hardly    aragtocoverthem!"Somervilleknewofonechildwholenthis H   shoestoanotherwithoutanywhiletheyplayedtogether.Manyof `  thebudgetsthatresearcherscollectedonthefarmworkers (  normallyhadnothingdevotedtopurchasingclothing.After   constructingafairlyreasonable,nonluxuriousbudget,Cobbett h  foundthatmaintainingafamilyoffiveonfivepoundsofbread, 0  onepoundofmutton,andtwoofporkadaycost(c.1825)over H  sixtytwopoundsayear.Thisfigure,forjustfoodalone,was  morethandoublewhattheiraverageannualwageslikelytotaled,  basedonaninetotenshillingsaweekaverage.Thoseonparish P reliefreceivedstillless(justsevenshillingssixpenceper h week,byCobbett'sreckoning).Ofcourse,theyatefarlessmeat 0 thanthisinreality,ensuringtheirbudgetscamecloserto  balancing.Withtheextraharvestearnings,clothing(perhaps) p couldbeboughtforabriefperiodannually,sincetheseputthe 8 agriculturalworkerssomewhatabovesubsistenceinmuchof P southernEngland.Otherwise,theyhadtogetthembycharityor  evenbegging.TheHampshiregirlsCobbettsawintheirSunday  besthadreceivedfromcharityacamletgown,awhiteapron,and X aplaidcloakeach.Buttheupperclass'sgenerositywas  p unreliable,especiallywhenbypromotingenclosureandhigh 8 excisetaxesithadtakenforciblyfromthelaborersmuchmore   thanitevergaveback.Asaresult,manyagriculturallaborers x! couldonlyaffordtoownonechangeofclothesaltogether, @" puttingthemrightatorbelowthelevelofmanyslavefield  X# handsinAmerica.N   74      ׀Thisconclusionishardlysurprising,  $ becauseofthehighcostoffoodforlargefamilieswherethe !% fatherwasthemainorsolesupport,especiallywhenhisfamily `"& wasscrapingbottomduringthefamilylifecycle.Withthe (#x' parentsstrugglingtoraisealargenumberofchildren,household #@( dutiesheavilyburdeningthemother,andonlyonechild(perhaps) $ ) abletostartearningalittleatageeightornine,avirtually % * guaranteedfamilyfinancialcrisislastingsomeyearsstruck H&!+ workingclassfamiliesuntiltheirchildrenbecameteenagersand '`", couldearntheirkeep.Undertheseconditions,clothingexpenses '(#- werenecessarilycuttothebarebone. (#. Ї  Althoughnecessaryforlife,clothingwasoftenaneasily  postponablepurchase,sincethelaborer'swife(almost x inevitably)couldsomehowpatchandmendwhatnearragsthe @ familyhadforanotheryearormorewhenamajorcrisisforthe X familyorregionstruck.Encounteringalaborerinnorthern   Hampshirealongtheroad,Somervillefoundhehadfourchildren  andawifetosupportonamereeightshillingsperweek. `  Hoveringnearthebottomofthefamilylifecycle,havingawife ( x unabletoleavehomeeveryday,andhavingonetwelveyearold  @ earningtwoshillingsaweek,theycouldnotthinkofbuyingnew    clothes:"Clothes,blessyou!weneverhavenoclothes,not    new--nottospeakofasclothes.Wethoughttohavesomething H   newasbreadwasgettingcheaper,butwagescamedown,andwe `  ben'tbetternorafore;ittakeallweearntogetabitof (  bread..."Althoughmanylaborerslocallyraisedpigs,they   sawlittleofthemasfood--theysoldthemtopaytherent,and h  maybebuysomeclothing.AsthetradeofPoole,Dorsetscraped 0  bottomin1843,andthesurroundingcountrysideheldinthegrip H  ofeconomicdistress,thelocalpeopleavoidedcomingintotown  tobuyclothes.Similarly,whenthepotatoblightwipedoutthe  potatoesofsouthernandwesternEnglandin1845,andhighbread P pricescamewithlittleornoincreasesinwages,Somerville h heardthat:"Thevillageshopkeepersandtradesmenfeelit[the 0 potatofamine],andcomplainthatthelabourersareneither  payingwhattheyoweforclothesandgroceries,norarethey p makingnewpurchases."O   75      ׀Sowheneverafamilyorgeneral 8 distresshit,laborersputoffbuyingnewclothes,sincebreador P potatoesweremoreimmediatelyvitaltolife.  @HomespunMoreCommoninAmericathanEnglandc.1830 X   AmajordifferencebetweentheAmericaof1860andthe 8 AmericaofagenerationortwoearlierCobbettlivedin(1792   1800,18171819)washowcommonlyNorthernfarmfamiliesmade x! theirownhomespunclothing.Onetimeheobserved"aboutthree @" thousandfarmers,orrathercountrypeople,atahorseracein  X# LongIsland,andmyopinionwas,thattherewerenotfivehundred  $ whowerenotdressedinhomespuncoats."Bytheeveofthe !% CivilWar,thisstateofaffairshadplainlychanged.Havinga `"& farmonStatenIsland,Olmstedcertainlyhadareasonableideaof (#x' conditionsonLongIsland.Hecommentedhowrarehomespunwasin #@( theNorth,eveninamorerecentlysettledstatesuchasOhio $ ) (seepp.4849above).Cobbettsawthedeclineofthehome % * manufactureofclothingasarealprivationforfarmfamilies. H&!+ Correspondingly,hecondemnedconcentratingitsmanufacturein '`", thefactoriesofthe"LordsoftheLoom."Notingitsbadeffects '(#- onkeepingwomenemployedathome,hepointstothedownsideof (#. theregionaldivisionoflabor: h)$/  0*%0 8  Thewomenandchildren,whooughttoprovideagreat  partoftheraiment,havenothingtodo.Thefields x musthavemenandboys;but,wheretherearemenand @ boystherewillbewomenandgirls;and,astheLords X oftheLoomhavenowasetofrealslaves,bythemeans   ofwhomtheytakeawayagreatpartoftheemployment  ofthecountrywomenandgirls,thesemustbekeptby `  poorratesinwhateverdegreetheyloseemployment ( x throughtheLordsoftheLoom. @   Clearly,regionalspecializationandthedivisionoflaborhad    itscostsineconomicdisplacement.Sincetheindustrialbeltin H   theMidlandsmademostofEngland'scloth,andthetailorsof `  Londonstitchedmuchofittogether,bothunderminedtheeconomic (  independenceofagriculturalworkersandfarmersbymakingmuch   ofEngland'sclothes.Inthiscase,stronglycounterbalancing h  theadvantagesofraisingthequalityandloweringtimespenton 0  makingclothesforruralfamilies,thelaborers'womenfolkhad H  muchlesstodo,causingakindofgeneralizedandsemihidden  underemployment.Asgeneralpopulationgrowthraisedthe  unemploymentrateandtheregionalandsexualdivisionoflabor P intensified,womenwerepushedoutoffieldworkastheeighteenth h centurydrewtoacloseandthenineteenthcenturyopened, 0 furtherimpoverishingsouthernEnglishagriculturalworkers.One  farmer/relievingofficerinSussexrememberedthatthepooronce p madetheirownclothing(c.1794),butthathadchangedby 8 1837.P   76      ׀Bycontrast,sinceAmericaboastedanearlyempty P wildernesscryingoutforsettlement,farmoreworkwasavailable  foreveryone.Undertheseconditions,womenneednotsuffersuch  want,inpartbecausemalewagesorworkbroughtinmuchmore X income.Hence,differingnationalconditionsledtoa  p paradoxicalresult:OlmstedsawtheAmericanSouth'sheavy 8 dependenceonhomespunclothingasasignofitspoverty/economic   backwardness,butCobbettsawitsabsenceinEnglandasevidence x! oftheruralworkingclass'sincreasedimpoverishment. @" @| | !SpecialMeasuresUsedtoBuyClothes  $   Illustratingtheratherdesperateclothingsituations `"& southernEnglishagriculturalworkersendured,considerthe (#x' implicationsofonetypicalselfhelpusedtohelpsolveit: #@( benefitclubs.InDorset,Cairdknewofaclothingclubthat $ ) operatedintheareaaroundBlandford.Similartomedicalclubs % * andfriendlysocietiesinconcept,thisparticularonehelped H&!+ meettheclothingneedsofruralworkersandtheirfamilies.The '`", workerscontributedonepennyforthemselvesandperchildper '(#- week,theemployeronepennyalso,inequalproportion.Atthe (#. endoftheyear,clubmembersreceivedclothingequalinvalueto h)$/ theiraccounts'totals.Despiteonlyapplyingamerebandaid  overthegapingwoundoflowwages,thisapproachstill x encouragedlaborerstoexercisemoreselfdiscipline.They @ alreadyhadtooperatecarefullywithinlowincomestomeettheir X mostimmediateneedsoutsidefoodandshelter(rent).One   anonymousresidentrectorhadtheprogramofselling"blankets,  shoes,andvariousarticlesofclothing,attwothirdsofthe `  primecost"tolaborers.Afterhavingsoldthemtoallinhis ( x parish,helaterlimitedsalestothesober,reliable,and  @ churchgoing.InapamphletpublishedduringtheSwingriots    statingthelaborer'scaseagainstthefarmerandlandlord's,an    anonymousChristianpaternalistcalculatedthecostforlaborers H   ofa"reasonable"setofmen'sclothesandshoesperyearat 3 `  14s.6d.andwomen's(muchofitincloth,notreadytowear)at (   218s.2d.Sincethelistformenconsistedofthreeshirts,   onepairof"trowsers,"onejacket,onewaistcoat,twopairsof h  socks,andonepairofshoes,itindicatesprevailingclothing 0  standardsmusthavebeenstilllowerthanthisforsouthernrural H  districtsinEngland.Alsoincludingotherbasicitemssuchas  soapandcandles,theseexpenses"mustberaisedbytheextra  workofthelabourer,byhisprofitsinthehayandcornharvest, P bytheproduceofhisgarden,bytheleasingsofhisfamily,and h bytheearnings,ifany,ofhiswifeandchildren."Q   77      ׀Simply 0 put,theregularweeklyearningsofHodgesouthofCaird'swage  lineusuallyfailedcoveranythingbeyondfoodandperhapsrent p ifhewasthesolesupportforalargefamily.Ironically,the 8 anonymousChristianpaternalist'sclothingbudget'slistofitems P beingfewerthanwhatmanylargerAmericanplantersissuedtheir  slavesannually.Specialmeasuressuchasa"clothingclub"or  theuseofharvestearningsforavitalnecessityatalowlevel  ofpurchaseshelpdemonstratetheconstantstrugglethesouthern x Englishagriculturalworkershadagainstendingupwithmererags @ towear. X @SlaveHousing:VariationsaroundaLowAverageStandard    Sincetheirhomesoftenwerecrudelogcabinswithdirt ( x floors,thehousingconditionsofslaveswerehardlyidealeven  @ fortheirdayandage.Theimpulsetoheapindignationagainst    theseconditions,however,mustbestiffled,atleasttothe    extenttheslaveslivedonthefrontier,wheretheirmasterand H   mistress'"bighouse"oftensurpassedwhattheirchattelsendured `  byonlyafewsteps.Thehousingslaveshadin(say)South (  CarolinaorVirginiainthe1800sillustratedhowlongsettled   areastreatedthem,butitcannotbesafelyextrapolatedtowhat h  blacksenduredwhenmovingwestwardwiththeirwhiteownersinto 0  Tennessee,Alabama,Mississippi,Louisiana,andespeciallyTexas. H  Correspondingly,theslavessufferedwithverycrudehousingwhen  theywerefirsttakentoAmericaenmasseintheearly1700s,as  slaverybecamewidespread.Butasthedecadespassed,atleast P somemorepaternalisticmastersupgradedtheirslaves'dwellings, h eveniftheyremainedbeneaththosemostNorthernfreeworkers 0 had.Hence,someantebellumdefensesofslaveryfocusedonthe  conditionsofslavesonlargeplantationsinlongsettledregions p suchaslowlandGeorgiaorSouthCarolinaandTidewaterVirginia, 8 wheresomeauthenticpaternalismandmutualoutgoingconcernmay P havedevelopedbecause(bythemid1800s)thesamewhitefamilies  hadownedseveralgenerationsofslavefamilies.Havingplayed  withthechildrenofslaveswhenyoung,theplanter'swhitesons X anddaughters,astheybecameolderandthemasterormistressof  p theplantationthemselves,wouldhavelongstandingpersonal 8 relationshipswithatleastsomebondsmen.R   78      ׀Theserelationships   simplycouldnotexistwhentheearliercolonialistshadimported x! freshlyenslavedAfricansdirectlyfromWestAfrica.Nordid @" thissituationariseamongnonhereditaryslaveownersonthemake  X# onthefrontier,wherehousingconditionswereinevitablyworse  $ anyway.Hence,variationsinslavehousingpartiallycorrespond !% tohowlongagivenareaoftheSouthhadbeensettled,how `"& paternalisticallyinclinedtheslaveownerswere,andhowlong (#x' theyandtheirancestorshadlivedinoneareawiththesame #@( slavefamiliesoverthegenerations. $ )   Asoverwhelmingevidenceindicates,theslavequarters H&!+ normallyconsistedof"houses"littlebetterthanthebarnsand '`", shedsthatshelteredmanyanimalsduringthewinterintheNorth '(#- orinEngland.Oneroomwasallmany,perhapsmost,slaveshad, (#. withperhapsaloftforthechildrentosleepin,suchaswhere h)$/ formerslaveCharleyWilliamslivedinLouisiana.Asfreedwoman 0*%0 HarrietPaynecommented:"Everythinghappenedinthatone  room--birth,sickness,deathandeverything."S   79      ׀Slavesoften x livedinlogcabinswhichallowedthemtoseethroughthechinks @ betweenthelogs.Dirtfloorswereastandardfeature.TX   80       X EscapingfromslaverynearWashington,D.C.,Hendersondescribed   wretchedhousingconditions:"Ourhouseswerebutloghuts--the  topspartlyopen--groundfloor,--rainwouldcomethrough.... `  inrainsIhaveseenher[hisoldaunt]movingaboutfromone ( x partofthehousetotheother,androllingherbedclothesabout  @ totrytokeepdry,--everythingwouldbedirtyandmuddy."    BookerT.Washingtonsaidthatasachildhewasbornandhad    livedin"atypicallogcabin,aboutfourteenbysixteenfeet H   square."Ithadnoglasswindows,adirtfloor,adoorthat `  barelyclungtoitshinges,andnumerousnotableholesinthe (  walls.Sincehismotherwasthecook,theplantation'scooking   wasdoneinthisunsanitarycabin,forbothwhitesandblacks! h  OlmstedinSouthCarolina'shighcountryfoundconditionsworse 0  thanwhatanimalsintheNorthsuffered: H  8  Thenegrocabins,here,werethesmallestIhadseen--I  thoughtnotmorethantwelvefeetsquare,inside.... P Theywerebuiltoflogs,withnowindows--noopeningat h all,exceptthedoorway,withachimneyofstickand 0 mud;withnotreesaboutthe,noporches,orshades,of  anykind.Exceptforthechimney....Ishouldhave p conjecturedthatithadbeenbuiltforapowderhouse, 8 orperhapsanicehouse--neverforananimaltosleep P in.   Providingscantcomforttotheslaves,thelocalpoorwhites' X homeswere"meresquarepensoflogs"oflittlebetterquality.U    81      ׀  p   WhileinVirginia,Olmstedpassedlargerplantationsthat @ had"perhaps,adozenrudelookinglittlelogcabinsscattered X aroundthem[theplanters'homes],fortheslaves."InLouisiana   hesawacreoleownedplantationwhere"thecabinsofthenegroes  uponwhichwerewretchedhovelssmall,withoutwindows,and `  dilapidated."InthefrontierconditionsofTexas,hedescribed ( x oneplanter'sslavequartersasbeing  @ 8  oftheworstdescription,thoughasgoodaslocal    customrequires.Theyarebutaroughinclosureof H   logs,tenfeetsquare,withoutwindows,coveredby `  slabsofhewnwoodfourfeetlong.Thegreatchinks (  arestoppedwithwhateverhascomestohandawadof   cottonhere,andacornshuckthere.h    Theygavelittleprotectionagainstthecold.Kemblethoughtshe H  hadfoundtheworstslaveaccommodationsbyfarattheHampton  estateonSt.Annie'sinGeorgia,butlaterdiscoveredfarworse  onesnearby:"Thenegrohutsonseveraloftheplantationsthat P wepassedthroughwerethemostmiserablehabitationsIever h beheld....[Theywere]dirty,desolate,dilapidateddog 0 kennels."Onemaster"provided"theworsthousingofallforhis  slaves--none!Aftergettingintotroublewiththelawin p Georgia,hehadmovedhimselfandhisslavestoTexas,asaged 8 freedmanBenSimpsonremembered:"Weneverhadnoquarters. P Whennighttimecome,helocksthechainaroundournecksandthen  locksitroundatree.Boss,ourbedweretheground."VX   82      ׀These  examplesillustratethegeneralcrudenessofslavehousing,since X itfellbelowwhatmostwhitesinthecontemporaneousNorthwould  p havefoundtolerable,evenformanylivinginmorerecently 8 settledstatessuchasIllinoisorWisconsin.   @ &CasesofGoodSlaveHousing @"   Sometimesahigherstandardofslavehousingprevailedon  $ someplantations.Oneparticularlyimpressivecase,pointedout !% assuchearlierbyOlmsted,wasacertainriceplantationnottoo `"& farfromSavannah,Georgia: (#x' 8  Eachcabinwasaframedbuilding,thewallsboardedand $ ) whitewashedontheoutside,lathedandplastered % * within,theroofshingled;fortytwofeetlong,twenty H&!+ onefeetwide,dividedintotwofamilytenements,each '`", twentyonebytwentyone;eachtenementdividedinto '(#- threerooms.   Thecabinsallhaddoorsthatcouldbelockedandloftsforthe @ childrentosleepin.Eachroomhadawindowwithawooden X shuttertocloseit.Overcrowdingwasavoided,sinceonlyfive   peopleonaveragelivedineachofthesehomes.TouseEnglish  terminology,eachhadan"allotment"ofahalfacregardenandan `  areathatservedasacombinationchickencoopandstyfor ( x pregnantsows.Aninterviewerseekingnostalgicreminiscences  @ fromfreedmen,OrlandArmstrongdrewattentiontothegood    housingconditionssomeslavesenjoyedwhenvisitinga    plantation'sruins:"Someoftheoldcabinsareonlyheapsof H   debris,whileothersarebetterpreserved.Theywerebuiltof `  brick,inthesubstantialmannerofmanyofthefineoldSouth (  Carolinaplantationservant[slave]houses."Agood,but   somewhatlowerstandardthantheseOlmstedfoundonafarmin h  Virginia,whichhad 0  8  wellmadeandcomfortablelogcabins,aboutthirtyfeet  longbytwentywide,andeightfeettall,withahigh  loftandshingleroof.Eachdividedinthemiddle,and P havingabrickchimneyoutsidethewallateitherend, h wasintendedtobeoccupiedbytwofamilies.0   Theyevenhadwindowswithglassinthecenter,anunlikelysight p onthefrontierforanyone'sdwelling,butnotsurprisingina 8 longsettledcountry.Housingthatreflectedfrontier P conditions--"loghuts"manyoftheslaveslivedin--begantobe  replacedby"neatboardedcottages,"reflectingamoresettled  life,onfourlargeadjacentplantationsbya"tributaryofthe X Mississippi."Forwhites,thefrontierofferedameansof  p gettingaheadfinanciallyinexchangefortheprivationsof 8 livinginthewilderness.Butfortheslaves,pioneerlife   merelymeanthavingtoenduremoreworkandlesscomfort, x! especiallyinhousing,withoutgaininganythingmorethanthey @" initiallyhadiftheystayedbackeasttoilingonsomelarge  X# planter'sestate.Consequently,forthisreasonandothers,  $ slavesmuchmorecommonlylivedinahousewheretheycouldcount !% thestarsthroughthecracks,asMarionJohnsondid,"theusual `"& comfortlessloghuts"(Olmsted),notathreeroomwoodframe (#x' duplex.W   83      ׀Althoughsomeslavesenjoyedsuchexceptionalhousing #@( conditions,thesewerehardlyrepresentativeformostlivingin $ ) theSouth'sinterior,awayfromthelowlandcoastalareasof % * Virginia,Georgia,andSouthCarolina,where(asKemble's H&!+ descriptionsshow)conditionsoftenwerehardlyidealaswell. '`", @ddHowMuchBetterWasthePoorWhites'HousingthantheSlaves'? (#. Ї  Thecrudehousingmanysouthernwhiteshadperhapsbest  servestoindicatethatslavehousingwasnotallitsapologists x mighthaveclaimed.Eventhemaster'shomemightbe @ unimpressive,especiallywhenhewasasmallslaveholderand/or X livedonthefrontier.Aftervisitinganeighboringmistress's   homeonaseaislandofGeorgia,Kemblesaidtypicalfarmhouses  intheNorthwerecertainlybetter:"Tobesure,Iwillsay,in `  excusefortheiroldmistress,herownhabitationwasbutavery ( x fewdegreeslessruinousanddisgusting[thanherslaves'homes].  @ WhatwouldoneofyourYankeefarmerssaytosuchabodes?"    Similarly,althoughnotingthehomesmayhavesignsofaformer    splendororelegance,sheobserved,usingherEnglishwoman'seyes H   tomakeacomparisonwhilecallingonamistress'shomeina `  nearbyvillageinGeorgia:"Asfortheresidenceofthis (  princess,itwaslikealltheplanters'residencesthatIhave   seen,andsuchasawelltodoEnglishfarmerwouldcertainlynot h  inhabit."Consideringshewaslivinginalongsettledregionof 0  theSouth,thiscondemnationisparticularlynoteworthy.Olmsted H  stayedovernightinoneoldsettler'shomeinTexas.Itwasa  roomfourteenfeetsquare,which"wasopentotherafters."The  skycouldbeseenbetweenitsshingles.Heactuallyspentthe P nightinaleantobetweentwodoors,keepingonallhisclothes h inthewinterweather.WhileinMississippi,hedeliberately 0 decidedtospendanightinapoorwhitefamily'scabinseenas  typicaljudgingfromalltheotheroneshehadpassedthatday. p Sincethisfamilyhadahorseandwagon,afairamountofcotton 8 planted,butnoslaves,theylikelybeatthepoorwhiteaverage P some.Measuringtwentyeightbytwentyfivefeet,theirlog  housewasopentotheroof.Ithadadooroneachofitsfour  sides,alargefireplaceononeside,butnowindows.In X northernAlabama,anareawheremorewhitesthanblackslived,  p mostofthehouseshepassedwere"rudeloghuts,ofonlyone 8 room,andthatunwholesomelycrowded.Isawinandaboutoneof   them,notmorethanfifteenfeetsquare,fivegrownpersons,and x! asmanychildren."TheconditionswhitesintheSouth @" experiencedhavemajorimplicationsforhowtheslaveslived.  X# Thepoorwhites'standardofhousingindicatesthebasicceiling  $ onwhattheenslavedblackscouldnormallyexpectatbest.Bad !% housingconditions(admittedly,inpartafunctionofafrontier `"& environment)formanywhitesindicatemostbondsmenlikelyhad (#x' nothingbetter,andnormallyhadsomethingnoticeablyworse.X   84       #@( @FogelandEngerman'sOptimisticViewofSlaveHousing % *   FogelandEngermandescribeoptimisticallytheaverageslave '`", house.Measuringeighteenbytwentyfeetandbeingmadeoflogs '(#- orwood,ithadoneortworooms.Itlikelyhadaloftfor  childrentosleepin.Thefloorswere"usuallyplankedand x raisedofftheground."Butisthisdescriptionjustified?They @ considerablyexaggeratethesizeoftheslaves'homes,sincethe X freewhiteruralpopulationoftenlivedinahomeofcomparable   size.Thetravelers'accountsthatmentionthespecificsizeof  slavecabinsrarelynameafigurethishigh.Afterscrounging `  throughvarioustravelers'accounts,secondarysources,etc., ( x Sutchproperlymaintainsfifteenbyfifteenfeetwastypical,  @ withsixteenbyeighteen"anoccasionallyachievedidealsize."    ThehousingKembleencounteredatherhusband'sriceisland    estatewasthebestofthehousingconditionsonhistwoestates. H   Itsurpassedotherplacesshevisitedorknewoflocally. `  Nevertheless,whilenamingaspecificsize,shedescribed (  appallingconditionsofcrowding:   8  Thesecabinsconsistofoneroom,abouttwelvefeetby 0  fifteen,withacoupleofclosetssmallerandcloser H  thanthestateroomsofaship,dividedofffromthe  mainroomandeachotherbyroughwoodenpartitions,in  whichtheinhabitantssleep....Twofamilies P (sometimeseightandteninnumber)resideinoneof h thesehuts,whicharemerewoodenframespinned,asit 0 were,totheearthbya[huge]brickchimneyoutside.   OnthenewPolkestateinMississippi,someeighteenmen,ten 8 women,sevenchildren,andtwoevidentlyhalfgrownboys,thirty P seveninall,crowdedintofourroughhewnhouses,builtina  mereeighteendays.AsBassettdescribes:"Thetrivial  characterofthebuildingsontheplantationisshowninthefact X thatafewyearslater,1840,allthesebuildingswereabandoned  p andothersbuiltinwhatwasconsideredamorehealthylocation." 8 Ascitedabove(p.57),Olmstedsawslavehousesmeasuringtwelve   bytwelveinSouthCarolinaandtenbyteninTexas.Genovese x! maintains,basedonhissources,contrarytoFogelandEngerman's @" claimsabove,thatslaveholdersevenintothe1850susuallydid  X# not"provideplankfloorsorraisedhomes...althoughmoreand  $ moreweredoingso."AccordingtoBlassingame,mostslave !% autobiographerssaidtheylivedincrudeoneroomcabinswhich `"& haddirtfloorsandlotsofcracksinthewallsthatallowedthe (#x' winterweathertoenter.Althoughadmittingtheexistenceof #@( somewithhigherstandards,Stamppstillmaintains:"Thecommon $ ) runofslavecabinswerecramped,crudelybuilt,scantily % * furnished,unpaintedanddirty."Thosethatfellbeneaththis H&!+ "average"were"plentiful"aswell.Y   85      ׀FogelandEngermanclearly '`", overstatehowgoodtheslaves'housingconditionsusuallywere.  @DDGenovese'sOverlyOptimisticAnalysisofSlaveHousing @   LikeFogelandEngerman,Genoveseputsanoverlyoptimistic   spinonslavehousing,butherecomparedtotherestofthe  world's: `  8  Their[theslaveholders']satisfaction[withtheir  @ slaves'housing]restedonthethoughtthatmostofthe    world'speasantsandworkerslivedindirty,dark,    overcrowdeddwellingsandthat,bycomparison,their H   slavesliveddecently....Duringthenineteenth `  centurysuchperceptivetravelersasBasilHall, (  HarrietMartineau,JamesStirling,andSirCharles   Lyellthoughttheslavesatleastaswellhousedasthe h  EnglishandScottishpoor,andOlmstedthoughtthe 0  slavesonthelargeplantationsaswellsituatedasthe H  workmenofNewEngland....EvenFannyKemble  thoughtconditionsnoworsethanamongtheEuropean  poor....ThelaboringpoorofFrance,England,and P eventheurbanNortheastoftheUnitedStates... h livedincrowdedhovelslittlebetterandoftenworse 0 thantheslavequarters.   Althoughhispointhasmeritabouttheconditionsofthesouthern 8 Englishfarmlaborers,orthoseoftheEurasianmasses,peasants P andartisans,itignoreshowmostslaveswereworseoff  materiallythantypicalAmericanfreelaborers.Iftheyhadnot  beenenslavedordiscriminatedagainst,theconditionsofblacks X intheUnitedStateswouldhavebeenbetterthanthoseinmostof  p theworldbecauseAmericawaslargelyavastwildernessfullof 8 rawnaturalresourcesawaitingexploitationby(then)modern   technology.Theseconditionsmadeforanintrinsicallyhigher x! standardoflivingcomparedto(say)England,whichsufferedfrom @" theMalthusianeffectsofrapidpopulationgrowth.Furthermore,  X# asSutch'sreplytoFogelandEngermanoverthequalityof  $ housingintheNorthgenerallydemonstrates,includingevenNew !% York'sslumsinthedepressionyearof1893,Genoveseistoo `"& pessimisticaboutNortheasternurbanhousingstandards.Z   86      ׀ (#x'   GenovesealsoreadstoomuchintohiscitationsofOlmsted $ ) andKemble.Olmstedwasnotmakingageneralpointaboutall % * slaveslivingonbigplantationshavinghousingasgoodasthat  ofNewEnglandworkerswhenhesaidthisaboutasugarplantation x inLouisiana:"ThenegrohouseswereexactlylikethoseI @ describedontheGeorgiariceplantation[quotedabove,p.58], X exceptthattheywereprovidedwithbroadgalleriesinfront.   Theywereasneatandwellmadeexternallyasthecottages  usuallyprovidedbylargemanufacturingcompaniesinNewEngland, `  toberentedtotheirworkmen."Suchgoodconditionswerehardly ( x automaticevenonlargeplantations,asKemble'salreadycited  @ accountshows.OnthepageGenovesecitesofKemble,shewas    describingsanitaryconditionsandrebuttingthe(racist)    contentionthatthesmellofblacksandtheirquarterswas H   intrinsictotheirraceratherthanbeingduetotheirpoverty `  andignoranceofproperhabitsofcleanliness.Shewasnot (  discussingsomuchtheintrinsicsizeorconstructionofthe   houseinquestion,buthowthepeculiarinstitutioncreated h  "dirtyhouses,raggedclothes,andfoulsmells."Aftercomparing 0  betweenthesmellsofslavesanda"lowIrishmanorwoman"and H  maintainingbothresultedfrom"thesamecauses,"shesaid:  8  ThestenchinanIrish,Scotch,Italian,orFrench P hovelarequiteasintolerableasanyIeverfoundin h ournegrohouses,andthefilthandverminwhichabound 0 abouttheclothesandpersonsofthelowerpeasantryof  anyofthosecountriesasabominableasthesame p conditionsintheblackpopulationoftheUnited 8 States.P   Althoughthisdescriptionlikelydisplayssomeclassornational  bias,clearlyshedistinguishedbetweenthecleanlinessandthe X intrinsicqualityofbuildingconstructionbysayingshewas  p "exhortingthemtospendlaborincleaningandmaking[their 8 homes]tidy,[yetadmittingshe]cannotpromisethemthatthey   shallberepairedandmadehabitableforthem."Shealsofelt x! thatthedifferencebetweenthehomesslaveservantslivedinand @" theirmaster'shousewasmuchgreaterthanthatbetweenwhere  X# freewhiteservantslivedandwheretheyworked:"Inall  $ establishmentswhatever,ofcoursesomedisparityexistsbetween !% theaccommodationofthedrawingroomsandbestbedroomsandthe `"& servants'kitchenandattics;butonaplantationitisnolonger (#x' amatterofdegree."Focusingontheirlackoffurnishingsin #@( particular,shesaidtheslaveservants $ ) 8  hadneithertabletofeedatnorchairtositdownupon H&!+ themselves;the'boys'layallnightonthehearthby '`", thekitchenfire,andthewomenupontheusualslave's '(#- bed--aframeofroughboards,strewedwithalittle (#.  mossoftrees,withtheadditionofatatteredand h)$/ filthyblanket.[   87          AfteranalyzinghiscitationsofKembleandOlmsted,Genovese @ clearlyreconstuctstoooptimisticallyhowgoodslavehousingwas X relativetomanyfreeworkers.Asshownbelow,thisplaceis   hardlyalonewhereGenovese'sworkdrawsconclusionsstartlingly  similartonotjustFogelandEngerman'sgenerallydiscredited `  work,buttheequallydiscountedSlaverybyStanleyElkinsas ( x well,yetRoll,Jordan,Rollhasavoidedsimilaropprobriumand  @ presentlyreignsastheleadinggeneralworkofthefield.    @TheMoralHazardsofCrowded,OneRoomSlaveHouses H     Oftenlivinginoneroomcabinsorshacks,slavefamilies (  hadtoundertakespecialmeasurestohelppreservetheir   children'ssexualmorality.Inlanguagereminiscentofthe1867 h  68ReportonEmploymentinAgricultureinEnglandthatdescribed 0  thehazardsofpromiscuouslymixingthesexesofdifferentages H  together(seep.67below),OlmstedcitessimilarVictorian  reasoningonsexualmattersaboutslavesbyaPresbyterian  ministerandprofessoroftheology.Althoughrarelyputso P bluntly,thebasicproblemwasfiguringouthowtoshieldthe h childrenfromthesightsandsoundsofparentallovemakingand 0 itsresultingnegativemoraleffects.Sinceslavefamilieshad  suchlimitedspaceavailable--oneroomand(perhaps)aloftto p placethechildrenbeingtypical--theseconcernswerelegitimate, 8 butslaveownersusuallyignoredthemintheirgeneralquestto P reducehousingexpenses.Butthesewretchedconditionspromoted  theslavefatherandmother'sinventiveness,sotheyfoundtheir  ownsolutionstothisproblem.Somehungupclothesorquiltsto X createprivacy,whileothersusedscrapwoodinorderto  p subdivideaoneroomhomeintosomethingclosertotwo.Afew 8 resourcefulslaveparentsevenmadespecialtrundlebedsto   ensureatleastsomesexualprivacy.AccordingtoGenovese, x! thesemeasureshadatleastsomesuccess.\@   88      ׀Thepoorhousing @" mastersandmistressesprovidedtotheirslavesclearlyfailedto  X# promotetheVictorianidealsofsexualpuritythattheygenerally  $ professed. !%  `"& @P P SlaveHousing--SanitationandCleanliness    Housingqualitycanalsobejudgedbyitscleanlinessand @ howmuchitliveduptotheprinciplesofsanitation.A X relativelyspaciousorwellbuilthomecouldstillhaveterrible   standardsofcleanliness.Especiallyinruralareas,thisaspect  ofhousingqualitymoreclearlyburdenstheoccupants,notthe `  owners.Inotherwords,themasterhasnodutytoenforcegood ( x housekeepingpracticesamonghisbondsmenbesidessettingupsome  @ basicguidelinestohelpthemkeepthemselves(i.e.,his    property)fromgettingsick.Inthequarters,theslavesshould    becleaningupafterthemselves,notthemasterormistress. H   Afterseeingtwooldslavewomenlivingwithout"everydecency `  andeverycomfort,"Kemblethenvisitedthehomesomeoftheir (  youngerrelatives.Thathomewas"astidyandcomfortableasit   couldbemade."Sincethisdifferencearoseunderthesame h  master,itshowstheslavesthemselveshadsomelevelof 0  responsibilityforcleanliness.Butadmittedly,theintrinsic H  burdensofbondage,ofworkingfortheirownersoftensixfull  daysaweek,ensuredtheslavescouldonlywringlimitedamounts  oftimeduringatypicalworkweekforhousecleaninganyway. P Sincethemasterclassbelievedtheideologyof"separate h spheres"wasinapplicabletofieldhands,housekeepingwas 0 inevitablyneglectedbecausebothsexesweredrivenoutintothe  fieldstowork.ThedepressingsceneKemblepaintsofthe p quartersononeofherhusband'sestatesundoubtedlywasfound 8 throughouttheantebellumSouth: P 8  Insteadoftheorder,neatness,andingenuitywhich  mightconverteventhesemiserablehovelsinto X tolerableresidences,therewasthecareless,reckless,  p filthyindolencewhicheventhebrutesdonotexhibit 8 intheirlairsandnests,andwhichseemedincapableof   applyingtotheusesofexistencethefewmiserable x! meansofcomfortyetwithintheirreach.Firewoodand @" shavingslaylitteredaboutthefloors,whilethehalf  X# nakedchildrenwerecoweringroundtwoorthree  $ smoulderingcinders.Themosswithwhichthechinks !% andcranniesoftheirillprotectingdwellingsmight `"& havebeenstuffedwastrailinginthedirtanddust (#x' abouttheground,whilethebackdoorofthehuts... #@( wasleftwideopenforthefowlsandducks,whichthey $ ) areallowedtoraise,totravelinandout,increasing % * thefilthofthecabinbywhattheybroughtandleftin H&!+ everydirection.'`",     Kembleherselfknewsheerignoranceandlackofeducation (#. producedtheseappallingconditions,acausewhichthemasteror h)$/ mistresswasmoreresponsibleforthantheslaves.Havingbeen 0*%0 bornandraisedinadeprivedenvironment,thelattercouldnot *H&1 beexpectedtoknowbetter.Aftermentioninghowsomeslaves +'2 weresodirtyandsmellyshedislikedbeingattendedbythemat ,'3 meals,shedeniedthatsmellingbadwasintrinsictotheblack  race,butblamediton"ignoranceofthelawsofhealthandthe x habitsofdecentcleanliness."]   89      ׀Anarcheologicaldiscoveryat @ Monticellosuggests(butfailstoprovefully)anotherpestslave X housekeepingfaced:Rodentsleftgnawmarksonthebonesfound   whereslaveshadlivedinoraround,especiallyintheroot  cellarofoneoftheirhomes.True,somemasterswishedto `  improveconditions.Forexample,planterBennetBarrowonce ( x inspectedhisslavequarters.Althoughfindingthem"generally  @ ingoodorder,"hereprovedsomeofhisslavesas"themost    carelessnegrosIhave."Anothertimehegavethemaneveningto    "scoureuptheirHouses"and"cleanuptheQuarter&c."Some H   slavesthemselveskepttheirhomesfairlyclean,atleastby `  theirownstandards(notthehigheronesamiddleclassobserver (  suchasKemblejudgedby).^   90      ׀AlthoughFogelandEngermanliketo   thinkotherwise,deepconcernbybondsmenormastersabout h  cleanlinesswasnottypical._    91      ׀Forgoodreasonsmostslave 0  dwellingswereneitherespeciallyneatnororderlyplaces.`   92      ׀ H  Althoughthebondsmensharedtheblamefortheirhomes'  unsanitaryconditionswiththeirowners,factorsmostlyoutside  theslaves'controlloomedlargerthantheirownuntidinessin P spreadingdiseaseanddirtinthequarters,suchasthefailure  ofindifferentmastersandmistressestoinstructthemonthe x habitsofcleanliness,thelongworkweekforbothsexesthat @ reducedthetimeavailableforhousekeepingchores,andtheflaws X inbuildingconstructionthatlettheelementsin.   @  EnglishFarmworkers'HousingQuality/Size `    InEngland,theeconomicdynamicsofbuildinghousingfor  @ farmworkersdifferedsharplyfromAmerica'swhenconstructing    homesforslaves.Thepoorlaw,botholdandnew,gavethe    (major)ratepayersofaparishafinancialincentivetoavoid H   erectingnewcottagesintheirparishes,andtopulldownthose `  alreadyextant.Byreducinghowmanywereeligibleforrelief, (  theyloweredtheirtaxes.a   93      ׀Ideally,the"powersthatbe"ina   givenparishwantednomoreworkerslivinginaparishthanwere h  employedyeararound,thusconsistentlykeepingthemoffthe 0  dole.In"their"parishtheystrovetoreducehowmanycould H  claimasettlement.b   94      ׀Sincethepoor(undertheElizabethanpoor  law)couldhaveasettlementinonlyoneparishatatime,and  couldclaimreliefonlyfromthatoneparish,theselaws P encouragedtheratepayerstounload"their"poorontoother h parishestobecaredfor.Inordertolowertherates,the 0 parishelitecouldcombinetokeepoutnewmigrantstotheir  parish.Ratepayers,normallythegentryand(large)farmerswho p rentedfromtheformer,created"closedparishes"whentheywere 8 fewenoughinnumberthatthey,bycoordinatingtheirefforts, P setupa"cartel"thatkeptoutallnewcomerswithouta  settlementintheirparish.cx   95      ׀Whentheratepayersweretoo  numerousand/orunequalinincometoconspiresuccessfullyto X keepoutthepoorwithoutsettlementsintheircommunity,an  p "openparish"resulted.Underthesettlementlaws,anewmigrant 8 toanotherparishcouldbe"deported"(removed)totheparishof   hisorigin(wherehedidhaveasettlementlegally)whenhe x! becamechargeabletohisnewparish.d   96      ׀Consequently,the @" ratepayersofopenparishes,whichincludedthebetteroff  artisans,professionals,andtradesmen,paidthroughtherates x poorrelieffortheseasonallydischarged/underemployedlaborers @ whoworkedinnearbyclosedparishesforatleastpartofthe X yearduringthespringand/orsummermonths.e   97      ׀Althoughthe   deeperintricaciesofthelocalelite'smachinationstolower  theirtaxesunderthepoorlaw(oldandnew)hastoawaitfurther `  explanationbelow(pp.27879,28185,28799),theimpactofthe ( x poorlawsontheavailabilityandqualityofhousingis  @ consideredhere.      Undeniably,theEnglishfarmworkersgenerallyendured H   miserableconditionsinhousing.Theconditionstheysuffered `  werelessexcusablethanwhattheslavesfaced:Unliketheharsh (  frontierconditionsmanyslavesandtheirmasterssuffered,   Englandwashardlyanewlysettledland.Althoughrecognizing h  howpoormuchofEnglishruralhousingwas,Rulenevertheless 0  stillsays:"Housingisasmuchamatterofexistingstockasof H  production."Ontheotherhand,muchofEngland,especiallyin  thesouthernarablecounties,hadaseriouswoodshortage,which  increasedthepoor'sproblemsinfindingwoodforbuildingor P evencooking.Archcontrastedhisfather'sfortunatesituation, h whoactuallyownedthehomehisfamilylivedin,withconditions 0 commonlyfoundelsewhereinEngland:  8  InoneEnglishcountyafteranotherIsawmenliving 8 withtheirfamiliesiflivingitcouldbecalledin P cottageswhich,ifbigger,werehardlybetterthanthe  stytheykepttheirpigsin,whentheywerelucky  enoughtohaveayoungporkerfatteningonthe X premises. p   Whilethefarmworkers'uniongrew,hedescribedtheirhousing:   "Thecottageaccommodationwasadisgracetocivilisation;and x! this,notonlyinSomersetshire,butalloverthecountry.As @" manyasthirteenpeoplewouldsleepallhuddleduptogetherin  X# onesmallcottagebedroom."AccordingtoSomerville,inmost  $ counties"themeanesthovelsarerentedashigh"astwopounds !% tenshillingsperyear,whileinDorsetthelandlordscharged `"& threeandfourpoundsayearwithoutanygardengroundfor"the (#x' worstofhouses"that"thepoorestoflabourers"occupied.Emma #@( Thompsonin1910recalledhowlifewasinBedfordshiresome80 $ ) yearsearlier:"Iwellrememberthreefamilieslivinginone % * houseandtwofamilies,andonlyonefireplace.WhenIwas H&!+ firstmarriedIhadoneroomtolivein."Inatworoomhouse '`", (whichincludestheloft),shehadtenchildren,sevensurviving  intoadulthood.In1797somecottageswerenotedassobadthey x letintheelements--aproblemhardlyunfamiliartomanyAmerican @ slaves.ExaminedbytheSelectCommitteeonthePoorLaw X AmendmentAct(1838),MarkCrabtreedescribedonetypical   laborer'scottageashavingadirtfloor,halfofawindow's  diamondsquaresofglassmissing,andanoutsidewallwhichhad `  nearlyfallendown.Althoughobservingspecificallyofhis ( x nativeareainsouthernScotland,Somervillestillgeneralizedto  @ overallBritishconditionswhenhesaidsomenewcottageswere    builtofstoneandplasteredinside,"withaboardingoverhead,    insteadofthebareroof,whichissocommon."f   98      ׀Clearly, H   England'sfarmworkersandAmericanslavessufferedfromsimilar `  housingproblems. (  @ PoorHousingLeadstoSexualImmorality? h    Becausehousingspacewassolimited,Anglicanclerics H  fearedthepoorwouldbe(literally)demoralizedintheirsexual  standardsofconduct.Overcrowdingmountedas,amongother  factors,thedeclineofserviceloweringmarriageagesandthe P tyingofreliefpaymentstobeingmarriedpromotedincreased h populationgrowth.Thepullingdownofcottagestoreducepoor 0 lawtaxesasthefirsthalfofthenineteenthcenturypassed  addedmoreproblems,asRulenotes.Onevicar,forTerringtonin p Norfolk,saidmostofhisparish'scottageshadtwoorthree 8 rooms.Ofteninthelattercase,alodgerrentedoneofthe P threerooms,thusrequiringthefamilytosqueezeintothetwo  remainingrooms.Somehomeshadonlyoneroom.Thevicar  focusedononecaseinwhichafather,mother,threesons,anda X grownupdaughtersharedasingleroom.He"fear[ed]thatmuch  p immorality,andcertainlymuchwantofasenseofdecencyamong 8 theagriculturallabouringclasses,areowingtothenatureof   theirhomes,andthewantofproperroom."g   99      ׀Inthegeneral x! neighborhoodofFarnham,SurreyandMaidstone,Kent,wherethe  hopharvestingseasoninSeptemberbroughtinhordesoftemporary x migrantworkers,Somervillefoundthatbadhousingconditions @ prevailedevenbeforethetemporaryworkersarrived.The X migrantssimplyworsenedpreexistingcrowdingstillfurther.As   aresult,segregatingthesexesthenratedasalowpriority.  "Theundividedstateofthelargerfamiliesactinguponthe `  scantinessofhouseroomandgeneralpoverty,orhighrents, ( x oftencrowdsthemtogetherintheirsleepingapartments,soas  @ seriouslytoinfringeonthedecencieswhichguardfemale    morals."Hart,aprofessionalgentlemanofReigate,was    appalledthatbrothersandsisterslivedinthesameroomuntil H   theymovedoutasteenagersoradults.Butstillworse `  overcrowdingappearedelsewhere:CommonlyinCuckfield,Sussex, (  thechildrenofbothgenderssleptnotmerelyinthesameroom,   butthesamebed.ClergymanW.SankieofFarnhamknewacasein h  whichtwosistersandabrother,alloverfourteen,routinely 0  sleptinthesamebedtogether.Sincegeneralhousingsituations H  approachedthisnadir,thelaboringclassesunderstandablynever  acquired"thatdelicacyandpurityofmindwhichistheorigin  andthesafeguardofchastity."Similarly,somecertainlyvoiced P similarconcernsaboutpackingAmericanslavesintocrudeone h bedroomshacks.Butsincetheyweregenerallyregardedas 0 inferiorbeingswithstrongeranimalisticdesiresthanwhites,  mastersandmistressesintheU.S.Southmoreeasilyrationalized p crowdedhousingconditionsthantheirEnglishcounterparts.The 8 latteroftenjustsimplyignoredthepoorconditionsandthe P agriculturalworkers'correspondinglydegradedcharacter.  Olmstedencountereda"mostintelligentanddistinguished  Radical"whosaidaboutthem:"Wearenotusedtoregardthat X classinformingajudgmentofnationalcharacter."h   100      ׀Two  p surveys,onein1842andanotherin1864of224cottagesin 8 DurhamandNorthumberland,foundmosthadjustoneroom.Hence,   whileonepartoftheeliteandmiddleclass(justifiably) x! moralizesabouttheeffectsofbad,crowdedhousing,another @" determinedlyignorestheneedtoimprovesuchconditions  X# altogethertosavemoney,ortofindwaystokeepthepoor  $ permanentlydependentonthem.ix   101       !% @TTHowtheArtist'sEyeCanBeSelfDeceivingWhenEvaluating (#x' Cottages'Quality    Thephysicalappearanceoffarmworkers'cottagescanbe @ deceiving,asRulenoted,becausewhatmayappearpicturesqueto X theeye,especiallyanurbandweller's,couldstillbeunhealthy   orunpleasanttolivein.Archoncesaidthatlaborers'cottages  with"theiroutsidetrimmingsofivyandclimbingroses,were `  garnishedwithout,buttheywereundrainedanduncleanwithin." ( x AfterstoppingtosketchafarmhouseheencounterednearChester,  @ Olmstedthoughtthecottagesnearbywere"veryprettytolook    at."Allthehousesinthehamlethewasvisitingwerelikethe    househechosetodraw:timber,whitewashedwalls,andthatch H   roofs.(Idonotrecallhimsayinghehadsketchedanyslave `  dwelling!)Thefarmerlivinginthishousedescribedthe (  cottagesnearby   8  asexceedinglyuncomfortableandunhealthy--thefloors, 0  whichwereofclay,beinggenerallylowerthantheroad H  andthesurroundingland,andoftenwet,andalways  damp,whiletheroofsandwallswereoldandleaky,and  fullofvermin.P   Thewallsweremadeoflayersoftwigsandmud.Thatchedroofs 0 hadtheadvantageofbeingcheaperandmorepicturesquethan  slateortiles,andofgivingmoreprotectionagainsttheheat p andcold.Theirdisadvantagesincludedbreedingverminandbeing 8 moreapttocatchfire(itwasfeared).Olmstedmaintained P laborers'cottagesusuallyhadwallsmadeofstone,brickand  timber,orofclaymixedwithstraw,thelastbeingverycommon.  Thismethodcouldmakeforwallsofhighquality,sinceeven X villasandparsonagesusedit.j   102      ׀Butsincethehomesoflaborers  p oftenwereillmaintained,theybecamemuchworsethanthelocal 8 elite's,evenhadthesamequalityofconstructionhadbeenput   intotheirwallsandroofs,whichhardlyseemslikely. x!   Again,HodgeinsouthernEnglandwassignificantlyworseoff  X# thanhisnortherncounterpart,exceptingevidently  $ Northumberland.Archdescribedtheformer'scottagesabove.The !% commissionersonconditionsinagriculturein18678notedthat `"& cottagesinYorkshirewereinmuchbettershapethanthoseinthe (#x' southerncounties.Theyweremorecomfortable,oftenhadgardens #@( attachedtothemorallotments,andeven"cowgates"for $ ) pasturingthefamily'sfemalebovine.Still,badhousing % * conditionsstillappearedinthenorth.AftersayingDorsethad H&!+ theworsthousesandthepoorestlaborers,Somervillecorrected '`", himselfsome--inNorthumberland"thehouseswereworsethanever '(#- theyhavebeeninDorsetshire"--whichmeanstheyhadtobetruly (#. awful!InwelloffNorthumberland,Cairdfoundthatsome h)$/ laborersstilllivedwiththeircowsandotheranimals.Both  evenwentoutthesamedoor!Thecowhousewas"dividedonlybya x slightpartitionwallfromthesingleapartmentwhichservesfor @ kitchen,livingandsleepingroom,foralltheinmates." X Admittedly,healsodiscoveredanewlybuiltvillagewhereall   cottageswereoftwoorfourroomseach,havingattachedgardens  andaccesstoacowhouseandpasture.k   103      ׀Soeveninanareawell `  knownforitslaborersenjoyinggoodmaterialconditions,the ( x cottageswerethemostneglectedaspectoftheirmaterialwell  @ being.    @HowRentalsandthePoorandSettlementsLawsMadeforPoor H   QualityHousing `    Necessarily"freebornEnglishmen"gothousingdifferently   thanAmericanslaves.Slaveholdersautomaticallyprovideditto h  theirbondsmen,althoughtheylikelybuiltundertheirowners' 0  directionwhattheylivedin.Exceptforunmarriedmenandwomen H  livingasfarmservantsinhousingtheirmaster(thefarmer)  providedthem,thelaborershadtorentit.(Fewcouldhopeto  aspiretohomeownership,Arch'sfamilybeingarareexception). P Asservicedeclined,especiallyinthesouthernarabledistricts h astheeighteenthcenturywanedandthenineteenthopened,more 0 andmorefarmworkershadtofindandpayfortheirownhousing.  Helpingmattersnone,rentsroseintheperiodfromaboutc.1790 p to1837,atleastinthememoryofonefarmer/reliefofficerin 8 Sussex.Althoughtheyhadafreedomslavesalmosttotally P missed,tochoosewheretheylived,practicalfactorsbesides  financialonesconstrainedthelaborers'freechoiceinhousing.  Becauseaclosedparish'slargerfarmersandgentryhadavested X selfinterestinreducinghowmanycouldclaimpoorrelief,they  p intentionallyneglectedoreventoredownlaborers'cottagesnot 8 absolutelynecessaryfortheiroperations.Onewitnesstoldhe   ParliamentaryCommissionersforthe186768Report:"He[the x! landlord]doesnotcareiftheyalltumbledown."Theinability @" oflaborerstopaytherentstobeginwithalsopromoted  X# intentionalneglect,sincethismaderentingcottagessimply  $ unprofitable.OneownerofseveralcottagesinformedtheRector !% ofPetworth,whotoldtheParliamentaryCommitteetheeconomic `"& dynamicsinvolved:"Ifcottagesbroughtnorent,theownersof (#x' themwouldnotrepairthem,andtheywouldbydegreestakethem #@( away."Despitetheirlikelymeagercarpentryskillsandinferior $ ) materials,thetenantsdiscoveredtheyhadtorepair"their" % * dwelling,nottheirlandlord.Otherlegalhurdlesimpeded H&!+ attemptstoimprovelaborers'cottages.Incommentsrecordedby '`", Somerville,CharlesBaringWall,M.P.forGuildford,Hampshire, '(#- foundoutthatlandownersreallyhadnopowerovercottagesheld (#. onlifeholds.Hehadtowaituntiltheyfellintogivehimthe  "opportunityof'doingwhathelikewithhisown,'...to x improvethecottagesuponthem."l   104      ׀Thepoorlawsencouraged @ ratepayerstominimizetheamountofpoorreliefpaid,whilethe X settlementlawsencouragedthemtodrivethepooroutof"their"   parishsothatthelegalclaimsthepoor'ssettlementscreated  wouldburdenfinanciallysomeotherparish.Asaresult,the `  "freebornEnglishman"oftenlackedthelibertytochoosewhich ( x parishhewouldsettlein,becausetherichofmanyparishes  @ woulddeclarehimpotentially(or,after1795,whenactually)    chargeabletotheparish,andsohavehimandhisfamilyremoved    totheirparishoforigin.Surprisingly,bothAmericanslaves H   andEnglishagriculturalworkersenduredrestrictionsonfreedom `  ofmovement,foralthoughtheywerefarmorestringentonthe (  former,thelatteralsosufferedmorefromthemthaniscommonly   realized.Clearly,thelawsofEngland,becauseofthoseonthe h  poor,settlements,andtenure,costthelaborersmuchoftheir 0  freedomandcreatedmajorincentivesfortheownersoflaborers' H  cottagestoneglectthem.  @TheProblemofCottagesBeingDistantfromWork P   Manyagriculturalworkersenduredoneproblemmostslaves 0 didnot:longwalkstowork.Becauseofthelandlordsandlarge  tenantfarmers'sdesirestolowertheirtaxes,manyweredriven p outofclosedparishesintoopenparishes,makingmanyrenthomes 8 locateduncomfortablyfarfromthefarmstheyworkedat.The P DukeofGraftoninSuffolkownedonefarmwheretworegularly  employedlaborerswalkedfourandahalfmilesonewayfrom  Thetford,makingfor,asCairdcalculated,ninemilesaday, X fiftyfouraweek.InLincolnshire,hefoundsomefarmerslent  p theirmendonkeystorideonsincewalkingsixorsevenmilesone 8 waywastooexhausting!Thecommissionersofthe186768Report   onEmploymentinAgriculturefoundcottageswereoftenbuilttoo x! farfromwherethelaborersworked,eveninYorkshirewhere @" betterconditionsnormallyprevailed.Theselongdistanceslaid  X# thefoundationsfortheinfamousgangsystem,whichmainly  $ operatedintheswampyclaysoilfensdistrictsoftheEastern !% MidlandsandEastAnglia.Underthissystem,agangmaster `"& gatheredtogethergroupsofworkers,especiallychildren,towork (#x' onsomefarmaconsiderabledistancefromwheretheylived.If #@( theselaborershadbeenfarmservants,livingwiththeirmasters $ ) (thefarmers)orincottagesonornearthefarmswherethey % * worked,suchmeasuresneverwouldhavebeennecessary.Livingso  farfromworkwaslargelythefaultofthepoorandsettlement x lawscreatingtheopenandclosedparishsystem,whichheavily @ burdenedthelaborers.AsCairdobserved: X 8  Itisthecommonestthingpossibletofindagricultural  labourerslodgedatsuchadistancefromtheirregular `  placeofemploymentthattheyhavetowalkanhourout ( x inthemorning,andanhourhomeintheevening,--from  @ fortytofiftymilesaweek....Twohoursadayis    asixthpartofaman'sdailylabour,andthisenormous    taxheiscompelledtopayinlabour,whichishisonly H   capital.m   105      `    Soastheslaveshadtoendurelongwalkstovisitfamily   members,includinghusbandsandwives"living'broad,"the h  Englishagriculturalworkershadtowithstandlengthywalksto 0  arriveatwork.Thesubordinateclassinbothcaseshadtogoa H  distancetodosomethingtheirbettersusuallyhadcloseathand.  @TheAristocracy'sPaternalisminProvidingHousing,andIts P Limits h   Asthenineteenthcenturypasseditsmidpoint,anoticeable  numberoflargelandownersbegantoimprovecottagesontheir p lands,eventhoughbadconditionsstillgenerallyprevailed 8 elsewhere.ForsomeEnglisharistocrats,paternalismactually P tookonsomepracticalrealityinthisarea.Surelyknowinga  goodreturnoninvestmentthroughtherentthelaborerspaidwas  apipedream,theystillbuiltnewcottagesanyway.Ifthe X laborers'wageswerenineshillingsorfourteenperweek,they  p hadserioustroubleinbeingabletopaymorethanoneshilling 8 sixpencetotwoshillingsaweekinrent.Indeed,theparishof   PetworthinSussexroutinelypaidatleastsomeofitspaupers' x! rentuntiltheNewPoorLawwaspassed.Asemireasonable @" maximumrentwastwoshillingssixpencetotwoshillingsnine  X# penceaweek,althoughinSurreyitrangedupwardsofthree  $ shillingsandthreeshillingssixpence.Laborersoften !% struggledmightilytopayeven(say)oneseventhoftheirincome `"& inrent.Iftheypaidtwoshillingsaweek,theirannualrent (#x' wouldbefivepoundsfourshillings.Ifacottagecostroughly #@(  100to 140tobuild,dependingonlocalbuildingmaterialsand $ ) supplies,thereturnoninvestment(ROI)wouldhoveraround4.5 % * percentannuallywhenignoringallrepaircosts.Someletthem H&!+ at2.5percentayear,butthisinvolvesselfsacrifice.Solong '`", asfarmworkers'wageswerelow,andwhatrenttheycouldpaywas '(#- equallydepressed,strictprofitabilityconsiderations (#. discouragedbuildingfurthercottages,overandabovethepoor  law'sownnegativeincentivesontheconstructionandmaintenance x ofcottages.n   106       @   Despitetheincentivesagainstbuildingcottages,anumber   ofaristocratsledthewayinimprovingruralhousingconditions.  Manysmalltradesmen,artisans,andspeculatorsacted `  differently.Theybuiltcottagesinopenparishesandcharged ( x excessivelyhighrentsbecauseclosedparishesdeniedsufficient  @ housingforallthelaborerstheyemployedyeararound.As    farmworkersweredrivenintothesetradesmen'sareas,theydrove    upthedemandfor(andcostsof)housing.Incontrast,theself H   sacrificingaristocratsinthisregardincludedtheDukeof `  WellingtoninBerkshire,whorebuiltorimprovedhislaborers' (  cottages,givingeachoneaboutaquarteracreforagarden.He   chargedamereoneshillingaweekrentforbothcottageand h  garden.CairdregardedtheDukeofBedford'scottagesas"very 0  handsome,"whichhadmanyconveniencesaswellasgardens H  attached,andletoutatfairlylowrents.(Somecomplained,  however,abouttheirrooms'smallsize).In1830,accordingto  theStewardatWoburn,thelaborersontheDukeofBedford's P estatestherepaidjustoneshillingaweekrent,whileelsewhere h otherschargedatleasttwoshillingsaweekfortworooms, 0 "miserableplaces,[with]nogardens."LordBeverleyrentedone  andahalfacresofexcellentpastureland,oneandahalfacres p of"mowinggroundforwinterfood,"andahouseforjustseven 8 poundsperyeartohislaborersinhighwageYorkshire.TheDuke P ofNorthumberlandspentfreelytomakeimprovementsthatwould  helpallthelaborersonhishugeestates.The186768Report  saidtheEarlofNorthumberlandhadimprovedorbuilt931 X cottagesforhislaborers.Similarly,thevillageofFord,  p builtbytheMarquisofWaterford,includedhouseswithtwoor 8 fourrooms,gardens,closebyouthouses,waterpipes,anduseof   acommoncowhouseandpasture,letatjustthreeorfourpoundsa x! year,dependingonsize.TheDukeofDevonshireinDerbyshire @" builtforhislaborersthevillageofEdensor,whosecottageshad  X# pastureaccessandratherelaboratearchitecture.GeorgeCulley  $ discoveredthatthelandlordsownedthebesthousingin !% Bedfordshire.Inallbutthreecases,itwasnearorattheir `"& seatsofresidence.SomervillefoundLordSpencerinNorthampton (#x' wasbuildingimpressivenewdwellingsforhislaborers,although #@( "theoldones...wereequalandrathersuperiortothe $ ) ordinaryclassoflabourers'houses."Somecottagesstoodin % * groupsofthree,withthesmalleronehavingjusttwoorthree H&!+ "apartments"beingplacedbetweenthelargerones.Someevenhad '`", tworoomsupstairsandtwobelow.Potatogardenswereplacedin '(#- back,flowergardensinfront.HereevenfancyGothic  architecturegreetedthepasserby'seyes.Abakehouseand x washinghousewasprovidedforeachfourhouses.Theyalsocould @ rentallotmentsatlowrates.o   107      ׀Bybuildingbetterand/or X providingcheaperhousing,theupperclassshowedtheirrhetoric   aboutnoblesseobligewasnotentirelyempty.    Despitethealtruisticpicturereportedabove,LordEgremont ( x ofSussexrevealedsomeofthearistocracy'sothermotivesbehind  @ rentingtheircottagessocheaplyyetsemicontentedly.Hetold    therectorofPetworth,ThomasSockett,thathegotnorentfor    hiscottages,and,tobeginwith,didnotrentanyabovethree H   poundsperyearevenwithagoodgarden.Hesaidthismatterof `  factly,withoutgrievance.He,likeotherlandlords,didnot (  mindgettinglittleornothinginrentbecause,undertheNew   PoorLaw,"Theysaveitindiminutionoftherate....He h  stated,thatthefactwasthatthepoormencouldnotnowpaythe 0  rent."Sowhatthearistocracymayhavelostfromlow(orzero!) H  rents,lowertaxesmorethanmadeupfor,ortheyconsideredita  downwardsadjustmentforthelowwagestheirlaborersearned.  Furthermore,thearistocracytendedtobuildimprovedcottages P onlyneartheirseats,soas(perhaps)toavoidliterallylooking h atpovertyintheface.Thesehousesmighthavepretty,overly 0 ornatefacades,buthavelittleadditionalcomfortinside.  Althoughexaggeratingsome,Somervillesaid,afterhaving p traveledextensivelyinEngland,thatsuchhighqualityhouses 8 "arefoundonlyinsomepetvillagenearanobleman'spark,orin P theparkitself,andonlytherebecausetheyareornamentalto  therichman'sresidence."AlthoughtheEnglishruralelite  undeniablyexploitedthelaborers,astheenclosuremovementand X thelowwagesthelaborersreceiveddemonstrate,stillatleast  p somearistocratssincerelymadeeffortsatprovidinghousing 8 paternalistically.Buttheireffortsmustbeseeninthecontext   ofthelowwagesand/orreducedpoorratespaidafterthe1834 x! PoorLawAmendmentAct,whichoftenmeanttheywerehandingback @" asliceoftheloafthattheyhadpreviouslygrabbedfromthe  X# laborers.Theseexertionsbyaristocratsatimprovingcottages  $ failedtotouchthelivesofmostfarmworkerssince,"the !%  majorityof[England's]ruralinhabitants[still]liv[ed]indamp `"& andsqualor,"asRulecorrectlyobserves.p   108         @ddLittleDifferenceforSlavesandFarmworkersintheQualityof @ TheirHousing X   Probablytheoverallqualityofhousingfortheaverage  slaveorfarmworkerwasaboutthesame.Althoughinbothcases, `  largelandownersmayhavebeensomewhataltruistic,sincethey ( x builtnicehousesorcottagesonsomelargeplantationsor  @ estates,onlyaminorityoftheslavesorlaborersbenefitedfrom    theseefforts.Dirtfloorsandnonglazedorbrokenglass    windowswerestandardforbothgroups.Wallsoftenhadholesor H   wereotherwisedecripitinbothcases.Bothslavesand `  farmworkersusuallywouldhavelackedaceilingoverhead;agaze (  upwardswouldbringintoviewtheraftersandbeamsholdingup   theroof.Thebondsmenmorelikelylivedinahomemadenearly h  exclusivelyofwood,with(perhaps)somemuddaubedintofill 0  thenooksandcranniesortohelpfireproofthechimney,compared H  totheircontemporaneousruralfieldlaborersinEngland.In  England,wallsmadeofmud/claymixedwithsticksorstrawwere  common,thusnearlyinvertingtheratioofthetwomaterials P comparedtoAmerica,clearlycorrespondingtotheirdiffering h relativescarcitybetweenthetwocountries.Probablyathatched 0 roof,beingcoolerinsummer,warmerinwinter,andprotecting  betteragainsttheelements,wassuperiortowhattheslaves(or p manypoorwhites)normallyhadinAmerica,wherestoriesofbeing 8 abletoseethroughtheroof(orwalls,forthatmatter)appear. P Inbothcases,sincetheslavesandthelaborers(normally)did  notowntheplacetheylived,theysufferedfromwhatotherswere  willingtogivethem.Althoughthefarmworkerssupposedlyhadto X payrent,andhadthefreedomtomove,becauseoftheeffectsof  p thesettlementlawsandclosedparishes,nottomentionlowwages 8 andtheenclosureactshelpingtobreedwagedependence,they   oftenhadtoacceptwhatwaslocatedneartheirjobs. x! CompetitioninthehousingmarketinEnglandwasrenderedeven @" moreimperfectbecausethegovernmentalrestrictionsonlabor  X# mobility(alreadyaninstrinsicallylessmobilecommoditythan  $ others)madeworkersevenlessabletomove.Clearly,thebulk !% ofboththebondsmenandlaborerslivedinrundown,decrepit `"& housingoflowqualityandfewamenities,evenifafewfortunate (#x' soulsbenefitedfrompaternalisticplantersandaristocrats. #@( @ AgriculturalWorkers--Sanitation/Cleanliness % *  H&!+   SanitationfortheEngland'shousingduringtheindustrial  revolutionwasnotoriouslybad.Howcouldareaderforget x Engels'portraitofManchester'sodiousslumsandfilthy, @ meanderingstreetsinTheConditionoftheWorkingClassin X England?InVictorianEngland,theappallingdeathrates   producedbypoorsanitationpracticesspawnedathrivingpublic  healthmovementamongthemiddleclasswhichaimedatcleaningup `  thehazardsresultingfromthethenbravenewworldofmodern ( x urbanindustriallife.Itmustberealized,evenaboutsuchpits  @ ofdespairasLiverpool'scellardwellings,thatthisproblemwas    ultimatelyrootedintheconcentrationofhousespackedtogether    inrapidlygrowinglargecitieswithoutanychangesfrom H   practicesthatfitmuchbettersmallvillagesorsparsely `  populatedruralareas.AsRulenoted,thehousesofthecities (  andtownswerebuiltofbettermaterials,suchasbrickorstone,   but,"Itwasnotsomuchtheirindividualdeficiencies,butthe h  collectiveenvironmentalhorrorwhichtheypresentedwhich 0  shockedcontemporaries."Inpreviouscenturies,thedeathrates H  ofmedievalcitiesandtownsinEuropeweresohighthey  graduallydevouredtheirinhabitants,whichmadetheir  population'snaturalrateofincreaseactuallynegative.If P peoplethenbuildstilllargeragglomerationsofbuildings,but h failtochangethesewageandgarbagedisposalsystems,only 0 publichealthdisastercanpossiblyresult.Althoughrural  areas'inhabitantsenjoyedbetterhealththancitydwellers,that p outcomedidnotcomefromtheformerhavingsuperiorsanitation 8 practices.Rather,becausethepopulationdensitywaslower,the P old,traditionalmethodstookanotablylowertollinthe  countrysidethanwithinEngland'sindustrialcities.Eventhe  contrastbetweenvillagesandoutlyingscatteredhouseswas X jarring,asJeffriessaw:  p 8  Thecottagesintheopenfieldsarecomparatively   pleasanttovisit,thesweetfreshaircarriesaway x! effluvia.Thosethataresocuriouslycrowdedtogether @" inthevillagearesinksoffoulsmell,andmaybeof  X# worse--placeswhere,iffevercomes,ittakesholdand  $ quitsnot.!%   AsEngelsobserved,relativelylittledamagemightcomefrom (#x' makingadungheapinthecountry,sinceitismoreexposedto #@( theopenair.Butwhenasimilarpilebuildsupinacity's $ ) alleyordeadend,theverysamepracticeismuchmoredangerous % * tohumanhealth.q   109      ׀Soalthoughthecountrysidewashealthier H&!+ thantheearlyindustrialcities,thedifferencecamefromthe '`", concentrationoflargeamountsofhousingwithbarelychanged '(#- medievalsanitationmeasuresinthelatter,suchasopensewers  alongthesidesofthestreets,notsuperiorpracticesthat x systematicallyensuredcleanlinessintheformer. @   Unlikethetownsbythe1870sandlater,manyvillagesin   Englandhadlittleornosanitaryarrangements.AsJosephArch  putit:"Imustnotnamevillages[withbadsanitary `  arrangements];anyonewhotravelsmustobservethebadsanitary ( x conditionoftheruraldistricts."Althoughinanareaof  @ Englandwherethelaborerswererelativelywellpaidandfed,    Cairdfoundmiserablearrangementsforsanitationinthevillage    ofWark,Northumberland: H   8  Wretchedhousespiledhereandtherewithout `  order--filthofeverykindscatteredaboutorheapedup (  againstthewalls--horses,cows,andpigslodgedunder   thesameroofwiththeirowners,andenteringbythe h  samedoor--inmanycasesapigstybeneaththeonly 0  windowofthedwelling.r   110      H    UnlikeOlmsted'saforementionedexperience(p.68),thelaborers'  cottagesmightnotbeevenpicturesque,letaloneprovide P sanitaryconditionsfortheiroccupants. h   ThehousekeepingofHodge'swifemayhavebeenperfectly  fine,buttheareaaroundhercottagecouldstillstinkbadly. p (Unlikefortheslaves,astrongsexualdivisionoflabor 8 generallyprevailedamongthefarmworkers,exceptduringharvest P andinthenorth,asexplainedbelowpp.200210).Jeffries  explainswhy,bycontrastingthestenchemanatingfromthe  laborers'cottagestothescentofthesurroundingfields: X 8  Theodourwhicharisesfromthecottagesispeculiarly 8 offensive.Itisnotthattheyaredirtyinside...   itisfromoutsidethatallthenoisomeexhalations x! taintthebreeze....Thecleanestwomanindoors @" thinksnothingdisgustingoutofdoors,andhardlygoes  X# astepfromherthresholdtocastawayindescribable  $ filth.s@   111      !%   ThismentalitymayexplainwhyCairdfoundtheinhabitantsof (#x' Warktoleratingtheconditionsthathesaw.Thecleanlinessof #@( thefarmworkers'cottagesusuallybeatthatoftheslaves' $ ) shanties,becausethelaborers'wives,beingathomemostofthe  day,couldsinkmuchmoretheirlaborintohousekeepingorother, x associatedtasks,suchgoingtomarket.Unliketheslavewoman @ outinthefieldsallday,Mrs.Hodgerarelycouldblameatime X shortageformakingtheinsideofherhousedirty.   @  Slaves--FurnitureandPersonalEffects `    Whathousingasubordinateclass'membershaveobviously  @ differsfromwhatitemstheycanputinit.Althoughgood    housingandowningnumerouspersonalpossessionsnormally    positivelycorrelatewithoneanother,thisisnotguaranteed. H   AlthoughcomparingthehouseholditemsofAmericanslavesand `  Englishfarmworkersisinevitablydifficultbecausebroadbased (  statisticaldataaremostlyunavailable,itisstillworthwhile   toexaminegenerallywhatthepoorestclassesoftheirrespective h  societiesownedashouseholditems.Unlikefood,householditems 0  formpartoftheirowners'enduringsurroundings.(Clothinghas H  beenseparatelyconsideredabove).Theirsentimentalvaluecan  disproportionatelyoutweightheircashvalue,especiallywhen  parentsorotherancestorshadpassedthemdowntothecurrent P owners.Theyalsocancontributemightilytopersonalcomfort, h suchashowachairallowssomeonetoavoidhavingtositor 0 standona(sometimeswet)dirtfloor.    Theslavesnormallycouldonlycountonhavingintheir 8 shackssomekindofbed.Theseoftenweremadewithstuffingsor P coveringsofmoss,hay,and/orcornshucksontopofawooden  frame.Asachild,FrederickDouglassdidnotevenhavethis.  Heusedastolenbagthathadcontainedcorntohelpkeephimself X warm.Turningtoamorenormalcase,freedwomanMillieEvansof  p NorthCarolinarecalledthatherfamily'ssmallerbedsindaytime 8 couldbeeasilyslidunderneaththelargestbed."Ourbedswas   stuffedwithhayandstrawandshucks,and,believeme,child, x! theysuresleptgood."ExslaveMarionJohnson,onceaslavein @" Louisiana,alsothoughtwellofthebasicbeddingheenjoyed:  X# "Mammy'sbedswasticksstuffedwithdriedgrassandputonbunks  $ builtonthewall,buttheydidsleepsogood.Ican'mostsmell !% thatcleandrygrassnow."SolomonNorthrup,lessnostalgically `"& andlesscomfortably,describedthe"bed"thathismastergave (#x' him: #@( 8  Thesoftestcouchesintheworldarenottobefoundin % * thelogmansionoftheslave.TheonewhereonI H&!+ reclinedyearafteryear,wasaplanktwelveinches '`", wideandtenfeetlong.Mypillowwasastickofwood. '(#- Thebeddingwasacoarseblanket,andnotaragor (#. shredbeside.Mossmightbeused,wereitnotthatit h)$/ directlybreedsaswarmoffleas.0*%0   InGeorgiaonthericeislandplantation,Kemblesawslavewomen +'2 freelyhazardingtheserisksfrommossbyplacingitupon"a ,'3 roughboardbedstead."Meanwhile,someservantboyssleptonthe  hearthbythekitchenfire.Suchroughaccommodations--near x Washington,D.C.,escapedslaveFrancisHendersonsimilarlyhad @ "enjoyed"a"boardbed"likeNorthrup's--couldbecome X comfortable,"beingusedtoit."SoeventhoughEvansand   JohnsonrecalledbetterbeddingconditionsthanHendersonor  Northrup,nostalgiaandacclimationcombinedpresumablycaused `  themtooverstatehowwellofftheywere.Olmsted'sencounter ( x withvermininthebedofafairlytypicalwhitefamily'shome  @ indicateswhatmanyslavesundoubtedlysufferedwhensleepingon    anythingsofterthanboards.t   112            Besidesbeds,slavecabinsnormallyweresparselyfurnished `  orequipped.Kemblesawnochairsortablesinthecabinsofthe (  servants--presumablythemateriallybetteroffslaves--whowaited   onheratherhusband'sriceislandestate,whereconditionswere h  betterthantheaverageofothernearbyplantations.Theslaves 0  alsooftenownedvariousceramicobjects,suchaspots,cups, H  bowls,andplates.Theirdistributiononplantationsreflected  theslaves'andoverseers'positionsinSouthernsocietyas  subordinatetotheplanters.Domesticservantspredictably P possessedbettercrockerythanfieldhands.Inhisareaof h Louisiana,Northrupsaidslaveswere"furnishedwithneither 0 knife,norfork,nordish,norkettle,noranyotherthinginthe  shapeofcrockery,orfurnitureofanynatureordescription." p OnlybyworkingonSunday,theirdayoff,couldslavesearnthe 8 moneytobuytheutensilsneededforfoodstorageandcivilized P cooking.NoteonereasonwhyRoseWilliamsofTexasfoundher  master'squarterspleasing:Theywerefurnishedwithtables,  benches,andbunksforsleeping.Amixedpictureemerges,since X somemastersprovidedmorethanothers,andtheslavesthemselves  p foundwaystogetorevenmakefurnishings,includingchairs,and 8 utensils,dependingontheirindividualinitiative.Forexample,   MaryReynoldssaidthemensometimesmadechairsatnight. x! Similartotheirsplitonslavehousing,Genoveseportraysthe @" situationforfurnitureandutensilsmoreoptimistically(but  X# hereaccurately)thanStampp'sdirepicture.Nevertheless,the  $ betteroffslavesacquiredbasiccookingutensils,furniture,and !% kitchencrockeryoftenthroughtheirowneffortsand `"& resourcefulness,notnecessarilybecausesupposedlypaternalistic (#x' mastersgenerouslyhandedouttheseitems.u   113        @ddEnglishAgriculturalWorkers:HomeFurnishings,Utensils,and @ Crockery X   Thefarmworkers'cottageswereunlikelytobebetterequiped  withfurniture,utensils,orcrockerythanthebondsmen's `  quarters.Whiletestifyingbeforetheparliamentarycommittee ( x investigatingtheoperationoftheNewPoorLaw,MarkCrabtree's  @ descriptionofwhatfurnishingsthelaborershadresembled    reportsaboutwhatslavesowned.Hefoundonecottage,occupied    byalaborerwhohadworkedtwentyyearsforonefarmer,tohave H   onechair,achest,threestools,atableoftwoboardsanda `  pieceplacedonfourhedgestakes,andtwostrawbedswithout (  blanketsforninepeople.Thebedswereattachedtothewallon   oneside,andsupportedontwopostsontheother,similartothe h  bedsofmanyslaves.Thehomeofoneunemployedmanpresenteda 0  similarbutperhapsmoredesperatesituationbecausehisfamily H  hadpawnedpossessionsinordertobuyfood.Ithadtwochairs,  asimilartablebuiltonhedgestakes,fourbedsofstrawwith  oneblanketforallofthem,fourcoverlets,andtwobasins.Its P kitchenutensilsamountedtotwobrokenknives,onefork,one h teakettle,twosaucepans,threeplates,andtwobrokenplates. 0 Apparently,thesepatheticallyfewpossessionswereallfourteen  peoplehad.Somerville'ssemiapocryphal"ploughman"livingin p Wilton,Wiltshire,complainedabouthavinga"wretchedhome 8 ....withoutanycomfort,almostwithoutfurniture."v(    114      ׀For P him,thisgrindingpovertycharacterizedevenafairlynormal  year!Thefurnishingsandutensilsoftheagriculturallaborers  couldnotbeplentifulwhensomanyofthemalreadylivedso X closetosubsistence,whichtheirordealinbuyingclotheswhen  p paidsuchlowwagesdemonstrates. 8   Intimesofcrisis,suchashighpricesduetocropfailure, x! thelaborersemptiedtheircottagesinordertofilltheir  stomachs.InDorset,whentheportofPoolelaynearlyata x standstillin1843,inthesurroundingcountrysidemanyofthe @ laborers'cottageswerenearlyorliterallyempty.Evidently,at X leastthepawnbrokersweredoingbriskbusiness.Visitingthe   pawnbrokerwasalsonecessarytofulfillaconditionforgoing  intotheworkhouse:Afamilyorelderlycouplehadtoselloff `  theirfurnishings,becauseotherwisetheyweretoo"rich"toget ( x parishrelief.Knowingfirsthandtheseverefinancialstressof  @ laborersundersuchstress,Somervillecommented:    8  Ithasalwaysseemedtomeagrievouserrortodeny H   outdoorrelieftofamiliesintemporarydistress, `  wherebytheyarecompelledtoundergothemostcruel (  privations,orsubmittobreakuptheirlittlehomes,   sellofftheirfurniture,...andbecomethorough, h  confirmed,irredeemablepaupers.0    Similardilemmasstillfacetheclienteleoftoday'swelfare  statebureaucracies.TheEnglishpoorlawwasdesignedonlyto  relievethemostdesperate,includingthosewhosoldoffnearly P everythingbesidestheclothesontheirbackinordertomake h themselvessufficiently"desperate."w   115      ׀Asaresult,thehomesof 0 laborersmayprovetobenearlyemptyofhouseholditemsbecause  ofhighfoodpricesorlongspellsofunemployment.Bycontrast, p sincetheslavesdidnothavetofendforthemselves,theynever 8 sufferedthecalamityofsellingofftheirfurnitureintheevent P offinancialdisaster,buttheyweredeniedtheadvantagesof  independenceandfreedominincreasingtheirselfrespect.  @Fuel--theSlaves'SupplyVersustheFarmworkers'  p   Thebondsmenhadundeniablybetterfuelsuppliesthanthe   farmworkers.IntheUnitedStates,theproblemwashavingtoo x! manytrees,nottoofew.Treeshadtobechoppeddownandthe @" stumpsremovedbeforecultivationbegan.Heretheslavesmost  X# clearlybenefitedfromlivinginsparselypopulatedfrontier  $ areas,asopposedtoalongsettledregionwheremostofthe !% treeswerealreadycutdown,suchasinsoutheastEngland.Even `"& onKemble'shusband'sriceislandestate,whereapriorione (#x' mightthinktreeswouldbescarce,apreserveoftreesandother #@( vegetationwasallowedtoremainsothatherhusband's"people" $ ) couldstilleasilygetfirewood.Perhapsbestillustratingthe % * attitudeoftheownersofforestedlandinthefrontierSouth, H&!+ onemastertoldOlmstedwhilehepaid(becauseitwasthe  holidays)hisslavestoturnwoodintocharcoal,"thathehad x fivehundredacrescoveredwithwood,whichhewouldbeveryglad @ tohaveanyoneburn,orclearoffinanyway."Mastersand X mistressesnormallyjustlettheirslavescollecttheirown   firewoodfromunclearedlandonorneartheirproperty,feeling  noneedtosupplyittothem.AccordingtoOlmsted,sincethe `  slavesuncommonlylikedhavingfires,theytookextra ( x opportunitiestocreatethem.OnoneVirginiaplantation,the  @ handsmade"afireabig,blazingfireatthisseason,forthe    supplyoffuelisunlimited,"whichtheyusedtocooktheirfood    also.x   116      ׀Duetothisnaturalresource'sabundance,itcostlittle H   ornothingtouse,allowingtheslaveholderstogranttheslaves `  thisminorindulgence.Indeed,theslaveholderscouldeven (  benefitasithelpedclearthelandforcrops.Atleastinthis   onecase,theNewWorld'smaterialabundanceclearlybenefited h  theslaves,sincewoodapproachedbeingafreegoodlikeairin 0  America'seasternforests.y   117       H    Bycontrast,theagriculturalworkersofEnglandoften  enduredatrulydesperatefuelsituation,especiallyinarable P areasinthesoutheastafterenclosure.Firstofall,England h hadbeenchoppingdownitsforestsexcessivelyforcenturies; 0 realshortagesofwoodhaddevelopedinmanyareas.Oneinn  keeperOlmstedencountered,ofavillagenearChesterin1850, p thoughtAmerica's"woodfires"wereanunusualphenonemon. 8 Indeed,growingwoodshortageshelpedtopushtheEnglishto P replacecharcoalwithcokingcoalinironmaking,whichAbraham  Darbyin1709wasthefirsttousesuccessfully.Anumberof  decadespassed,however,beforeEnglishironmakersusedcoke X extensivelyforsmeltingiron,asDeanenotes.z`    118      ׀Becauseofwood  p shortages,manyagriculturallaborersburnedothervegetationas 8 fuel,suchasfurze,turf,orpeat.Comparedtocoalorseasoned   firewood,thesewereinferiorfuels.{    119      ׀Thehedgeswhichfenced x! offonefarmfromanotheroftenprovidedfuel,asYoungknew.  FarmerandformerrelievingofficerEdwardButtrecalledforthe x 1837PoorLawReportthatinhisyouth(c.1790),laborersgot @ fuelbypayingahalfguineatogetathousandturffromanearby X commonsinthePetworth,Sussexarea.Atthattime,thefarmers   chargednothingtotheirlaborersfortransportingittothe  latter'shomes.Fuelcostmuchlessthen.Inarableareas,the `  laborerswerenormallyworseoff,forreasonsCobbettsaw:"No ( x hedges,noditches,nocommons,nograssylanes:acountry  @ dividedintogreatfarms;afewtreessurroundthegreatfarm    house.Alltherestisbareoftrees;andthewretchedlaborer    hasnotastickofwood."Oneplowboyofaboutsixteennear H   AbingtoninsouthernEnglandsaidhehadhotfoodonlyoncea `  week,whenhismasterlethimandotherboysworkingforhimboil (  potatoes.Otherwise,heonlyatebreadandlard--cold.Nofire   warmedhiminwinterashesleptintheloftofthefarmerwho h  employedhim,exceptingsometimeswhenhestayedwithlocal 0  cottagers.|@   120      ׀Hence,fuelshortageshurtthepoorbychilling H  theminwinterandbylimitinghowtheypreparedtheirfoodyear  around.Itpromotedthebuyingofmoreexpensivereadymadefood  suchasbaker'sbread.Furthermore,moneyspentonfuelwasnot P moneyspentonfood.InsouthernEngland,thehighcostoffuel h helpedtolowerthequalityofthelaborers'diets.}    121      ׀Shortages 0 ofwoodorothermaterialsforfuelcouldextracttheultimate  cost:InsouthernNorthumberland,wherethelaborershadlotsof p fuel,theirdeathrateroselessthanthatofothersintheharsh 8 yearof1864.~   122       P   Shortagesofwoodorothervegetationprovokedmajor  conflictsbetweenlaborersandlocallandowners,especiallyafter X enclosureeliminatedwastelandsorcommonsthattheformerhad  p usedtogetfuel.Landownersoftenimposedrestrictionson  gatheringfuelinordertoprotecttheirgame'shabitat.For x example,in1825,theEarlofPembrokeorderedthevillagersof @ Barfordtotakenodeadwoodfromhisforest,GrovelyWood.He X had"discovered"theyhadnolegalrighttodoso.Yet,asa   customaryright,theyhadtakenwoodfromthisforestfor  centuries.Inretaliation,GraceReedandfourotherwomenshe `  ledresistedtheEarl.Afterdefiantlygatheringsticksfromthe ( x Woods,theyreturnedhome.Theyweresentencedtojailafter  @ refusingtopaythefinesimposed.Butthenextday,thewomen    werefreed,andPembrokequicklydeclared,followingfurther    investigation,thatthepeopleofBarfordhadtherighttoremove H   deadwoodfromtheforestafterall.Clearly,theiractofcivil `  disobediencesavedthemtheircustomaryright.Elsewhere,the (  poorwerelesslucky.InWiltshire,thoselivinginvillages   nexttotheFonthillandGreatRidgeWoodswerenotallowedto h  gatherdeadwoodforthesamereasonprotectionforgameanimals 0  suchaspheasantsandrabbits.Becausetherabbitsmultiplied H  afterthisareawasmadeofflimits,theforest'shazelnuttrees  soondiedoffafterbeingstrippedoftheirbark.Thisforest  soonstoppedsupplyingnutstothosewhocameevenfromlong P distancestogatherthem.Inthiscase,havingnorecoursefor h decadesafterwards,thepoorlostoutonbothfuelandfood. 0 Hudsonsaw(c.1910)itsdeadwoodlyingaroundasifitwerean  undisturbedprimevalforest.Thecasesinwhichtherichgave p awayorsoldfueltothepoornonprofitablyhardlycompensated 8 forthelossesinflictedbyenclosure,gameprotection,and P generaldeforestation.AlthoughinAmericatheslaves  continuallystruggledwiththeirmastersformaterialadvantages,  anoverabundanceofwoodensuredconflictsoveritwererareor X nonexistent.ButinEngland,disputesoverfuelsupplieswere  p endemic.There,achildbreakingaboughfromatreeforany 8 reasoncouldbesentencedtotheHouseofCorrection,asthe   Hammondsnoted.   123      ׀Sinceslaveholdersfeltlittleneedtoprotect x! thewildanimalsinareasonlyrecentlyhewedfromthe @" wilderness,theslaveswereusuallyfreegohunting.In  X# contrast,theagriculturalworkersconstantlydisobeyedtheir  $ overlords'restrictionsonhuntinganditsspillovereffectson !% obtainingfuelsupplies(seebelow,pp.36769). `"& Ї@*SlaveMedicalCare    Whetherdoneoutoffinancialselfinterestorpaternalistic @ altruism,slaveholdersoftenhad(white)physicianstreatthe X slaves.Mastersandmistressesusuallywantednotreatable   diseasesorinjuriestoreduceoreliminatetheirhuman  property'sfinancialvalue.(But,asKembleknew,their `  rationalitycouldnotbeassumed).   124      ׀Sometimesthemasteror ( x overseergavemedicineorsometreatmentsuchasbleedingtohis  @ slaves.Theblacksalsohadtheirownresources:manylarger    plantationsboastedhomegrown"conjurors"usingherbsorspells    tohelpcurefellowslavesofafflictions.Sinceslavemidwives H   assistedotherwomenatbirth,theydidnotnecessarilyrelyon `  doctorsfordeliveries.Unfortunatelyfortheslavesandjust (  abouteveryoneelseinSouthernsocietyexceptingperhapsthe   physiciansthemselves,thecrudenessandbackwardnessof h  antebellummedicalscienceensureditdeliveredatleastasmuch 0  harmascure.Formanysickbondsmen,theplantation'sresident H  witchdoctor'sritualsandherbsarguablyweremoreeffective  thanthewhitephysician'sbagoftricks,whichincludedleeches  forbleedings.Despiteitsgeneralineffectiveness,even P lethalness,largeplanterssuchasBarrowstillcouldpileupthe h doctor'sbills.Inadayandagewhendoctorschargedaround$1 0 to$5perhousecall,Barrowspent(assumingaccuratelykept  figures)just$69.18for183839,but$288.25for183940and p routinely$300ormoreannuallyafterwards.   125      ׀Theslaveholders' 8 investmentintheirbondsmenencouragedhighexpenditureson P theirmedicalcare,evenwhenpaternalismdidnot. x   Ї  Masterswillinglyhadthesamedoctortreatboththeir  familiesandtheirslavesonthesamevisit,whichshowssome x surprisingimpartialityinprovidingmedicalhelp.Planter @ BennetBarrownotedinhisdiary:"DrKingpractisingontwoof X mynegros--&myfamily&c."   126      ׀This"racemixing"hetookfor   granteddespitehisrigidinsistenceonenforcingthecolorline  othertimes.   127      ׀Solongastheyweretheabsoluterulersof `  blacks,whiteslaveholdersreadilyandnecessarilyaccepted ( x situationsthatwouldhaveappalleddiehardpostreconstruction  @ segregationists.Correspondingly,Barrow(aswellasthedoctor    himself)lightlypassoverawhitephysiciantreatingblacksand    whitesduringthesamevisitlivingonthesameland. H   @TheGeneralBackwardnessofAntebellumMedicalCare (    Althoughslaveholderspaiddoctorsgoodmoneytotreattheir h  slaves,positiveoutcomesfromtreatmentwerehardlyguaranteed. 0  Betweenbadtreatments(e.g.,bleedingandquestionable H  "medicines")andprofessionalincompetence,itwasfrequently  safernottohaveadoctorinthehouse.Barrowcondemnedone  doctorwhovisitedhisplaceduringasmallepidemic:"numberof P sickones,askedDrHailtoseeMarcusandamoreundecisiveman h Ineversaw.madegreatmanyattemptstobleedhim,butfailed& 0 largeveinsatthat,Diedat11ok."Otherplantersevidently  placedlessfaithinbleedingthanBarrow,atleastwhenthe p overseerdidit.PlowdenC.J.Weston,riceplanterofSouth 8 Carolina,preparedastandardcontractthathisoverseerssigned P whichincludedthisstatement:"BleedingisUnderAll  CircumstancesStrictlyProhibited,ExceptbyOrderofthe  Doctor."Countingacompletedbleedingasanaccomplishmentand X abotchedoneafailure,asBarrowdid,acceptedthepremisesof  p abackwardmedical"science"stillpracticingtreatmentsmore 8 suitedtotheDarkAgesthantothenineteenthcentury'sspirit   ofprogress.Despitethegeneralcrudenessofantebellummedical x! science,itstillperformedsomerecognizablymoderntreatments. @" OnedayplanterBarrownotedinhisdiary:"Numberofcasesof  X# ChickenPox,Vaccinatedallmynegros,Old&YoungMostofthem  $ withgoodtakingscars,buthavenowtheappearancegenuine." !% Regardlessofwhattreatmentsthedoctorgave,stillpatients `"& diedsometimes.OverseerGeorgeW.Brattonwrotetohis (#x' employer,planter(andlaterU.S.President)JamesPolk,about  thefateofoneofhisslaves:"Losadiedthesixteenthofthis x month[November1838]Ihadgoodatten[tion]paidtoherIcall @ inandotherphisiantoLoosashediedwiththebrest X complaint."   128      ׀Goodintentionssometimesstillbroughtbad   results!  @$ $ MastersSoughtWaystoReduceMedicalExpenses  ( x     Undoubtedly,manymastersandmistressescutcornersby    callinginphysiciansonlywhentheirslaveswerereallysickor H   injured.AfterdescribingtheOldMissasstingywiththefood `  rations,freedmanTinesKendricksofGeorgiasaidsheacted (  similarlyaboutgettingadoctortohelpMose,ayoungslaveboy:   8  AuntHannah,shetrytodoctoronhimandgithimwell, H  andshetellOldMissthatshethinkMosebadoffand  oughttohavethedoctor.OldMissshewouldn'tgit  thedoctor.ShesayMosesain'tsickmuch,and,bless P mysoul,AuntHannahsheright.Inafewdaysfrom h thenMoseisdead.0   JennyProctorofAlabamarememberedgettingcheapmedicineanda p doctor'svisitbeingalastresort: 8 8  Wedidn'thavemuchlookingafterwhenwegitsick.We  hadtotaketheworststuffintheworldformedicine,  justsoitwascheap.Thatoldbluemassandbitter X applewouldkeepusoutallnight.Sometimeshehave  p thedoctorwhenhethinkswegoingtodie,'causehe 8 sayheain'tgotanyonetolose,thenthatcalomelwhat   thatdoctorwouldgiveuswouldprettynightkillus. x! Thentheykeepsallkindsofleadbulletsandasafetida @" ballsroundournecks.   129      ׀ X#   Apologistsforslaverymighthaveclaimedthattheslaves !% automaticallygotmedicalcarefromtheirowners,unlikethe `"& North's"wageslaves"fromtheiremployers.Butsinceslavery (#x' alsogavethemasterspracticallyunlimitedfreedomin #@( determininghowtocontroltheirbondsmen,noguaranteesexisted $ ) fortheprovisionofmedicalcareregardlessofanypossiblelaws % * statingotherwise.Theslaveholderscannotbegiventotal H&!+ freedomtomaketheslaves'willtheirwill,yeteasilystop  thoseneglectingtogivewhatsupposedlygavetheslavesmaterial x security(here,medicalcare)thatreplacedtheuncertaintiesof @ freedom.Theslavesreallyhadneithersecuritynorfreedom X becausethemasterhadpracticallynearly100percentfreedomto   orderthemaboutandtotreatthemashewished,exceptingthe  extremecaseswherewhiteneighborsmobilizedagainsthis `  excessivecrueltybytheir(likelylow)standards. ( x Ѐ  @ @MastersandOverseersasAmateurHealersforSlaves      Onhisorherownaslaveholdermightprovidemedicinesor H   evenaninfirmary.Byadministeringmedicineshimselfor `  herself,aslaveownercouldavoidcallinginadoctortobegin (  with,thuspossiblysaveadollarortwo.Certainlytheyhad   financialmotivesforseekingmedicalinformation,sinceitcould h  savethelivesoftheirhumanpropertywhilesimultaneously 0  keepingthedoctorsaway.FreedwomanMaryReynoldsofLouisiana H  rememberedthe(ratherdubious)medicinesherownergaveout:  "Massagivesickniggersipecacandasafetidaandoiland  turpentineandblackfeverpills."AsStamppobserves,often P overseersorthemastersthemselvesdiagnosedandtreatedsick h slaves,usingdoctorsonlyasalastresort.Grantedthis,Fogel 0 andEngermansensiblyinfer:"Planterssoughttobe,and  overseerswereexpectedtobe,knowledgeableaboutcurrent p medicalproceduresandaboutdrugsandtheiradministration." 8 PlanterWestonhadhisoverseerspledgetorefrainfromusing P strongmedicines,"suchascalomel,ortartaremetic:simple  remediessuchasflaxseedtea,mintwater,No.6,magnesia,&c.,  aresufficientformostcases,anddolessharm.Strong X medicinesshouldbelefttotheDoctor."Becauseoverseers'low  p educationallevelsusuallycorrespondedwithaminimalknowledge 8 ofmedicalscience,thismasteravoidedentrustingtoomuchof   hisslaves'livesandhealthtotheirmedicaljudgment.But x! Kendricks'mistressdispensedmedicinewherehelived:"Old @" Miss,shegenerallylookedaftertheniggerswhentheysickand  X# givethemthemedicine.And,too,shewouldgetthedoctoriffen  $ shethinktheyrealbadoff'causelikeIsaid,OldMiss,she !% mightystingy,andsheneverwanttolosenoniggerbythem `"& dying."Thismistressknewbeingpennywisemaybepound (#x' foolish.Butshestillhesitatedtoadmitaslavemaybereally #@( sickbecausetheyfrequentlyshammedsicknesstoavoidtoilingby $ ) thesweatoftheirfaces:"Howsomever,itwashardsometimeto % * gethertobelieveyousickwhenyoutellherthatyouwas,and H&!+ shewouldthinkyoujustplayingofffromwork.Ihaveseen '`", niggerswhatwouldbemightyneardeadbeforeOldMisswould '(#- believethemsickatall."Kemble'shusband'sriceislandestate (#. hadasixroominfirmary.Despitelookinggoodonpaper,in h)$/ realityitwasfilledwithweakenedbodiesscatteredamidstan 0*%0 appallingspectacleoffilthandrubbish,darknessandcold. *H&1 Thisplacewas,supposedly,whereits"patients"wenttorecover +'2 fromsickness!Somebondswomenattemptedtoreceivealittle ,'3 warmthfromafeeblefireinitsenormouschimney,while"these  lastpoorwretcheslayprostrateonthefloor,withoutbed, x mattress,orpillow,buriedintatteredandfilthyblankets, @ which,huddledroundthemastheylaystrewedabout,lefthardly X spacetomoveuponthefloor."The"hospital"onherhusband's   seaislandcottonestatewasstillworse.   130      ׀Hence,betweenthe  crudemedicinesandprimitivebuildingsusedformedical `  treatment,theprovisionofhealthcarebymastersandmistresses ( x fortheirslavesdidlessgoodthanwhatmightbeclaimed.  @ @44BlackMedicalSelfHelp:ConjurorsandMidwives󀀈      Byhavingtheirownresourcesintheformofconjurers `  (i.e.,shamansorwitchdoctors)andmidwives,theslavesdidnot (  entirelydependontheirownersformedicalhelp.Theblack   communitydidnotjustpassivelywaitforwhat"olemassa"might h  handout,butalsolookedtohelpthemselvesinhealthcareand 0  otherneeds.Liketheslavepreacher,theplantationconjurer H  servedasanindependentsourceofauthority(religious,notjust  medical)totheslaves.Unlikedriversanddomesticservants  holdingmoreprestigiouspositions(atleasttothewhites),the P conjurer'sactivitiesdidnotfullyfallunderthewhitechainof h command.Sometimeswhitemedicalscienceevenadoptedthe 0 "cures"slavesusedonthemselvesinitsownpractice.According  toKemble,onephysiciantoldhiswhitepatienttobindthe p leavesofthepoplartreearoundhisrheumaticknee,"sayinghe 8 hadlearnedthatremedyfromthenegroesinVirginia,andfound P itamosteffectualone.""AuntieRachael,"livinginacabin  nearRaleigh,NorthCarolina,gavealonglistoftreatmentsfor  diseasesbasedonblackfolkwisdom.Shehadlearnedthemfrom X hermother,whohadbeena"docterin'woman."Her"cures"  p includedgivingmare'smilkforwhoopingcough,smearingthe 8 marrowofahogjowlontheskinlesionscausedbythemumps,   puttingonamudplasterandwearinglittlebagaroundtheneck x! withahickorynuttocureshingles,variousbudsandherbsfor @" makingteatocurebadcolds,andtyingacharmaroundachild's  X#  necktowardoffdisease:"Abago'asafetidaisgood[asa  $ charm];er,detoenailsofachickenismos'pow'ful!"   131      ׀   Althoughthese"cures"seempositivelynaiveandsuperstitious x nowadays,theymayhaveoftenfollowedbettertheprincipleof @ medicinethatstates"First,donoharm"thanthewhitedoctor's X bagoftricks.       Slavemidwiveswerevaluabletotheirowners,notjustto `  theirsistersinbondage.Kemblenotedthatthe"midwifeofthe ( x [riceisland]estate[was]ratheranimportantpersonagebothto  @ masterandslave,[for]astoherunassistedskillandscience    theusheringofalltheyoungnegroesintotheirexistenceof    bondageisintrusted."Birthsattendedbymidwivesenabled H   masterstoreducebothmedicalexpensesandthenumberof `  doctor'svisits.Theslavewomenbenefitedfromhavingsomeone (  oftheirownraceandsexservingthemduringsuchanintimate   passageoflife.Slavemidwiveshelpedrebutanycontentions h  thatblackwomencouldnotassistorservecompetentlyinsome 0  crucialpositionintheslavecommunity'slife.ZackBloxhamof H  Floridarecalledhismotherwasafieldhand,addinganevident  exaggeration:"Shewasamidwife,too,an'treatedrightspecial  on'countofit.Deydidn'neednodoctorwidMammydar!" P Despiteherveryordinarymainpositionontheplantation, h Bloxham'smotherroleasmidwifegreatlyraisedhowmuchrespect 0 others,bothblackandwhiteevidently,gaveher."Aunt"Florida  ofGeorgiasaidhergrandmother,the"swornmidwife"ofthe p plantation,attendedonbothblacksandwhitesinherlocalityof 8 "Hurricanean'Briefiel'."Byhelpingwomenofbothraces,she P againshowsthatwhitesunderslaveryoftenaccepted"race  mixing,"butonlyunderasocialsystemthattheoretically  ensuredthewhites'almostcompletecontrolovermostblacks. X Illustratingtheimportancemidwivespotentiallyhad,overseer  p JohnGarnerblamedthedeathofanewbornbabyslaveonMatilda 8 tellinghimonlyatthelastminuteshewasgoingtohavea   child,whichkepthimfromgettingamidwifesoonenough:"I x! coldnotgettheoldwomanthereintime,herlyingupatthe @" sametime."Ofcourse,the"help"somemidwivesgavetowomenin  X# laborcouldclearlybeharmful.One"ignorantoldnegress"that  $ Kembleencounteredwould,incasesofgreatlylonganddifficult !% labor,"tieaclothtightroundthethroatsoftheagonized `"& women,andbydrawingittillshealmostsuffocatedthemshe (#x' producedviolentandspasmodicstruggles,whichsheassuredme #@( shethoughtmateriallyassistedtheprogressofthelabor."   132      ׀ $ ) Despitethiscaveat,slavemidwiveswereusuallyvitalmembersof  theplantationcommunitywhoreceivedrespectfromblackand x whitealike. @ @` ` MedicalCareforEnglishAgriculturalWorkers     Englishfarmworkershadonemajoradvantageovertheslaves `  inmedicalcare,butalsoonemajordisadvantage.Ontheone ( x hand,theywerepotentiallyfreetogoornotgotoanydoctor,  @ andtoacceptorrejectanytreatmentoffered.However,    financiallimitationsmadeamockeryofthisfreedom,sincetheir    povertynormallyforcedtorelyonparishprovidedmedicalhelp. H   Ontheother,theemployingfarmersoftencaredlittleaboutthe `  fatesoftheir(oftenoverlyplentiful)employees,sincetheir (  selfinterestwaslessdirectlytiedtothehealthoftheir   laborersthanforplantersowningslaves.Peopletendtocare h  moreforwhattheyOWNthanforwhattheydoNOTown,although 0  theselfinterestofslaveownersonlyunreliablyrestrainedtheir H  conduct,asKembleobserved(seep.82).Quiteliterally,the  agriculturalworkersweremoreontheirown,forgoodorforill.  Paternalism,whetherthatofslaveownersorlandedgentry, P necessarilyinvolvesthesubordinateclassgivingupsomedegree h offreedominexchangeforgreatersecurity.Theslavesclearly 0 werefurtheralongthecontinuumthattradedfreedomforsecurity  thanthefarmworkers.Consequently,theslavesprobablyhadmore p guaranteedmedicalcarebutdefinitelylessfreedomthanthe 8 farmworkers.Theslavesreceived(white)medicalcarewhether P theywanteditornot,whiletheagriculturalworkersgotthe  freedomtofendforthemselves,unlesstheparishpaidfora  doctortoattendonthemwhensick.Iftheparishdid,excepting X forprivateactsofcharity,noindividualfarmerorlandowner  p providedit. 8   InPetworthUnion,Sussex,standardpracticewastopayfor   themedicalcareofpaupersunderboththeNewandOldPoor x! Laws.X   133      ׀Theunionhiredtwodoctorstoattendthepoor,bothin @" theworkhouseandwithout,at,respectively,ninetyandone  X# hundredpoundsayeareach.   134      ׀AlthoughtheNewPoorLawof1834  $ prohibitedoutdoorrelieftotheablebodiednonelderly,and !% usedtheworkhouseasa"test"ofdestitution(i.e.,desperation) `"& todiscourageapplicationsforrelief,itstillallowedmedical (#x' aidtopaupersnotinthepoorhouse.Initially,thisunion  arguedwithWilliamHawley,anAssistantPoorLawCommissioner, x overwhetherthehusbandasheadofthefamilyandasapauper @ wastheonlyonelegallyentitledtomedicalrelief,orwhether X hiswifeandchildrenalsowerecovered.Thetraditionofthe   union(includingbeforePetworthparishbecamepartofaunionin  1835)hadbeentorelievemedicallythepoorevenwhenthey `  failedtolegallymeetthedefinitionofbeingapauper.The ( x clerktothelocalboardofguardiansevenassertedthatalthough  @ thiswashisunion'sstandardpractice,hebelieveditwasnot    forotherunions.Thedoctor,Mr.Hall,aidedanyonepoorwho    askedhimforhelp,althoughstrictlylegallybycontractheonly H   hadtohelpwhenrequisitionedbytherelievingofficeror `  workhousemaster.   135      ׀Intimesofmedicalemergency,however, (  Hawleysaidthedoctorshouldattendtoapoorpatient   immediately,deemingasunnecessarythedrawingupofaformal h  orderforreliefiftherelievingofficerwasnotnearby.A 0  letterbyEdwinChadwick,theSecretaryofthePoorLaw H  CommissioninLondon,datedAugust22,1836,declaredthat  relievingthewholefamilywastobestandardpracticein  England.   136      ׀ThePetworthunion'sboardofguardiansevidently P operatedbyamorecompassionateethosthantheNewPoorLaw h requiredorevenpermitted.First,atleastoneoftheirdoctors 0 bytraditionaidedanypoorpersonaskingforhelp,notjust  thosestrictlymeetingthelegaldefinitionof"pauper."Second, p evenbeforereceivingChadwick'sletter,theyhadoptedforthe 8 broaderlegalinterpretationofhelpingthewholefamily,not P justthefather.PetworthUnion'sfairlyliberaladministration  guaranteedthelaborersareasonableamountofmedicalcare,but  morerestrictiveunionselsewherewouldhavecoveredonlythose X legallydeclaredtobepaupers,whichnormallymeantonlythe  p ablebodiedintheworkhouse,andthenonablebodied(including 8 theelderly)without.     ExtrapolatingfromPetworthtoallofEnglandisan @" obviouslyhazardousact.Morerestrictivepoliciesoperated  X# elsewhere.ThomasSockett,therectorforPetworthparish,  $ describedacaseinvolvingamannamedHolden,livingin !% Tillington,Midhurstparish.Afteraskingforrelief,hefound `"& thattheunionwithheldmedicalaid.Freemedicalaidwasfirst (#x' deniedbecauseonlymaleheadsofhouseholdsweretoreceiveit, #@( notwivesorchildren.Later,heheardthatrentingahouse  wortheightpoundsayearcosthimallfreemedicalhelp. x Althoughhedidpaythatmuchrentnominally,thisdenialignored @ thathalfofthehousewassublettoanothermanforthreepounds X eighteenshillingsperyear.Heultimatelygotnorelief,except   perhapstwoweekslater.ShowingthatEnglishmedicalpractice's  backwardnessrivaledtheantebellumSouth's,thelaborertriedto `  helphiswifelikethephysicianhaddonebefore.Aftergetting ( x someleeches,heappliedthemasthedoctorhad,who"had  @ blisteredherheadandputonleeches."   137      ׀Whenmedicalhelpwas    thisprimitiveanderrant,theconflictbetweenintentionsand    resultsisobvious.Assumingmedicaltreatmentwasroutinely H   thisbad,theskinflintboardofguardiansgoverningMidhurst,by `  denyingfreemedical"aid,"helpedthepoormorethanthe (  relativelycompassionatePetworthboard!     Establishingmedicalclubswereanotherwaytohelplaborers 0  andotherswhowerepoorpayformedicalcare.Similartothe H  clothingclubdescribedabove(p.54),andfriendlysocietiesin  general,theyguaranteedbenefitswhenthememberwassickin  returnforpayingsomesmallamountweeklyormonthly.As P Thompsonnotes:"Smalltradesmen,artisans,labourers--all h soughttoinsurethemselvesagainstsickness,unemployment,or 0 funeralexpensesthroughmembershipsof'boxclubs'orfriendly  societies."AccordingtoHuggett,atypicallaborerasamember p mightpayoneshillingamonthinreturnforpotentialbenefits 8 ofoneshillingadayforsixweeksandsixpenceadayfor P anothersixweekswhensickandunabletowork.Whywerethese  clubssoscarceamonglaborerscomparedtotheartisans,atleast  beforec.1815?Sinceclassconsciousnessorpoliticalactivism X developedmoreslowlyamongthelaborersthantheskilled  p tradesmen(seebelowpp.),theformernaturallylaggedbehind 8 thelatterinorganizationalactivities.Clearly,comparedto   theskilled,theunskilledwerelesslikelytobepolitically x! concernedandmorelikelytopossessfatalisticattitudestowards @" acceptingconditionsastheywere,asMayhewexperiencedin  X# London.Butconsideramoreimmediate,practicalissue:Ifa  $ laborerandhisfamilyarejustbarelyabovesubsistence, !% spendinganextrashillingortwoamonthmaybeanimpossible `"& burdentobear.AsRectorSockettcommented:"Ithinkitquite (#x' amockerytoproposeamedicalclubtoamanthathasnotshoes #@( tohisfeet."Furthermore,thelocalparishauthoritiesmight $ ) settheirfaceagainstaclubbecauseitwouldmakethelaborers % * tooindependent.Archrememberedhislocalparish'sparson H&!+ refusedtopreachasermontohelpaclubraisefunds,although '`", itstillwasorganizedanyway.Sinceruralareascontainedfewer '(#- peopletocontrolandalikelyevenmoreconcentratedelite (#. possessingthegreatpowersthecentralgovernmenthaddelegated h)$/ itandapossiblenearmonopsonyoverthelocallabormarket,the 0*%0 ruralelitehasrelativelymorepowertoexertagainstany  attemptsatorganizationbythelaborerscomparedtotheirurban x counterparts.Additionalproblemscouldcomefromwithin: @ Members,usuallyhavingonlygradeschooleducationsatbest, X couldcommitfraudormismanagement.Theformerultimately   destroyedthebenefitsocietythatshepherdCalebBawcombehad  beenamemberof(c.1885)forthreedecades.Hesuedits `  secretaryforrefusingtopayhimbecauseofnarrow,legalistic ( x reasonsforthesixweekshehadbeenlaidup.Helpedbyothers,  @ hewon,butthejudgeorderedtheclubtobedissolvedandits    moneytobedistributedtoitsmemberssinceitssecretarywas    exposedasacheater.   138      ׀Althoughfriendlysocietieswerehardly H   apanaceabecauseofthelaborers'tightfinances,theystill `  representedaleveloffreedominopencollectiveactionthat (  Americanslavescouldonlydreamabout.     Thelaborer'srighttorejectamedicaltreatmentseems 0  unimportant,butitdemonstratesthedifferencebetweenafree H  manandabondsman.Attimesitmattered,despiteits  theoreticalnature.Archhadarunningbattleagainstthelocal  authoritieswhowishedtovaccinatehischildrenoverhis P objections.FourtimesHewenttocourt,representedbyjust h himself.Fourtimeshewonandstoppedthem,somethingwhichno 0 slavecouldboastof.Admittedly,hisreasonsforopposition  weredubious.Hedislikedthemassvaccinationsatschool, p sayinghewasnotgoingtohavehis"childrentreatedasifthey 8 werecattle."Hetoldthebenchthathischildrenwerehealthy. P Hesaidnohereditarydiseasescanbetracedbackformany  generationsinhisfamily.Hefearedthattheirbloodcouldbe  taintedbythe"filthymatter...toooftenusedfor X vaccinationpurposes."Hisreasoningwasspecious:The  p eighteenthcentury'scrudeinoculationswerestillamighty 8 contributortotheoveralldeathrate'sdecline,evenbeforethe   introductionofJenner'simprovedprocessofsmallpoxvaccination x! (1796).   139      ׀Nevertheless,thissituationshowsthefarmworkersand @" slavesoccupiedsharplydifferentlegalcategories,despitebeing  X# asmistreatedasaclassbyenclosureandthemultitudeofpetty  $ tyranniescommittedbythelocalgentry,largefarmers,and  parsons.Slavessimplycouldnottestifyincourtsoflaw x againstwhitesatall.Butifthelaborerswerewellinformed @ legally(which,admittedly,theyusuallywerenot),theycould X wrestfavorabledecisionsfromevenhostilemagistrates,asArch   did.Thelaborersdidnotalwayshavetoacceptwhatthelocal  authoritiesprovidedforthem,inmedicalmattersorotherareas `  oflife,althoughthecostsofinsubordinationcouldbehigh, ( x whiletheslaveshadlesschoiceconcerningwhattheyreceived  @ fromtheirmastersandmistresses,againstwhomdisobedience    usuallybroughtmuchharsher,swifterpunishments.      Workhouseinfirmariesimposedaregimeofregimentation,but `  likelypresenteddecidedlymoreorderlyandcleanconditionsthan (  mostinfirmariesintheSouththatwereintendedforslaves.   Showingitshighlevelofcontrolovertheinmates,Petworth h  Union'sworkhousefortheelderlyatKirdford,Sussexdeniedthem 0  thefreedomtowalkanywherewithoutpermissionexceptforthe H  garden/backyardareaoutsideit.   140      ׀Jeffriesdescribedoneplace  whereanelderlyagriculturalworkerstayedthatlackedthe  freedomandsentimentalvalueofhisowncottage,butwhich P providedbetterfoodandcare:"Intheinfirmarythereal h benefitoftheworkhousereachedhim.Thefood,thelittle 0 luxuries,theattentionwerefarsuperiortoanythinghecould  possiblyhavehadathome.Butstillitwasnothome."    141      ׀ p Certainlythecleanlinessofthisparticularworkhousebeathands 8 downthedisorderlysqualorandfilththatKembleencounteredin P aninfirmaryonaplantationwhosegeneraltreatmentofthe  slaveswasbetterthantheneighboringmasters'average  standards.Althoughworkhouseinmateswerenottreatedmuchas X individuals,theirconditionssurelybeatthedirtfloorofsome  p "infirmary"asaplacetoregainhealthcomparedtostayingat 8 home.   @ $WhoseMedicalCareWasBetter? @"   Sincethelateeighteenthtomidnineteenthcentury'shealth  $ carewasundeniablycrudeandprimitive,themedicalcareslaves !% oragriculturalworkersreceivedfromtheirsuperiorsremainsfor `"& ustodaymoreatestofintentionsthanresults.Thefewer (#x' slavesorfarmworkersthatdoctorsbled,blistered,orgave #@( uselesspatentmedicinesto,thebetterofftheywere.The $ ) stingyboardofguardiansormasterwhorefusedtopayfor % * doctorsmayhavehelpedtheirchargesmorethantheseemingly H&!+ compassionateauthoritieswhopaidthefeesofphysicians '`", producingmorepainanddeaththancureandlife.Basedonthe '(#- sourcesabove,parishesandunionsprovidingdoctorsforthe  paupersintheirmidstmayhavebeengivenmoreregularcarethan x amajorityofslavesreceived,iffornootherreasonthan @ England'shigherpopulationdensitieshelpeddoctorsservemore X peopleinagivendaybyreducingtheamountoftravelbetween   patients.ButthoseEnglishworkersnotdeclaredofficial  paupersatthetimetheyfellilllikelyreceivedlesshelpsince `  theywouldeitherhavetopayformedicalexpensesoutofpocket ( x orleanonthedoctor'ssenseofaltruism.Thosefortunate  @ enoughtoliveinaparishorunionthatprovidedmedicalhelpto    basicallyalllaborers,notjustthelegalpaupers,wereprobably    betteroffthanamajorityofslaves.Asforthebondsmen,the H   mastersandmistressesowningthemmayhavehadmoreimmediate `  selfinterestinhelpingthemwhensick,justasafarmerwho (  ownsacowcallsaveterinarianwhenithasadisease.Butself   interestonlyunreliably"guaranteed"slavesreceivedmedical h  help,sinceselfinterestcouldalsodictateitsdenialor 0  cuttingcornersonitsprovision,suchasslaveownersor H  overseerstryingtoadministermedicinesortreatmentsontheir  ownandavoidingthecallinginofdoctorsuntilthelastminute.  Slavesinareaswheredoctorswerereasonablyaccessiblemayhave P onaveragereceivedmoreprofessionalmedicalattentionthan h thoseEnglishfarmworkersontheirownbecausetheywerenot 0 declaredpauperslegally.    Reflectingtheirdifferentculturesandlegalstatuses,the 8 slavesandfarmworkershaddifferentwaystogettheirown P medicalaid.Theslaveconjurors,beingwarlocksorwitchesas  wellashealers,becamesomeoneintheirowncommunitywitha  sourceofauthorityindependentofthewhiteestablishment's. X Besidestheproblemscausedbythe"magical"sideoftheir  p healingarts,theconjurors'treatmentsprobablyhelpednoless 8 andhurtnomoretheirbrothersandsistersinbondagethanthe   whitephysiciansdid.Theslavemidwivesdidmoregoodon x! averagefortheircommunitybyhelpingfellowslavewomenthrough @" thetravailofbirth,buttheylackedthesamelevelofpowerif  X# theywerenotconjurorsalso.Asshownbytheirlimitedfreedom  $ toorganizemedicalbenefitclubs,theEnglishagricultural !% workerswereabletoengageincollectiveactiontohelpmeet `"& theirmedicalneeds.Buttheirtightfamilybudgetswere (#x' roadblocksagainstthesparingofashillingortwoamonth, #@( whichdiscouragedmanyfromjoiningororganizingthesegroups. $ ) Thoseengagedincollectiveactionalsotookontheriskthatone % * ormorepersonsinvolvedmayletthewholegroupdownbyfailing H&!+ todotheirjobseffectively,suchasbycommittingfraudor '`", causingbankruptcy.Howthesesubordinategroupsindependently '(#- gotmedicalcarevariedbecauseoftheagriculturalworkers' (#. greaterfreedomlegallyallowedthemtoorganizecollectively, h)$/ whiletheslavecommunity,drawingontheirAfricancultural 0*%0 heritage,turnedtotheconjurer'streatmentsandhisperceived *H&1 magicalpowers. +'2  ,'3 @((TheOverallStandardofLiving:WeretheSlavesorFarmworkers  BetterOff? x   Withoutreliable,broadbasedquantitativestatistics,itis X difficulttodecisivelyprovewhichgroupoftwowasbetteroff   materiallyorthesamegroupindifferentgenerations.  Conditionsthatvaryregionallymerelyaddfurthercomplications, `  suchasthedifferencesbetweentheBorderStatesandDeepSouth ( x fortheslaves,ornorthernandsouthernEnglandforthe  @ farmworkers.Diversitywithinthesubordinategroupcannotbe    dismissed,whichcouldbecausedbyindividualability,the    characterofthespecificmaster(s)aslaveorfarmworkerhas, H   andfamilyrelationships.Finally,thematerialstandardof `  livingonlypartiallycoversthequalityoflife.Whenmaking (  broadgroupgeneralizations,suchascomparingallSouthern   slavestoallEnglishagriculturalworkerstodeterminewhose h  standardoflivingwashigher,dogmatismshouldbeavoidedand 0  thesecaveatsremembered.Butalthoughthisrealmallowsone H  literarysourcetobepittedagainstanother,some  generalizationsarestillpossible.    ForthesouthernEnglishagriculturalworkers(whocomposed h asolidmajorityoftheirgroup)andtypicalruralslaves,there 0 waslikelylittletochoosebetweenthequalityandquantityof  clothingorhousing.PerhapstheslavesoftheDeepSouthof p smallerplantersandfarmershadworseclothes,butitshotter 8 climateensuredtheyhadlessneedforthemthantheEnglishdid, P whichpartiallyjustifiedtheirowners'complacency.Apparently  mostinbothgroupsprobablyownedonlyoneortwochangesof  clothes,excludingthenicerclothessomeslaveservantshad,or X the"Sundaybest"savedforchurch.Bothoftenlivedinoneroom  p houseswithdirtfloorsandnonglazedwindows,havingperhapsa 8 loftforthechildrentosleepin.Theslavesmighthavebeen   betteroffsincewoodwasplentifulintheNewWorld,making x! constructionandrepairscostlessthaninmostofEngland.The @" Englishhadtouseothermaterialswhichnonskilledpeoplehad  X# moretroublebuildingwiththanthelogsthrowntogetherformany  $ afrontiercabin.Asformedicalcare,theaverageslavemay !% havehadbetteraccesstoaphysician'scarethantheaverage `"& Englishfarmlaborerwhowasnotlegallyapauper,assumingthe (#x' South'slowerpopulationdensitiesdidnotsharplyreducethe #@( numberofhousecallsmadeperday,andthatsmallerplantersand $ ) farmerspaidformedicalhelpasmuchaslargeplanters.Turning % * todiet,theslaveshadmuchmoremeatandprobablymorefood H&!+ overall,butthesouthernEnglishagriculturalworkersatewhite '`", wheatbreadthatwasclearlylesscoarsethanthecrudecorn '(#- breadmanyslavesate.Ironically,thefreesouthernrural (#. laborersofEnglandapproachedbaresubsistencecloserthanthe h)$/ AfricanAmericanbondsmen,thankstoenclosure,rapidpopulation 0*%0 growthinalongsettledrealm,andthebelttighteningofthe *H&1 NewPoorLaw(1834).NorthernEnglishagriculturalworkers,who +'2 composedperhapsonethirdoronefourthofallEnglish ,'3 farmworkers,wereusuallysignificantlybetteroffthanthe  slaves.   142      ׀Theirhigherwages(andsuperioraccesstoallotments x orotherland)keptmeatsolidlyintheirdiets,allowingthemto @ payformoreclothingandbettercottages.Similarlybutless X dramatically,theBorderStates'slavesenjoyedbettertreatment   andconditionsthantheDeepSouth's.Hazardingabroadbrushed  judgment,itappearsthefarmworker'smaterialstandardofliving `  wasnohigherthanslavesonaverage,whooftenweremarginally ( x betteroffthanthesouthernagriculturalworkersconsidered  @ alone,atleastindiet.    @TrickleDownEconomicswithaVengeance:HowtheSlaves H   Benefited `    Howcouldaslavelaborforcearguablyhaveamarginally   higherstandardoflivingthan(muchof)afreeone?Several h  unusualfactorsproducedthisresult.First,evenAmerican 0  slavesbenefitedsomefromlivinginapartoftheworldwhere H  populationdensitywaslowandnaturalresourceswereabundant,  especiallywoodandland.True,thewhiteslaveholders  expropriatedmostofthebenefitsthattheslaveswouldhavehad P iftheyhadbeenfree.Thisis"trickledowneconomics"witha h vengeance!IntheSouth,woodforhomes,heating,andcooking 0 wasnearlyafreegood.Mastersknewslavesputtoworkgrowing  cornandraisinghogsinadditiontothecashcropcouldcover p mostoftheirlivingexpenses,leavinglargelytothemselvesthe 8 surplusgeneratedbythecashcrop.Theprudent,riskaverse P planterorslaveownermadehisorherslavespursuesubsistence  asacollectivebyraisingcornandhogs.Benefitingfromcheap  land,thisstrategymademanyslaveownersrich,sincethecash X crop'sreceiptsgreatlyexceededthedirectcashexpenses,at  p leastingoodyears.Bycontrast,sincelandwasrelatively 8 scarceandexpensiveinEngland,thelandlordsandgentry   passionatelyclungtoit;evenmostfarmershadlittleornone, x! letalonethefarmworkers.Astheindustrialrevolutionbegan, @" England'sgrowingpopulationensuredcompetitionforland  X# ownershipwouldintensify.SouthernEngland'sgeneral  $ deforestationguaranteedfuelforcookingandheatingwouldbe !% expensive.Hikingfuel'scostsstillmore,itsscarcityoften `"& requiredittobetransportedconsiderabledistances. (#x' Furthermore,thelandlordsandfarmersusedaccesstolandasa #@( socialcontrol/labordisciplinedevice.Theyoftenhesitatedto $ ) leaseeventinyparcelsoflandasallotmentstotheagricultural % * workers.Bymakingtheirlaborforcetotallydependentonwages H&!+ andforcingitintothelabormarkettosurvive,theywantedto '`", keepthemfrompursuingasubsistencestrategyinorderto  controlitsactionsbetter.Bycontrast,undertheirmasters' x directionandcontrol,theslavesnormallyhadtopursue @ subsistence,buttheirlackoffreedomensuredtheywouldn't X becometooindependentoftheirowners.Byowningtheslavesand   theirproduce,andkeepingfirmcontrolofthedistributionof  food(underthegangsystem),theslaveholdersgraspedthe `  throatsoftheslavesfirmlyevenastheyraisedmostofthefood ( x theyate.ButinEngland,sinceneitherthelaborforcenorthe  @ productofitslaborwasownedbytheruralelite,controlling    thelaborerswasintrinsicallymoredifficult.Thelandlordsand    theirtenantsalienatedthelaborforcefromthemeansof H   production(thelandthroughenclosures),creatingamoreeasily `  controlled,wagedependentruralproletariatsincefarmworkers (  weredeniedtheabilitytoekeoutalivingfromthelocal   commonsallorpartoftheyear.TheAmericanslaveowneralmost h  whimsicallygrantedhisslavessmallpatchesoflandtogrow 0  vegetablesthankstotheabundanceoflandonthefrontier,but H  thosetryingtopersuadeEnglishlandlordsandfarmerstoprovide  allotmentstofarmworkersoftenresembleddentiststryingtopull  teethfrombalkypatients.Inshort,sincesouthernEnglandhad P ahigherpopulationdensityandlowerresourcebasethanthe h AmericanSouth,thisdifferencehelpedtoensurefarmworkers 0 likelyhadalowerstandardoflivingthantheslaves,  particularlyforfoodandfuel. p   Theoretically,sincetheslaveholdersownedallslavesand P anythingtheirlaborproduced,buttheruralEnglisheliteowned  neitherthefarmworkersnortheirlabor,itseemsthelatter  shouldautomaticallybebetteroffmaterially.Thecounter X intuitiveresultarisesbecausethefarmworkershadallthe  p burdensoffreedomwithoutallofitsadvantages,whilethe 8 bondsmen'smaterialsecurityinhaving(theoretically)guaranteed   food,shelter,andclothinghadsomebasisinfact.The x! landlord/farmerclassinEnglanddevisedasystemunderwhichthe @" rurallaborersstillhadtofendforthemselves(exceptingthe  X# parishdoleandprivatecharity),especiallyasservicedeclined,  $ buttiltedthelawsagainsttheirlaborforce.Theprocessand !% outcomeofenclosuredemonstratedtherealityofclassbased `"& legalbiasaboveall.Whendividingupthelandintoawards,the (#x' enclosurecomissionersroutinelyignoredthecustomaryrightsof #@( nonlandownerstotheparishcommonstoraiseanimalsorobtain $ ) fuel.Iftheyactuallylegallyownednothing,theyreceived % * nothing.Eventherecipientsofapatchoflandoftensoonsold H&!+ itbecausetheirshareoftheexpensesofbuildingfencesandthe '`", commissioners'legalcostsexceededwhatcashtheyhad.   143      ׀The '(#- gamelawsalsowerebiasedagainstthelaborers,whichnotonly (#. outlawedthemfromhuntingforfood,butevenoftenrestricted  thefarmersfromdestroyingthepeststhatdamagedtheircrops, x anissuereturnedtobelow(pp.3034,36769).Bycontrast,in @ America,evenslaveswereusuallyfreetohunt.Thepoorand X settlementlawscombinedtoimpedemigration,helpingtiltmany   localrurallabormarketsstillfurtherinthefarmersand  landlords'favorbydiscouragingcompetitionforHodge'slaborby `  industry.Otherwaysthatthelawfavoredtheupperclass's ( x materialinterestsisdealtwithinthefinalsectiondealing  @ withmethodsofelitecontrol(pp.3037).Clearly,theEnglish    landlord/farmerclasshadnotsetupaclassneutralsystemof    laissezfaire.Instead,takingadvantageofthelaborersat H   almosteveryturnpossible,theysystematicallytiltedthelawto `  limitthelaborers'freedomtoselltheirlabortothehighest (  bidder.Theruraleliteimposedalaissezfaireregimeonthe   laborersonlytotheextentitfavoredtheirclassinterests,but h  inflictedantifreemarketcontrolsontherurallowerclass, 0  suchasthesettlementlaws,whenexcessivefidelitytothe H  principlesofclassicaleconomicscontradictedtheirown  collectiveselfinterest.Fornow,fullerdetailsofhowthe  Englishruralelitescontrolledthefarmworkershavetowait P untilthelastsection.Consequently,althoughHodgewasno h slave,hissuperiorsdefinitelyoppressedandexploitedhim, 0 whichexplainshowhisstandardoflivingoftenarguablyfell  beneaththatoftherealslavesoftheAmericanSouth. p 3.THEQUALITYOFLIFE:SLAVESVERSUSAGRICULTURALWORKERS P @TheQualityofLifeandthe(Material)StandardofLiving  Compared X 8  ThepeopleIsawaroundme[inSteventon,Berkshire] 8 were,manyofthem,amongthepoorestpoor.ButwhenI   visitedthemintheirlittlethatchedcottages,Ifelt x! thattheconditionofeventhemeanestandmost @" ignorantamongthemwasvastlysuperiortothe  X# conditionsofthemostfavoredslavesinAmerica.They  $ laboredhard;buttheywerenotorderedouttotoil !% whilethestarswereinthesky,anddrivenandslashed `"& byanoverseer...Theirhomeswereveryhumble;but (#x' theywereprotectedbylaw.Noinsolentpatrolscould #@( come,inthedeadofnight,andflogthemattheir $ ) pleasure.Thefather,whenheclosedhiscottagedoor, % * feltsafewithhisfamilyaroundhim.Nomasteror H&!+ overseercouldcomeandtakefromhimhiswife,orhis '`", daughter....Theparentsknewwheretheirchildren '(#- weregoing,andcouldcommunicatewiththembyletters. (#. Therelationsofhusbandandwife,parentandchild, h)$/ weretoosacredfortherichestnobleinthelandto 0*%0 violatewithimpunity.Muchwasbeingdonetoenlighten *H&1 thesepoorpeople.Schoolswereestablishedamong +'2 them,andbenevolentsocietieswereactiveinefforts ,'3 toamelioratetheircondition.Therewasnolaw  forbiddingthemtolearntoreadandwrite;andifthey x helpedeachotherinspellingouttheBible,theywere @ innodangerofthirtyninelashes,aswasthecase X withmyselfandpoor,pious,olduncleFred.Irepeat   thatthemostignorantandthemostdestituteofthese  peasants[laborers,sincetheywereemployees,and `  land]wasathousandfoldbetteroffthanthemost ( x pamperedAmericanslave.   144       @     AboveHarrietBrentJacobs,fugitiveslave,workingforher    employerasanannywhileinEngland,expertly,eloquently,and H   conciselystateswhatsomequantitativehistoriansseemingly `  overlooksometimes:Thequalityoflifeandthestandardof (  livingarenotcoextensive.Thelaborersundeniablyhadabetter   qualityoflifethanmostslaves."Qualityoflife"capturesall h  theaspectsoflifethatcontributetohappinessandaninformed 0  worldview.Althoughfood,clothing,housing,medicalcareand H  othermaterialaspectsoflifearecapturedundertheheading  "thequalityoflife,"theyarebutapartofit.Thequalityof  relationshipswithotherpeople,suchasfamily,friends,bosses, P andagentsofthestate,weighsheavilyincontributingtowards h personalhappiness,asdoeducationandreligiousexperience. 0 Themosthighlyesteemedandinfluentialslavesfromthewhite  viewpoint,suchastheheaddriveronalargeplantation,lacked p thebasiclegalrightsandprotectionsthateventhemost 8 oppressedandhalfstarvedWiltshirelaborerpossessed.Consider P Kemble'sdescriptionofheadmanFrankonherhusband'srice  islandestate.Hehadtheauthoritytowhipafellowslavethree  dozentimes,couldgivepermissionforslavestoleavethe X island,hadthekeytothestores,determinedwhowouldwork  p where,andhandedouttherations.Hehadmanypositivepersonal 8 qualities.Buthecouldonlyhelplesslyendure,knowingfull   welltheultimatefutilityofviolence,whilethewhiteoverseer x! tookhiswifeasamistressforatimeandhadasonbyher. @" "Trustworthy,upright,intelligent,hemaybefloggedtomorrow  X# if[theoverseer]or[Kemble'shusband]sopleaseit,andsold  $ thenextday,likeacarthorse,atthewillofthelatter."X   145      ׀ !% Sincesomuchcontributestopersonalhappinessbesidesthe `"& materialbasics,thestandardoflivingcannotproperlyserveas (#x' atrueproxyforasociety'soverallsocialwellbeing.Inthis #@( section,thequalityoflife,includingsuchaspectsas $ ) education,familyrelationships,thepositionandtreatmentof % * theelderlyandchildren,andreligiousactivities(asdeveloping H&!+ partofaninformedworldviewandbroaderoutlookonlifeunder '`", suchhighlycircumscribedconditions),ofEnglishfarmworkersand '(#- AfricanAmericanslavesiscompared,demonstratinghowtheformer (#. wereunquestionablybetteroff.   146      ׀Althoughthequalityoflife  ismoreephemeralandlesssusceptibletoquantificationthanthe x materialstandardofliving,itstillisoffirstimportance. @ Unlikewhatsomeeconomichistoriansseemtothink,mandoesnot X livebybreadalone.   @44LiteracyandEducationforAfricanAmericanSlaves `    TheamountofformaleducationthatmostAmericanslaves  @ receivedissummarizableinoneword:none.AsfreedwomanRose    Williamsrecalled:"MassaHawkins...hasnobooksfor    larning.Thereamnoeducationfortheniggers."Mastersand H   mistressescouldeasilyjustifythispolicyfromtheirviewpoint. `  Theyfearedthatiftheirslaveworkforcecouldread,'rite,and (  do'rithmatic,thenitwouldbecomerestless,discontentwith   theircondition,andpossiblyrevolt.Topreventthisfrom h  happening,thelawinmostslavestatesthreatenedheavy 0  penaltiesagainstanyonedaringtoteachslaveshowtoread. H  Today,sincetheleadingformsofmasscommunication(TV,radio,  andmotionpictures)demandlittleornothinginthewayof  literacyfromtheiraudiences,andsincemostpeopleinthe P developedworldareliterate,whichencouragesthemtotakethis h forgranted,thecontemporaryworldeasilyforgetshowtotalwas 0 theignorancethatdarkenedthemindsofthoseunabletoreadin  thepreelectronicmediaage.Besidespublicmeetings,the p printedwordwasnearlytheonlymeanstoreachamassofpeople 8 atonceinthenineteenthcentury.Bykeepingtheslaves P illiterate,mastersandmistressesforcedtheirbondsmento  dependmainlyonrumorandhearsaypassedfromonepersontothe  nextaswhatheorshe"knew."Illiteracyhelpedkeepslavesin X linebymakingescapestotheNorthevenmorehazardous.Even  p Douglass,aliterateslave,didnotknowthatCanadaexisted.If 8 abondsmanneithercanreadamapnoralreadyknowsthe   geographicareaheorsheisplanningtofleethrough,escape x! attemptsbecomedangerous,evenfoolhardy.Heorshecould @" easilygetlostandgointhewrongdirection,especiallywhen  X# pausingtoaskfordirectionsfromanyonewithawhitefacewas  $ risky.Beyondthepracticaladvantagesofliteracy,thereis !% alsotheintrinsicexcellencedevelopedinthehumanmindby `"& trainingitinreason,logic,andknowledge,which(certainlyin (#x' thenineteenthcentury)camefromanalyticalreading.Sincethe #@( facultyofreasonisthehighesthumanfaculty,itisacrime $ ) againstthevictims'humanitytohavethedeliberatepolicyof % * notjustintentionallyneglectingit,nay,butprohibitingits  developmentandfulluse.AsAristotleexplainsinthe x NicomacheanEthics: @ 8  Thatwhichispropertoeachthingisbynaturebest   andmorepleasantforeachthing;forman,therefore,  thelifeaccordingtoreasonisbestandpleasantest, `  sincereasonmorethananythingelseisman.Thislife ( x thereforeisalsothehappiest. @   Theslaveowningclass,bypursuinganintentionalpolicyof    stuntingthemindsoftheirslaves,weakenedinthemthefaculty H   thatmakesmandifferentfromtheanimals,thusunderminingwhat `  madethemhumaninsteadofamere"beastofburden."   147      ׀Despite (  theEnglishupperclassharboredfearsliketheirAmerican   counterparts',Englishconditionsultimatelysharplydiffered h  fromAmerica's,becauseasthenineteenthcenturyprogressed,the 0  governmentincreaseditseffortstoeducatethefarmworkers. H    Bondsmenrepeatedlysaideitherthattheydidnotknowhow  toreadasslaves,learningonlyaftertheybecamefree,orthat P theyweretherareliterateexceptions.ReubenSaunders,born h andraisedinGeorgia,aslavesetfreebyhismasterafter 0 livinginMississippi,commented:"Iwasnevercaughtthere  withabookinmyhand,orapen.Ineversawbutoneslavein p Georgia,whocouldreadandwrite,andhewasbroughtinfrom 8 anotherState."Questioningoneslavepreacher'scredentials, P hismaster'soldestsonasked:"'Bird,youcan'tpreach,you  can'tread.HowonearthcanyougetatextoutoftheBible  whenyoucan'tevenread?How'nhellcanamanpreachthatdon't X knownothing?'"Todefendhisministry,theslaverepliedthat  p "LordhadcalledhimtopreachandHe'dputthethingsinhis 8 mouththatheoughttosay."AftertheyoungmasterheardBird   preach"thehairraisingestsermonyoueverheard,"hegavehima x! horsetopreachanywherenearby.Nevertheless,illiteracywas @" certainlynoaidtothisslave'sministry.Amoreunusualcase  X# ofaslavewhogrewupilliteratewasWilliamsonPeaseof  $ Tennessee.Hismasterandmistresstriedtoteachhimathome, !% but,"Iwouldgetoutofthewaywhentheytriedtoteachme, `"& beingsmallandnotknowingthegoodoflearning."Farmore (#x' commonly,manyaslavewhowantedtheabilitytoreadwaskept #@( fromgainingit.W.E.B.Duboisonceestimatedthatmaybe5%of  theslaveswereliterateby1860,withadisproportionately x higherpercentageofthemlivinginthetownsandcitiesthanin @ thecountryside,wherecontrollingtheslaveswaseasier,andin X somepartsoftheUpperSouththanintheDeepSouth,wherelaws   againstteachingslavestoreadwerenonexistentormoreweakly  enforced.   148       `  @P P WhySlaveholdersWantedIlliterateSlaves  @   Simplyput,slaveholderswantedtheirbondsmeniliteratein    ordertocontrolthembetter.Asimple,tacticalobjectionto H   literateslaveswasthatiftheycouldreadandwrite,theycould `  forgepassesforleavingtheplantation,asDouglassoncedidin (  afailedescapeattempt.Butthebroader,morestrategicproblem   wasthatliteracywouldcreatediscontentamongtheslavesasthe h  veilofignoranceroseofftheireyes.Theywouldrealizeand 0  feelmoreacutelythelostopportunitiesandgreatburdensof H  theirservilecondition.Sinceknowledgeispower,aliterate  slave'sgreatlyincreasedaccesstoinformationalsowouldhelp  himorherplanescapesorrevoltsmoreeffectively.Douglass P explainedthathismistressinBaltimorehadbeenteachinghim h howtoread.Butsuddenly,hismaster(HughAuld)terminatedthe 0 lessons,warningher:  8  Ifyougiveaniggeraninch,hewilltakeanell.A 8 niggershouldknownothingbuttoobeyhismaster--to P doasheistoldtodo.Learningwouldspoilthebest  niggerintheworld.Now...ifyouteachthat  nigger[Douglass]howtoread,therewouldbeno X keepinghim.Itwouldforeverunfithimtobeaslave.  p Hewouldatoncebecomeunmanageable,andofnovalue 8 tohismaster.Astohimself,itcoulddohimnogood,   butagreatdealofharm.Itwouldmakehimdiscontent x! andunhappy.@"   Ironically,throughaformofreversepsychology,hismaster's  $ broadsideagainsthiswifestronglymotivatedDouglasstolearn !% howtoread,sinceherealizeditwouldopenhismind. `"& Illiteracydeniedknowledgetotheslaves,helpingcreate"the (#x' whiteman'spowertoenslavetheblackman."Kemblefoundher #@( husband'soverseerhadsimilarviews: $ )  % * 8  No;hehadnospecialcomplainttobringagainstthe  letteredmembersofhissubjectcommunity,buthespoke x byanticipation.Everysteptheytaketoward @ intelligenceandenlightenmentlessenstheprobability X oftheiracquiescingintheircondition.Their   conditionisnottobechanged--ergo,theyhadbetter  notlearntoread.`    Aptlyillustratingtheslaveholdingclass'ssensitivitiesabout  @ educatingslavesintouncontrollability,amissionaryonce    receivedapetitionthatover350largeplantersandleading    citizensinSouthCarolinahadsigned.Theyopposedhiswishes H   toinstructslavesonlyorallyinreligioustruths: `  8  Verbalinstructionwillincreasethedesireofthe   blackpopulationtolearn....Openthemissionary h  sluice,andthecurrentwillswellinitsgradual 0  onwardadvance.Wethusexpectaprogressivesystemof H  improvementwillbeintroduced,orwillfollowfromthe  natureandforceofcircumstances,which,ifnot  checked(thoughitmaybeshroudedinsophistryand P disguise),willultimatelyrevolutionizeourcivil h institutions.   149      0   Fearingaslipperyslopetoemancipationorrebellionbeganwith p slavesreceivinganykindof(nonartisanal)education,they 8 opposedallformalinstruction.Foritsownpurposes,thewhite P rulingclass'logicwasimpeccable:Wemustdenyslaves  educationwhichincreasestheirdiscontent,makesthemharderto  control,andleadsthemtorevolt.@   150       X   Despitealltheroadblocksagainstbondsmenlearningto 8 read,somestillfoundpathstoliteracy.Undoubtedly,slaves   learnedtoreadfrommembersoftheclassmostopposedto x! literatebondsmen:slaveholders.Theslaveowningclasswas @" neithertotallyunitednorconsistentinpracticeinkeeping  X# slavesilliterate.Hence,afewfavoritesweretaughthowto  $ read,suchashouseservants(e.g.,Douglass).InSouth  Carolina,thegrandjurorsofSumterCounty,greatlyconcerned x thatsomemasterstaughttheirslaveshowtoread,warnedof @ "consequencesofthemostseriousandalarmingnature"ifthis X practicedidnotend.Asagirl,HarrietBrentJacobslearned   howtoreadfromhermistress:"WhileIwaswithher,shetaught  metoreadandspell;andforthisprivilege,whichsorarely `  fallstothelotofaslave,Iblesshermemory."Wantingall ( x herslavestobeabletoread,MaryLee,thewifeofConfederate  @ generalRobertE.Lee,castthegiftofliteracywidelyonher    Virginiaplantation.Shedelegatedtheactualteachingjobto    twoofherchildren.InoneratherunusualcasewhichOlmsted H   records,asmallMississippiplanterwithtwentyslaves,didnot `  teachanyofhisslavestoread,butletoneteachalltherest. (  Hewasthoroughlyconvincedthat"Niggersismightyaptat   larnin',aheapmore'nwhitefolksis,"citingthecaseofan h  apparentseventeenyearoldwholearnedtoreadaswellasany 0  manheknewinamerethreemonths.FreedmanArnoldGragston, H  bornandraisedaslaveinKentucky,saidhismaster,whoowned  tenslaves,hadonespecialslavewhosejobwastoteachtherest  onhisplantation,andothersnearby,howtoread,writeand P figure.JamesSumlerofVirginiagottheyoungerwhitechildren h (ofhismasterevidently)toteachhimhowtoreadwhilehiding 0 inahayloftonSundays.   151      ׀Althoughsuchmasterswerenot  common,theystillillustratethattheSouthernrulingclasswas p notasmonolithicinkeepingtheslavesilliterateasitspublic 8 declarationsmayindicate,sinceitsometimesfeltthatatleast P afew"pet"slaveswereworthyofthegiftofliteracy.    Moreproblematicforthewhitepowerstructure(sinceitwas X uncontrolledandoftennotdetected),someslavestaughtother  p slavestoread.BenedictDuncanofMarylandlearnedfroma 8 Sundayschoolteacher,asdidChristopherHamiltonofMissouri,   buttheformerfirstlearnedhislettersfromhisfather. x! HarrietBrentJacobstaughtoneoldmanhowtoread,whobadly @" wantedtobeabletoreadtheBibleinordertoserveGodbetter.  X# UnderthecoverofaSundayschoolheldinthehomeofafree  $ blackman,FrederickDouglasswasteachinguptofortystudents !% howtoread.Severalofhisstudentsbecamefullyliterate. `"& JennyProctor,freedwomanofAlabama,toldwhatsheandher (#x' fellowbondsmendidtolearntoread: #@( 8  Noneofuswas'lowedtoseeabookortrytolearn. % * Theysaywegitsmarterthantheywasifwelearn H&!+ anything,butweslipsaroundandgitsholdofthat '`", Webster'soldbluebackspellerandwehidesittill  'wayinthenightandthenwelightsalittlepine x torch,andstudiesthatspellingbook.Welearnit @ too.X   Furthermore,somestates,suchasTennesseeandKentucky,hadno  lawsagainstteachingslaveshowtoread.HenryMorehead,while `  stillaslaveinLouisville,Kentucky,paidhisownexpensesfor ( x attendinganightschooltolearnhowtoreadandspell.But  @ eveninthismoremoderateBorderState,hisownersobjected.    Theybroughtinpolicementoclosetheschool.   152      ׀Selfhelp    measuresallowedsomeslavestolearnhowtoreadindefianceof H   thelawsagainstit,byhelpingoneanotherbecomeliterate,or `  findingsomeoneelsewhowouldteachthem. (    Despitetheslaves'owneffortsatselfhelpandthecracks h  intheunitedfacadethewhiterulingclasspresentedagainst 0  educatingslavestoreadandwrite,mastersandmistresses H  usuallysucessfullydarkenedtheAmericanslave'smind.Franklin  ismuchtoooptimisticwhenheclaims:  8  Itisremarkablehowgenerallythelawsagainstthe h teachingofNegroesweredisregarded.Plantersbecame 0 excitedoverthedistributionofabolitionliterature  intheSouth,buttheygavelittleattention[?!]to p preventingthetrainingofslavestoread,whichwould 8 haverenderedabolitionliteratureineffectivetoa P largeextent.   Potentiallydraconianpenaltiesthreatenedthoseteachingslaves X howtoread.Evendeathwasnotreckonedtooharshapenaltyby  p thetimeKemblepublishedherjournal.Earlier,heavyfinesfor 8 thefirsttwooffenses,andimprisonmentforthethird,were   Georgianlawinthe1830s.Jacobswarnedtheoldmanshetaught x! that"slaveswerewhippedandimprisonedforteachingeachother @" toread."Theformallaw'spunishmentswereonethingtofear;  X# thedangersofthelynchmob'ssummary"law"quiteanother.  $ FreedwomanEllenCragin'sfatheraskedanoldwhitemanwho !% taughthim,"Ain'tyou'fraidthey'llkillyouiftheyseeyou?" `"& Hereplied,"No,theydon'tknowwhatI'mdoing,anddon'tyou (#x' tell'em.Ifyoudo,theywillkillme."Whentheirwhipscould #@( dothesamejobmorequickly,mastersneednotwaitonthelegal $ ) systemtodealwithrecalcitrantslavesreachingouttoenlighten % * theirminds.EllenBetts,freedwomanofLouisiana,remembered H&!+ howhermasterpunishedhisslaveswhentheystrivedfor '`", literacy:"IfMarsecotchapaperinyouhandhesurewhupyou. '(#- Hedon't'lownobrightniggersround,hesell'emquick.He (#. alwayssay,'Booklarningdon'traisenogoodsugarcane.'"  Kemblefoundtheprioroverseerofherhusband'sestatesfirmly x discouragedslavesfromlearningtoread.Despitehavinga @ literatefather,Israelexplainedwhyhewasnot: X 8  Youknowwhatdewhitemandatgobernsdeestatehim  seemtolikeandfavor,datdepeoplefindoutbery `  soonanddoit;nowMassaK----[theprioroverseer], ( x himneberfavorourreading,himnotlikeit;likelyas  @ nothelickyouifhefindyoureading;or,ifyouwish    toteachyourchildren,himalwayssay,'Pooh!    teach'emtoread--teach'emtowork.'Accordingtodat, H   weneberpaidmuchattentiontoit.`    MasterEdwinEppsaskedNorthrup,alreadyliteratebeforehewas   kidnappedandsoldsouth,whetherhecouldread: h  8  OnbeinginformedthatIhadreceivedsomeinstruction H  inthosebranchesofeducation,heassuredme,with  emphasis,ifheevercaughtmewithabook,orwithpen  andink,hewouldgivemeahundredlashes....[He P said]hebought'niggers'toworkandnottoeducate.h   Asafieldhand,hefoundnearlyimpossibletogetevenasingle  sheetofpaperandinktowritewith,letalonehavealetter p mailedoffplantation.   153      ׀Soevenwhenaslavewasluckyenough 8 tobeabletoread,hismastercould,totallyarbitrarily, P effectivelystriphimofthisabilitybypreventingitsexercise.    @ EnglishFarmworkers,Literacy,andEducation X   Althoughtheliteracylevelsoftheagriculturalworkersof 8 Englandwerehardlystellar,theystillgreatlyexceededthoseof   Southernruralslaves.Admittedly,averyminimaldefinitionof x! "literacy"isusedhere:theabilitytoreadandwriteone's @" signature.Majorimprovementoccurredastheeighteenthcentury  X# endedandthenineteenthprogressed.ForEngland(andWales)as  $ awhole,lumpingtogetherbothurbanandruralaverages,literacy !% hasbeenestimatedtobeabout25percentevenin1600,risingto `"& roughly55percentin1750,reachingaround65percentin1800, (#x' andthenremainingonaslightlyinclinedplateauuntilabout #@( 1850.Duringthe18501900period,Englandmaderapidprogress, $ ) asitmovedtowardsauniversalcompulsorypublicschoolsystem, % * soliteracyreachedthe95percentlevelaround1900.Since H&!+ urbanareashadahigherlevelofliteracythanruralareas, '`", thesestatisticshavetobeadjusteddownwardstoestimatethe  latter'sratealone.Evenin186768,themiddleagedand x elderlyinCambridgeshireonlyrarelycouldread.In1911, @ Hudsonencountereda76yearoldwomaninWiltshirewhosaidwhen X shewasyoungpovertypreventedherfromgettinganyschooling.   Newlywedsoftencouldnotsigntheregisterinchurch.An  investigatorforthe186768ReportonEmploymentinAgriculture `  foundinLeicesterthatonlyonefourthcouldreadandwrite ( x well,onefourthcouldonlyread,onefourthdidbothsome,and  @ onefourthormorewereilliterate.R.S.Schofieldfoundthat    illiteracyforthe17541844periodrangedbetween59and66    percentformalelaborersandservants,butahigherrate H   inevitablyprevailedamongfemales.Hisfiguresarebasedupon `  whethertheycouldsigntheirexaminationpapersproducedby (  investigationsoftheirsettlementstatuswhenapplyingfor(or   potentiallyso)reliefinaparticularparish.Overall h  illiteracyrangedfrom30percent(Dorset)to60percent 0  (Bedfordshire)in183839inthecountieswheretheSwingriots H  of183031occurred,withthefemaleaverageconsistentlyhigher  thanthemaleaverage.   154      ׀Sincefarmworkerswerethelowestgroup  ontheoccupationalscaleinthecountryside,whereaverage P literacylevelswerelow,theirhighilliteracyfigurescomeas h nosurprise.Ruralartisansandfarmersbothhadhigherliteracy 0 ratesthanagriculturallaborers.      Thestatisticallybasedfigurescitedaboveofaverage 8 literacyarebaseduponthebareminimalabilityofreadingand P writingone'ssignature.Readinganewspaper,magazine,orbook  withcomprehensionisquiteanothermatter.AsHobsbawmandRude  note:"Theabilitytoscrawlone'sownname[onthemarriage X registeratchurch]isnoeffectivetestofliteracy."Alow  p effectiveliteracyratecutsofffarmlaborersfromknowingthe 8 activitiesofotherselsewhere,largelylimitingtheirmental   horizonstoonlywhattheypersonallywitnessed,whichSomerville x! notedwhileinBerkshire.Thelaborersopposedanydivisionof @" thecommons,evenwhendividingitintopettyfarmswouldbenefit  X# them,sincetheyknewnobetterwaybyanythingtheyhadseenor  $ experiencedpersonally:"Inthefirstplace,allhusbandryby !% ploughorspade,whichtheyareaccustomedtosee,orhaveever `"& seen,(readof,theycannot,fewofthemcanread,)isso (#x' differentinitsresultsfromwhatitmightbe,thattheyvery #@( naturallybelievetheirowneyesratherthanthemereassertion $ ) ofastranger."A"few"soundsfarlessthan34to41percent.  Onewaytoexplainthedifferenceisthatfunctionalilliterates x oftencanscrapebyreadingandwritingabarelittle.Semi @ literacyremainedamajorroadblockagainstthemlearningof X betterwaystodothingsfromanythingwritten.Thisproblemwas   surmountableiffarmersorothersmoreapttobecapablereaders  showedthemhowtousesomenewtechniqueorwaytoearna `  living,asCobbett'spromotionofstrawplaitingasadomestic ( x industryshows.   155      ׀Theliteracyratescitedaboveshouldnotbe  @ takentomeantheabilitytoread(say)anewspapereditorial    with50%comprehension,andthenbeabletomentallycritiqueit    effectively. H     @ABriefSketchoftheDevelopmentofEnglishPublicEducation (    ThedevelopmentofEnglishpubliceducationwasaslow, h  gradualprocesswhichisonlybrieflysummarizedhere.Therehad 0  beenmanyschools,churchorchapelrelated,butthegovernment H  didnotrundirectlyanyoverallsystem.Thetypicalqualityof  theseschoolswasquestionable.Archsaidhismotherwasnearly  asimportantineducatinghimastheparson'svillageschoolthat P heattendedforabitlessthanthreeyears(agessixtoeight). h Thatschoolgavehimalltheformaleducationthathereceivedin 0 1830sWarwickshire.HismotherreadtohimfromtheBibleand  Shakespeare.Ashegotolder,shegavehimwritingand p arithmeticexercisestodoafterhefinishedworkfortheday. 8 ShepherdIsaacBawcombelearnedhowtoreadfromalaboring P lodgerstayingwithhisfamilywhohadfallenevidentlyfroma  higherpositioninsociety.SimilartoArch,Bawcombebenefited  fromhomeschooling,butunlikehim,hereceivednoformal X schooling:"Thevillageschoolwaskeptbyanoldwoman,and  p thoughshetaughtthechildrenverylittleithadtobepaidfor, 8 andshe[Bawcbombe'smother]couldnotaffordit."Schoolswere   quitecommoninLeicestershireandLincolnshire(c.186768) x! becauseoftheclergy'sinfluenceandeventheinterestofthe @" agriculturalworkersthemselvesineducatingtheirchildren.A  X# grantof 20,000in1833forbuildingschoolswasthefirsttime  $ thecentralgovernmentofBritainappropriatedmoneyforschools. !% ButonlywiththeReformBillof1867andtheEducationActof `"& 1870didEngland,aspartofBritain,clearlymovetowardsa (#x' systemofuniversalandcompulsorypubliceducation.Thelatter #@( actallowedlocalschoolboardstobesetupwhichcouldforce $ ) studentstoattenduptoagethirteen.Schoolboardsonlyneeded % * tobecreatedwherelocalchurchaffiliatedschoolswere H&!+ inadequate.    156      ׀TheselawsaffectedthewholeofBritain,notjust '`", Englishrurallaborers.Butwhatspecialchallengesdidpublic  (government)schoolsandtheirstudentsintheEnglish x countrysideface? @   Thepublicschoolsforlaborersandotherslivinginrural   Englandoftenboretheburdensofindifferentsupportfrom  parentsandtheiremployers,limitedfacilities,andanearly `  dropout/schoolleavingage.Theinvestigatorsforthe186768 ( x Reportexaminedlocalconditionsofeducationcarefully,  @ particularlynotingwhatageschildrentendedtostopgoingto    schoolandentertheworkforcefulltime.Twoofthefour    questionstheysoughtanswerstoconcernedrestrictingchild H   laborbyagelimitsandaboutschoolattendance.Theyfounda `  fundamentalconflictwithinthefamilyeconomyabouttheroleof (  children:Sincefarmworkerslivedsoclosetosubsistence,their   children'sneedtoacquireaneducationclashedwiththeir h  parents'needforthemtopulltheirownweightfinanciallyas 0  soonaspossible.Theparents'earnings,especiallyforthose H  workingirregularlybecauseofrainortheirownhabits,werenot  highenoughtoallowforthesacrificeofachild'searningsfor  thelongerrunbenefitsstemmingfromeducation.Althoughthis P didgraduallychange,rurallaborersalsooftenhadapathetic h attitudesaboutsendingtheirchildrentoschool.Stemmingfrom 0 theirsuperioreconomicconditions,parentswhowerelaborersin  NorthumberlandandDurhamcaredmoreforeducatingtheir p children.UnlikeHodgeinthesouth,inthenorthhewasmuch 8 fartherabovethelevelofsubsistence,sohe(andMrs.Hodge) P couldmoreeasilyaffordtheopportunitycostsofsending  childrentoschoolandforegoingtheirimmediateearnings.In  Yorkshire,becausetheparentshadhigherwages,theyweremore X likelytoleavetheirchildreninschoollonger.Eveninthese  p highwagecounties,thefinancialhelpfromchildrenworking 8 remainedimportant,especiallywhentheywerepartofalarge   familywithmanyyoungchildren.x   157      ׀ x! Ѐ @" Ѐ  X# @AtWhatAgeDidChildLaborBeginandSchoolingEnd?  $  !% Ѐ  Theagesatwhichthefarmworkers'childrenleftschoolin  themidnineteenthcenturytogotoworkseemridiculouslylowby x contemporarystandards,butthesemustbeseenagainstthe @ backdropofthetypicallaboringfamily'sconstantstruggleto X survivefinancially.Becausethefarmworkers'financeswereso   tightandbecauseenclosureandtheconsolidationofsmallfarms  intolargeoneshadcostthemsomuchoftheirabilitytobetter `  theirconditions,eventhecommissionersofthe186768Report ( x concededthatitwasunfairtodenyfarmworkerparentsthe  @ abilitytoreceivewagesfromtheirchildrenasearlyaspossible    solongasanyresultinginjurytothelatterfromgoingtowork    waspreventable.Differentconditionsprevailedindifferent H   partsofEngland,sinceinsomeplacesseventotenyearolds `  wenttowork,whileinotherstheywaiteduntilagethirteen.In (  northernNorthumberland,childrenrarelyworkedbeforeage   fourteen,exceptduringsummerswhenelevenandtwelveyearolds h  werehired.InsouthernNorthumberland,noneundertenworked, 0  exceptthechildrenofsmallfarmers,whosenineyearoldswent H  toworkontheirownfarms.InLeicestershire,wherelowerwages  prevailed,theageofchildrenleavingschoolactuallywas  fallingbecausetheincreasedcultivationofrootcropswas P raisingthedemandforchildlabortoharvestorweedthem. h Childrenstartedworknormallyaroundeightyearsold,andeven 0 somesixyearoldsjoinedthem.Theaverageageforquitting  schoolhadfallenfromtwelveorthirteentoten.Inlowwage p Cambridge,somesixyearoldswentouttowork,andmanymore 8 agedsevenandeightdidlikewise.Boysleftschoolatagenine, P "nevertoreturn."ButinhigherwageYorkshire,ninewasthe  youngestnormalageforchildrentoleaveschool,butsomany  leftnearthatagethat74percentattendingschoolwereunder X tenyearsold.InNorthamptonshire,boysbegantoworkatage  p eight,sevensometimes,andalmostallwerebeforereachingtheir 8 tenthbirthday.Afterageten,ifworkwasavailable,theyoften   wereemployedallyeararound.   158      ׀InsouthernEnglishcounties, x! suchasLeicester,Northampton,andCambridge,childrenroutinely @" wenttoworkandleftschoolearlierthanthoseinnorthern  X# Englishcounties,suchasNorthumberland,Durham,and(mostof)  $ Lincoln,whichvariedasafunctionoftheirparents'wages: !% Thosefartherabovesubsistenceastheyearnedmorecouldleave `"& theirchildreninschoollonger,whilethoseclosertoabsolute (#x' povertysentthemouttoworkassoonasitwaspractical. #@(   "Goingtowork"and"leavingschool"werenotnecessarily % * simultaneousevents.Sinceagriculturalworkwasseasonal, H&!+ childrencouldbeemployedinthesummermonths,thenputback '`", intoschoolduringfallandwinter.Inhisorherfirstyearsof  work,achildsentintothefieldsduringonepartoftheyear x maybeintheschoolhouseothertimes,duringthewinterand @ fallmonthsbeforespringplantingtimearrived.Indeed,even X intothe1890s,schoolsinNorthamptonmadetheirschedulesfit   theseasonaldemandsofagriculture,notviceversa.Morgan  discoveredschoollogbookswithentriesnotingthatattendance `  waslowerthanaveragewhenharvestwasnotyetfinishedorhad ( x justbegun.Hence,oneentryinabookkeptforaschoolin  @ BerkshirenotedforJuly22andfollowingdaysin1878:    "Attendancesmallerthanusualowingtothecommencementof    harvestoperations."Likemanyothers,itjudiciouslyclosedits H   doorsforseveralweeksduringthelatesummer'sharvestperiod. `  MistakenlyopeningonSeptember6,1875,itimmediatelyshuttered (  itsdoorsagainforanotherweek:"Schoolshouldhavebeen   reopenedtodaybutthereweresofewinattendancethatitwas h  closedforanotherweek."In1873anentrysimplynotedforJuly 0  21,22,23:"Attendanceonthesedayswaslimitedonaccountof H  Harvest."Establishingnightschoolsforlaboringchildrenwas  anotherwaytofitschoolaroundthework.Oneinvestigatorfor  the186768Reportsuggestedpossiblythatallchildrenfromfive P totenyearsoldshouldbelegallyrequiredtogotoschool,and h nightschoolsshouldbeestablishedfortentothirteenyear 0 olds.   159      ׀EightofWoburnUnion's16parisheshadeveningschools,  whichhadatotalof165studentsoutofapopulationof11,682. p InBedfordshireoverall,29ofits50parisheshadevening 8 schoolswithanaverageattendanceof546,and952namesontheir P registers.   160      ׀Butjustbecausetheseschoolsexisted,meetingday  ornight,doesnotmeantheynecessarilysuppliedareasonable  education.Archsawnightschools X 8  attheirbest[as]mostlymakeshiftaffairs.Theboys 8 wouldoftenattendthemintheslackwintermonthsfrom   NovembertoMarch,ortheywouldputintheirday x! schoolingthen,buttheirregularityandthepoor @"  teachingdidnotgivetheordinaryladafairchanceof  X# gettingevenadecentelementaryeducation.   161          Clearly,employersandlaboringparents(astheystrugglednear @ subsistenceinsouthernEngland)sawtheworkofthelatter's X childrenandthewagestheyearnedduringpeakperiodsinthe   agriculturalyearasoutweighinginimportancetheirchildren's  potentiallongrunintellectualdevelopment.Asthegovernment `  attemptedtomakenearlyawholegenerationoflaborers'children ( x trulyliterateforthefirsttime,ithadanuphillbattlein  @ persuadingparentsandemployersthateducationwasvaluablewhen    thesechildrenoftenendedupdoingthesamejobsastheir    parents,forwhomliteracyhadmatteredlittle,andwhenparents, H   usuallyhavinglittleeducationthemselves,onlyknewitsvalue `  dimly,ifatall(unlikeDouglassandmanyotherliterate (  slaves).   @IgnoranceVersusSkewedKnowledge:DifferentModelsfor 0  Controlling H  @xx*aSubordinateClass    Theeducationofmasses,includingthelaborers,presented P theEnglishupperclasswithaperplexingdilemma.Thetwo h competingmodelsofsocialcontrolvisaviseducationwereboth 0 tempting.Ontheonehand,theycouldworktodenythe  downtroddenliteracy,keepthemignorant,narrowtheirmental p horizons,andsomakethemmorecontentedintheworkofdrudgery 8 thatinevitablythevastmajorityofhumanbeingshadtoendure. P AsArchdescribedthisapproach:  8  'Muchknowledgeoftherightsortisadangerousthing X forthepoor,'mighthavebeenthemottoputupover  p thedoorofthevillageschoolinmyday.Theless 8 booklearningthelabourer'sladgotstuffedintohim,   thebetterforhimandthesaferforthoseabovehim, x! waswhatthoseinauthoritybelievedandactedup @" to....Thesegentrydidnotwanthimtoknow;they  X# didnotwanthimtothink;theyonlywantedhimto  $ work.Totoilwiththehandwaswhathewasborninto !% theworldfor,andtheytookpreciousgoodcaretosee `"& thathediditfromhisyouthupwards.(#x'   Membersoftheelitesometimesrevealedthattheirobjectives $ ) wereexactlywhatArchsaidtheywere.Giddy,notonlyanM.P. % * butpresidentoftheRoyalSociety,roseuptospeakin1807 H&!+ againsteducatingthepoorextensively: '`", 8  Itwouldineffectbefoundtobeprejudicialtotheir (#. moralsandhappiness;itwouldteachthemtodespise h)$/ theirlotinlife,insteadofmakingthemgoodservants 0*%0 inagriculture,andotherlaboriousemploymentsto  whichtheirrankinsocietyhaddestinedthem;instead x ofteachingthemsubordination,itwouldrenderthem @ factiousandrefractory,aswasevidentinthe X manufacturingcounties;itwouldenablethemtoread   seditiouspamphlets,viciousbooks,andpublications  againstChristianity;itwouldrendertheminsolentto `  theirsuperiors;andinafewyearstheresultwouldbe ( x thatthelegislaturewouldfinditnecessarytodirect  @ thestrongarmofpowertowardsthem.     Duringthereactionary1790sinEngland,locallandownerseven H   attackedtheconservativeHannahMore'sschoolsinthe1790s, `  whichstronglypreachedpatriotismtothechildrenandavoided (  teachingthemhowtowriteastheylearnedtoread:"Ofallthe   foolishinventionsandnewfangleddevicestoruinthiscountry, h  thatofteachingthepoortoreadistheveryworst."Obviously, 0  Americanslaveholdersmadethischoice,usingtheignoranceof H  theirslavesasacontrolmechanism.   162          Ontheotherhand,thepowersthatbecouldbringthelamp P oflearningtothemasses,butselectivelycontrolitslightby h placinginthecurriculumconceptsorideasconduciveto 0 continuingtheircontrolandleavingindarknessthosewhichdid  not.AfterencounteringawelldressedlittlegirlinHampshire, p CobbettfoundLadyBaringhadnotonlygivenhertheclothes,but 8 hadtaughthertoreadandsinghymns.Hecommented,after P spottingatleasttwelvemoregirlsdressedsimilarly:"Society  isinaqueerstatewhentherichthink,thattheymusteducate  thepoorinordertoinsuretheirownsafety:forthis,at X bottom,isthegreatmotivenowatworkinpushingonthe  p educationscheme."EvenArchbrieflyalludestothisapproach: 8 "Ofcoursehe[thefarmworker]mightlearnhiscatechism;that,   andthingssimilartoit,wasright,proper,andsuitable x! knowledgeforsuchashe;hewouldbethemorelikelytostay @" contentedlyinhisplacetotheendofhisworkingdays."   163      ׀  X# Conspicuously,atleastsomeAmericanslaveholdersobjectedto  $ similareducation,evenwhendoneonlyverbally,inthepetition !% Olmstedquotedfrom.(Seeabove,p.99).TheEnglishupper `"& classmayhaveneglectededucatingtheworkingclasscomparedto (#x' therestofwesternEurope,but,unlikeSouthernslaveholders,it  didnotstrivetohaltthedisseminationofliteracyamongthe x massestotheextentthelattersoughtit.   164      ׀Exceptionsdo @ arise,suchasthecasewherelocalfarmerspushedtheirlaborers X totaketheirchildrenoutofaschoolthathadbeenbuilton   someone'sallotment,sincetheyfeareditwouldteachthevalue  ofallotments.Educationwasmuchmorestronglydiscouragedby `  thepracticalneedsofemployersforlaboratseasonalpeaksand ( x parentstohavechildrenworktohelptheirfamiliessurvive  @ financially.Bygivinglaboringparentsapowerfulincentiveto    pulltheirchildrenoutofschoolandputthemintothefieldsas    soonaspossible,theruralelite'seffortstoscrewdownwage H   ratesthroughenclosure,theNewPoorLaw,andthesettlement `  lawsmayhavedonemoreindirectlytodiscourageeffective (  literaryamongthelaborersthananydirectattemptsat   suppression.Englandsimplydidnothavethelawsagainst h  teachingreadingorwritingtothelowerclassthat,inthe 0  AmericanSouth,generallyexistedagainstteachingslaves.This H  showedtheEnglishupperclasswasneitherunitednoradamantin  itsobjectionstothelaboringpoorbecomingliterate.  Presumably,theProtestantemphasisonindividualsreadingthe P Biblehelpedtokeepantiliteracylawsfrombeingpassed,but h thisbeliefdidnothindertheequallyProtestantslaveholdersin 0 Americafrompassingandenforcingsuchlawsinmostofthe  South.Asthenineteenthcenturydrewon,theEnglishelite p increasinglyoptedforthesecondoptionofsocialcontrolvisa 8 viseducation,ofbendingthecurriculumtoteachthemassesto P bepatriotic,industrious,obeythestateandqueen,etc.Asthe  mechanizationofEnglishagriculturegraduallyproceeded  throughoutthenineteenthcentury,thenewlyinventedfarm X machineryrequiredincreasinglyliteratelaborerstolearnits  p properoperationandrepair,givingtheupperclassagood 8 practicalreasontopromoteliteracy.   165      ׀SoalthoughAmerican   slaveholdersusedignoranceasamajorwaytosubduetheslaves, x! theEnglishupperclassincreasinglyoptedtoprovide(skewed) @" knowledgetocontrolrefractorylaborersandartisans.  X# @Slaves--TheTreatmentofElderly"Aunts"and"Uncles" !%   Thetreatmentoftheelderlyservesasausefulindicator (#x' fortestingtherealismofaculture'srhetoricaboutcaringfor  theweak.Althoughthetraditionofmanyculturesteachesthe x youngtorespecttheoldfortheirwisdomandknowledge,these @ lessonsareunderminedbythepracticalproblemsoftheold X becomingeconomicburdensastheirhealthdeclinesandfails.   Filialpietytowardstheelderlybytheyoung,althoughupheldby  referencestotheFifthCommandment,wasnotalwaysforthcoming. `  Furthermore,atleastinEnglandandothernationswithaAnglo ( x SaxonCelticculture,theelderlyinthepast,notjustthe  @ present,normallydidnotliveinthesamehouseholdastheir    children.   166      ׀Theysurvivedindependently,whetherbycharity,odd    jobs,relatives'support,poorrelief,accumulatedsavings,or H   avoidingretirementuntildeathordeclininghealth.Hence,the `  aged'squalityoflifeusefullyservesasoneyardstickfor (  judginganupperclass'sclaimsofpaternalismaboutthoseinthe   subordinateclassunabletodoproductiveworkanymore. h    TheSouthernslaveholdersunhestitatedlyspouted H  paternalisticrhetoricconcerninghowtheycaredfortheir  workerswhentheywereold,sick,andwornout,butthe  capitalistsofthenorth(byandlarge)didnot.    167      ׀Thereality P ismuchmoremixed.Oftentheolderslavesreceivedenoughto h physicallysurvive,butlittlemore.Kemblefoundmiserable 0 conditionsforretiredelderlyslavesonherhusbands'estates,  eventhoughhisplantationswerereputedtotreattheirbondsmen p aboveaverage.Twoveryelderlyblackwomen,havingretiredas 8 activelyworkingslavesfortheirmaster,livedin"deplorably P miserablehovels,whichappearedtometobeoccupiedbythemost  decrepidandinfirmsamplesofhumanityitwasevermymelancholy  lottobehold."Onherhusband'sseaislandestate,she X witnessedatrulypatheticoldmaninaninfirmarydiebeforeher  p veryeyes:"Uponthisearthenfloor,withnothingbutitshard, 8 dampsurfacebeneathhim[besidesalittlestraw],nocovering   butatatteredshirtandtrowsers,andafewsticksunderthis x! headforapillow,layanoldmanupwardofseventydying."She @" comparedslaves'conditionswhenoldtothatofagedlaborers  X# confinedtotheworkhouseaspaupers,andsaidtheformerwere  $ littlebetter.   168      ׀Thisoldman'scaseillustratesthatthe !% slaveholders'altruisticrhetoricofpaternalismobscuredthe  realityofasystemwhoseharshnessatleastequaledlaissez x faire'sontheold. @ @AltruismandSelfInterestDidNotNecessarilyConveniently   Coincideto  @ %ProtectElderlySlaves'Lives `    Unfortunatelyforslaveholders,inthecaseofcaringfor  @ olderslaves,selfinterestwasnot,byandlarge,conveniently    alliedtoaltruism.Theslaveholderapologist'soldcanardthat    amasterwouldseektoprotecthispropertyfromharmandtreat H   itwelloutofselfinterestgenerallycollapseswhenappliedto `  elderlyslavesdoinglittleornoproductivework.Theowner (  rationallythenshouldhopeforthespeedydeathsofhisuseless   dependentstosaveonfoodandclothingrations.AsKemble h  noted:"Itissometimesclearlynottheinterestoftheownerto 0  prolongthelifeofhisslaves;asinthecaseofinferioror H  superannuatedlaborers."Hence,itiseasytodocumentallsorts  ofperfectlyeconomicallyrationalyetcallousedbehaviortowards  elderlyslaves.HarrietJacobsknewanoldslavewoman,made P nearlyhelplessbysicknessandhardlabor,whoseownerslacked h thepaternalisticsentimenttotakeherwiththemwhentheymoved 0 toAlabama:"Theoldblackwomanwaslefttobesoldtoanybody  whowouldgivetwentydollarsforher."Attemptingtosellan p agedslavecouldbackfire:Walkerknewonecasewhereaslave 8 waswhippedforoverstayingChristmasvacation,andbecausehe P wastoooldtobesuccessfullysoldintheslavemarketsofNew  OrleansandMobile!InacasethatdistressedBarrow,hewas  toldtoletgoofanelderlyescapedslavethathisslaveshad X capturedthedaybefore:"UncleBat.toldmyboytoturnold  p DempsLoose&lethimgo.beenrunawaysomemonths,averryBad 8 Example.heshallnotstayinthisneighbourhood."   169      ׀Themaster   ofOldDempsevidentlyfeltitcostlesstolethimfendfor x! himselfasarunawaythantocareforhimontheplantation. @" Sinceelderlyslaveswerenetdrainsontheirowners'account  X# books,thelatterhadaselfinterestinhopingnoneofthe  $ formerlivedlongenoughtoretireontheirplantations. !% @DidSlaveryProvideMoreSecurityAgainstStarvationThan (#x' LaissezFaire? #@(   AstandardcondemnationoftheNorth'sgeneralsystemof % * laissezfairelayinitsintrinsiclackofsecurityforwage  workers,includingprovidingforretirement.Assoonasan x employerjudgedaworkerasnotcontributingtohisbottomline, @ suchasduetodiseases,cripplingaccidents,senility,ora X depressioncuttingsales,he(unlessofpaternalisticminority)   wouldlayofforfireonedeterminedtobeworthlesstohis  economicselfinterest.Enduringuncertaintywasinevitablefor `  membersoftheNorth'sproletariat,exceptingthosewhocould ( x fallbackonthefamilyfarm.Slavery,itsapologiststrumpeted,  @ wasmorallysuperiorbecauseitprovidedeconomicsecurityfor    slavesinsicknessoroldageunderasystemofaltruistic    paternalismthatwasattributabletoitsreciprocalobligations H   betweenmasterandbondsman.   170      ׀However,thisdefenseofthe `  peculiarinstitutionalwayshadafundamentalweakness:Since (  theslaveholderreceivedsomucharbitraryauthorityoverhis   slaveslegally,havingstillmoredefactobecauseofthe h  weaknessofthecriminalandciviljusticesysteminthe 0  sparselypopulated,lynchmobproneSouth,promisesofsecurity H  wereoftenhollow,andnearlyunenforcibleagainstanymasteror  mistressbreakingthem.FrederickDouglassdescribedhis  grandmother'sfatewhenhismasterdied,andtheplantation's P slavesfellintothehandsofheirswhodidnotknowthem: h 8  Mygrandmother,whowasnowveryold,havingoutlived  myoldmasterandallhischildren...herpresent p ownersfindingshewasofbutlittlevalue,herframe 8 alreadyrackedwiththepainsofoldage,andcomplete P helplessnessfaststealingoverheronceactivelimbs,  theytookhertothewoods,builtheralittlehut,put  upalittlemudchimney,andthenmadeherwelcometo X theprivilegeofsupportingherselfthereinperfect  p loneliness;thusvirtuallyturningherouttodie!8   QuotingfromaSouthernnewspaper,Olmstednotedasimilarcase x! ofanearlyseventyyearoldslave,drivenintothewoodstodie. @" Thecoroner'sformalpronouncementonthecasewas,"Deathfrom  X# starvationandexposure,throughneglectofhismaster."   171      ׀  $ Althoughtheelderlyslaveswhosufferedthefateofneglector  abandonmentwereonlyanunfortunateminorityofthosefew x fortunateenougheventolivetoaripeoldage,stillthese @ casesillustratehowunenforciblethepaternalisticpromisesof X carewere,becausethemasterhadnearlyunlimitedpowerlegally   todemandalmostanythingfromhisslavesshortoftheirlives.  SincetheSouthernslaveholder'sabsoluteandarbitrarywill `  replacedtheNortherncapitalist'smoreconstrainedpowerover ( x hisworkforce'spersonallives,slavesfounda"paidretirement"  @ tobedeniableuponthewhimoftheirowners,thusnegatingthe    promisesofslaveryasguaranteeingsecurity.    @ &OddJobsforElderlySlaves `    Oftenolderslavescontinuedtoworkatleastsome,for   betterorforworse.Somestillworkedinthefields.Charity h  wasoneoftheoldestslavesonKemble'shusband'sseaisland 0  cottonestate.Shenotonlyhadtodofieldwork,buthadto H  walkaroundtripofnearlyfourmilestoandfromherworkarea,  adistancefamiliartomanyEnglishagriculturallaborers.  Composingtheoppositeextremewere"oldandsick"slaveswho P persuadedtheirmasterstoletthemretire;someofthemsuddenly h becameamazinglyproductiveafterEmancipation!Mastersand 0 mistressesoftenputtheirbondsmentoworkatvariouslight  dutieswhentheybecametooweakforregularfieldwork.For p example,oldmeninonefrontierareasometimesdidguardduty 8 aroundthequarterstoprotectyoungslavechildrenfromwild P animals,asArmstrongheard.   172      ׀Astereotypicaljobforold  bondswomenwastoprovidedaycareforthechildrenofthefield  handsandotherparentsnotathomeduringtheday.@   173      ׀Charles X Ball'sgrandfather,nearlyeightyyearsold,wasexcusedfromthe  p heavyfieldlaborofraisingtobacco,butreceivedahalfacre 8 patchnearhiscabinwhereheraisedmuchofhisownfood.`    174      ׀As   agedslavesdidtheseactivities,theyremainedusefultotheir x! owners--andperhapsfeltmoreusefultothemselvesaswell--by @" continuingtodoatleastsomeworkintheautumnyearsoftheir  X# lives.  $  !%   Dependingonthemasterormistress'whim,thetreatmentof  theelderlyslavesinAmericavariedenormously.Althoughsome, x perhapsevenanarrowmajorityofthoseluckyenoughtoliveinto @ oldagemayhaveenjoyedtheirfinalyearswitholdfriendsand X family--assumingtheyhadnotbeensoldoffearlier!--infamiliar   surroundings,otherswerecondemnedtodeathorneglectina  mannerworthyofthemostcutthroat,profitseekingfactory `  owner.Furthermore,becauseofsales,slaveholdersmovingto ( x otherareaswiththeirslaves,estatedivisionsdueto  @ inheritances,andslavesbeinggivenawayasgifts,anelderly    slavemayenduplivingfarfrommanyormostofhisorher    descendantsandrelatives.Afterhisfatherranaway,Charles H   Ballfoundthathisgrandfatherwashisonlyrelativestillleft `  inMarylandthatheknewofwhenhewasstillaboy.The (  converseofthis--youngCharleswastheonlyrelativehis   grandfatherhadnearby,ownedbyanothermaster--wasevidently h  equallytrue.Helpingagedslavesteststheslaveholders' 0  altruismtothelimit,sincelittleselfinterestwouldremainin H  preservingthelivesofslavesnolongercapableofworking  enoughtosupportthemselves.ButasGenoveseobserves,the  youngerslavesreallysupportedtheiroldkinfolk,notthe P mastersthemselves.   175      ׀Becauserelativelyfewslaveslivedlong h enoughtoenjoyretirement,especiallysinceinfantmortality 0 rateswerehigh,slaveholderswerelessburdenedthantheywould  beundercontemporarylifeexpectancies.Proportionatelyfewer p blacksreachedoldagethanwhitesanyway(whichisstillholds 8 trueforcontemporaryAmericansociety).The1850census P reportedthattheaverageagesatdeathwere21.4forblacksand  25.5forwhitesnationally,andfor1860,3.5percentofthe  slaves,but4.4percentofthewhites,surpassed60yearsofage. X Thecrudedeathrateswere1.8percentforslavesversus1.2  p percentforwhites.    176      ׀Sincesomewereselfsacrificingand 8 otherswerenot,slaveholderscompiledadistinctlymixedrecord,  whichextinguishesanystilllingeringstereotypesaboutallaged x slavesbeingwelltakencareof. @ Ѐ X @TheSeniorHodge:Caredfor,orFendsforHimself?     InEngland,theparishnormallycaredfortheelderlywhen `  theywerenotstillworking.Liketoday,theygenerallydidnot ( x moveinwiththeirmarriedchildrentobesupportedbythemunder  @ thesameroof.   177      ׀SinceEnglandwasafreesocietywithout    slavery,relativelylittleincentiveexistedforafarmworkerto    fakeillhealthinordertoretireearly.AftertheNewPoorLaw H   (1834)tightenedrulesonthegrantingofoutsiderelief, `  especiallybyimposingtheworkhousetestontheablebodied, (  thisincentiveevaporatedfortheselfrespecting.Manyelderly   peopleinEnglandcontinuedtoworkaslongaspossible.Tommy h  Ierat,ashepherdinSomerset,reachedtheageofseventyeight 0  beforecominghomeonedaytohiswife,whenhefirstannounced H  hisretirementthus:"I'vedonework."AshepherdnamedJohn  workedforsomesixtyfiveyears,retiringatageeightyfive  whenhismasterdidalso.CalebBawcombeshepherdeduntilhewas P almostseventy,whenhejoinedhiswife'sventureinstartinga h smallbusinesssomefortyfivemilesaway.`    178      ׀Admittedly, 0 shepherdsarenotrepresentativeagriculturallaborerssince  theirjobsarelessphysicallytaxingthanthosecultivatingthe p soil.Furthermore,sinceshepherdswerehiredbytheyear,they 8 enjoyedfargreaterjobsecurityandstabilitythanmostother P agriculturalworkers.Butotherelderlyfarmworkersstillcould  dovariouslighttasks,thusleavingheaviertasksfortheyoung  menandwomen.Theanonymous"Hodge"ofJeffries'account, X forcedintotheworkhousewhenhecouldworknolonger,had  p continuedtoworkwellpastageseventyatvariouslighttasks: 8 8  Hestillcouldandwouldhoe--abowedbackisnot x! impediment,butperhapsratheranadvantage,atthat @" occupation.Hecoulduseapronginthehaymaking;he  X# couldreapalittle,anddogoodservicetyingupthe  $ cutcorn.Thereweremanylittlejobsonthefarmthat !% requiredexperience,combinedwiththeplodding  patienceofage,andthesehecoulddobetterthana x strongerman.   179      @   Duetofinancialnecessityandthelackofformalpensionsfor   allbutthemostfortunatelaborers,farmworkersgenerallyworked  aslongastheycouldtoavoidrelyingonparishreliefand, `  especiallyafter1834,thehighchanceofcommitmenttothe ( x workhouseasapauper.  @   Oncetheycouldnolongersupportthemselves,thecentral    earthlyconcernofmostelderlyfarmworkerswasabouthowthe H   parishand/ortheirchildrenwouldcareforthem.Averyhigh `  percentageundertheOldPoorLaw(pre1834)receivedparish (  reliefinoldage,accordingtoThomson:"Itconstituted...a   formalizedinstitutionofincomedistributiontowhichthetwo h  thirdstothreequartersofthepopulationwhowerenon 0  propertiedcouldlookwithnearcertainexpectationofregular H  andprolongedassistanceinoldage."X   180      ׀Sincehisdestinywas  almostunavoidable,helosttheincentivetosaveandbeself  disciplinedashegrewolderbecause,regardlessofself P exertion,hisphysicalstrengthinevitablygaveout.Hewould h havetoaskforparishrelief,likelyresultingincommittalto 0 thedreadedworkhouseafter1834.AsArchputit:  8  Why,evenifhehadmanaged,bythemoststrenuous 8 efforts,tokeephimselfafloatonlife'sstream,he P wasalmostboundtoseehislittleraftofindependence  slowly,surelydriftingontothemudbanksofpauperism  atthecloseofhisvoyage....Whatdidhecare X then,ifattheendofhisrollickingroadthe  p poorhousedoorwouldbeyawningwidetoreceivehim? 8 Hecouldn'thelpthat,hehadgivenuptrying.He   drownedthethoughtinhisglass,andchalkeduphis x! scorewithalaugh,andwentdownabitfaster.   181      @"   However,dependingonhowgreatafearagivenlaborerhadof  $ commitmenttotheworkhouseand/orhisdesiretomaintainself !% respectbyavoidingdependenceonothers,thisscenariomightnot `"& playoutinhislife.He(orshe)mightstrenuouslyworkallhis (#x' mighttoputoffthedayofreckoningaslongaspossible.Now #@( undertheOldPoorLaw,theelderlyreceivedoutsidereliefin  theformofsmallpensionsofroughlytwoshillingssixpencea x week,sometimesmore.Suchhandoutsallowedthemtogetby @ withouthavingtomoveinwiththeirchildrenorintothe X workhouse.Becauseofthislaw,childrenoverthegenerations   grewaccustomedtonormallynotsupportingtheiragedparents  directly,butlettingtheparishdoit. `    Afortunatefewreceivedprivatepensionsfromtheir  @ employersorsomeothercharity.Forexample,John,aWiltshire    shepherdwhodiedabout1855,hadworkedforthesamefarmnearly    sixtyyears.Whenhismasterdecidedtoretire,heofferedhis H   agedshepherdtwelveshillingsaweekandarentfreecottagein `  thevillagehewasmovingto.Despitebeingaverygenerous (  offerforitsdayandage,Johnturnedhimdownsincehewanted   tostayinhisnativevillage.Butdespitehisrefusal,his h  masterstillmadeforhima"sufficientprovision."Shepherd 0  IsaacBawcombebenefitedfromacharitywhich"providedforsix H  ofthemostdeservingoldmenoftheparishofBishop"becausea  sportsmanrewardedhimfornotallowingorcommittingany  poachingonthelandwherehetendedhissheep.Ironically, P sincehewasjustsixtyyearsoldandstillinexcellenthealth, h hehadnoneedtoretire.Thecharitygavehimarentfree 0 cottage,eightshillingsperweek,evensomefreeclothes.James  Foard,aguardianforPetworthunion,Sussex,saidPetworth p parishhad"agooddeal"ofcharities,"principallyforold 8 people,who[receive]aroomtolivein,andacertainsum P yearly."Administeredtotallyindependentlyofthepoorlaws,  thesecharitieshelpedthose"unabletowork...ofgood  character."   182      ׀Butsincecharityonlyhelpedasmallminorityof X theaged,mostlaborershadtodependontheaidthatthepoor  p lawsdispensedtosurvivewhenold. 8 @TheEffectsoftheNewPoorLawontheElderly,NonWorkingPoor x!   WiththearrivaloftheNewPoorLaw,conditionschanged.  X# Manyoftheoldhadtheirpensionscut--oftendowntoone  $ shillingsixpenceoroneshillingninepenceaweek--orwere !% thrownintotheworkhouse.Someevenstarvedtodeath,slowlyor `"& quickly,aftertheiroutdoorreliefwasreducedordeniedwhen (#x' theyrefusedtoliveintheworkhouse.AsSnellnotes,the #@( parishauthoritiesalsobegantoforcethechildrenofaged $ ) parentstocontributetowardstheirupkeep.Theypunishedthe % * recalcitrantbythrowingthemintojail.FarmlaborerSamuel H&!+ Dawson,earningjusttwelveshillingsaweek,landedinBedford '`", gaolfortwomonthsin1875becauseherefusedtopayone '(#- shillingaweektohelpsupporthisparents.ButasevenSnell (#. admits,notalltheaged,nonworkinglaborerswereforcedtogo h)$/ intotheworkhouseundertheNewPoorLaw.Instead,the  percentagecommittedvarieddependingonwhethertheauthorities x tightenedthescrewsagainstoutdoorrelief(suchasinthe1830s @ and1870s)orloosenedthem(the1850s).Someparishespracticed X morecreativewaysforsupportingtheelderly.Inonearea,some   oldmenweregiventwoacresasallotments,whichkeptthemoff  theparish.Butbeinguselessforthetrulycrippled,this `  programwashardlycommonalso.   183      ׀ ( x   Interestingly,the1837CommitteeinvestigatingtheNewPoor    Law'seffects(initsfirstreport)repeatedlyfoundinits    chosenareaofstudy--PetworthUnion,Sussex--thattheelderly H   didreceiveoutdoorrelief:"Theagedandinfirmarerelieved, `  whenevertheypreferit,attheirownhomes,oratthehousesof (  relationsorfriendswithwhomtheylive;andbythegeneral   testimonyofthewitnessestheirconditionhasbeenimprovedby h  anincreaseofpay."x   184      ׀Timeandtimeagain,witnessescalled 0  beforethecommittee,evencriticsofthe1834Law,admittedthat H  theconditionoftheelderlywasthesameand/orhadimproved.  Instead,theysaidlaborerswithlargefamiliessufferedthemost  sincetheydependednowonlyonwages,andhadtomakedue P withouttheoldsupplementalallowancespaidforeachchildthey h had.AstherectorofPetworth,ThomasSockett,certainlya 0 criticofaspectsoftheNewPoorLaw,remarked:8 @    8  Ithasbeenveryinjurioustothedeservinglabouring p manwithalargefamily;butthatwithrespecttothe 8 oldpeople,ithavingbeen,Imustsay,mercifully P administeredinPetworth,ithasnotbeeninjurious.I  thinktheagedandinfirmareaswelloffastheywere  beforetheNewPoorLawcameintooperation.   185      X   Similarly,amemberoftheboardofguardiansatPetworthand 8 anotherhostilewitness,JamesFoardstatedthattheNewPoorLaw   was"veryinjurioustomenwithlargefamilies,veryoppressive," x! butthatothergroupshadremainedunaffectedbythelaw."Very @" few"oftheoldlivedintheunion'sworkhouse,andnomorethan  hadbefore.   186      ׀Whenarelativecouldhelpthem,theycould x voluntarilychoosewhethertheywentintoorlefttheworkhouse. @ LikewhatJeffriessaw,hesaid"theyaremorecontentedand X happy"whenlivingoutsidetheworkhouse.Thisoptionalsocost   theparishless!   187      ׀Otherwitnessesmadecomparablecommentsto  thecommittee.(    188      ׀Admittedly,Petworthparish/unionwasunusually `  compassionateinitsadministrativepractices.Itapparentlywas ( x insomehotwaterforliberallyinterpretingacertainemergency  @ provisionoftheNewPoorLawthatallowedoutdoorreliefforthe    ablebodied,whichmayhavebeenwhythecommitteeevenhad    interrogateditsauthoritiestobeginwith.Butthiscasestill H   showsthatthePoorLawCommissioninLondonwasnotforcingthe `  localauthoritiestoputtheelderlypoorintotheworkhouses,at (  leastimmediatelyafterthepassageofthe1834law.   Consequently,Snellmayhaveunderestimatedtheamountof h  continuityforthecareoftheelderlypoorbeforeandafter1834 0  inareasoutsideofNorfolkandSuffolk.h   189       H  @TTHowtheLocalAuthoritiesProfitedfromtheWorkhouseTest    TheNewPoorLaw'smainpointwastodeterapplicantsby h banningoutdoorrelieftotheablebodiedandcreatingthe 0 workhousetestfordestitution.Thelocalpowersthatbeof  ruralEnglanddidnotseekfullworkhouses,becauseitcostmore p tomaintainsomeoneinthemthanathisorherownhomeona 8 pension.Becauseonlythemostdesperateandneedywouldaskfor  reliefwhenitcouldonlybehadonveryunpleasantterms,the x workhousetestalwayshadsomejustificationwhenappliedtothe @ ablebodied.However,exceptperhapsasadevicefordetecting X thosefakingillhealthorforencouragingthesemiablebodied   tostruggleonaslongaspossibleindependently,thetestwas  unjustifiablewhenappliedtotheenfeebledelderlyandothers `  incapableofworkingsteadily.Arch'sownexperience,whenhe ( x caredforhisownfather,illustratestheseissueswell.Arch's  @ wife,whohadbeenmakinganimportanttwoshillingsaweek    cleaninglaundry,hadtogivethatuptoserveasanursetoher    fatherinlaw,whichplacedhisfamilyinaseriousfinancial H   squeeze.TheparishoverseerthoughtArchcouldgetsomehelp `  fromtheparishtocareforhisfather.Asitwas,theboardof (  guardiansdeniedhimevenoneshillingsixpenceperweek,which   onlypartiallyreplacedhiswife'searningsanyway.Theysaid h  theywerewillingtotakehisfatherintotheworkhouse,andhave 0  himpayoneshillingaweektowardshisupkeep.Onthesurface, H  theirofferseemscompletelyillogicaleconomicallybecause  caringforArch'sfatherintheworkhousewouldprobablycost  threetofourshillingsaweek.Theparishquitepossiblywould P beoneshillingsixpencetotwoshillingssixpenceaweekworse h offforcommittinghisfathertotheworkhousethanitwouldbe 0 forgivingArchamereoneshillingsixpenceaweekrelief  pensiontocareforhim,evenwhencountingArch'swouldbeone p shillingaweekcontribution.Butthen,outoffamilyprideand 8 selfrespect,Archmadethechoicetheworkhousetestwascreated P toencourage.Hetotallyrejectedtheparish'soffertotakehis  fatherin,replying,"I'dsoonerrotunderahedgethanheshould  gothere!"Byrejectingparishrelief,hedidexactlywhatthe X framersoftheNewPoorLaw'sworkhousetesthadcountedon:  p Applicantswouldrefusetotakereliefwhenthecostofaccepting 8 itindignityandfreedomwastoohigh.Hence,theparishended   upsavingoneshillingsixpenceperweek,afterhavingrisked x! losinguptotwoshillingssixpenceperweekhadArchplacedhis @" fatherintheworkhouse.ThiscasealsoillustrateshowtheNew  X# PoorLawintensifiedtheillfeelingbetweentheclassesinrural  $ England.Theguardianssavedoneshillingandsixpenceaweek, !% butatthecostofmakingArchresentfulandangry.The `"& ratepayerssavedtheirquidsbutatthecostofsleepingless (#x' easilyatnight.BecauseoftheNewPoorLaw,lowwages,and #@( enclosure,theruraleliteknewthelaborershatedthemsuchthat $ ) theycouldwithoutwarningtorchtheirgrainstacks,burntheir % * barns,smashtheirthreshingmachines,andpoachtheirgame.   190       H&!+ @WhoseElderlyWereBetterOff?TheFarmworkers'ortheSlaves'? '(#-   Beforehazardingasummaryjudgmentaboutwhetheroldslaves h)$/ orelderlyfarmworkerswerebetteroffintheirtwilightyears,  certaintradeoffsandqualificationsmustbeconsideredfirst. x Iftheelderlyfarmworkersinquestionwereworkhouseinmates, @ whoenduredorderlybutspartanconditions,prisonlike X restrictionsonmovement,andisolationfromtheirchildren,   grandchildren,andevenspouses,manyagedslaveswerebetteroff  bycomparison.Theelderlyslavessufferedsimilarrestrictions `  onmovement--thepasssystem--andtheirplantation'sconditions ( x werehardlyluxurious.However,anelderlyslave'schanceof  @ starvingtodeathlikelyequaledafarmworker's.Laborersrisked    starvationafterrefusingtogointotheworkhouseandbeing    deniedasufficientreliefpensionwhentheyhadnorelatives H   nearbytohelpthem(orothermeansofsupport),butthenelderly `  slaveswerereallyalwaysindangerbecauseoftheirowners' (  nearlyabsoluteandarbitrarywhim,sincetheirsupportcould   suddenlyvanishwithoutwarning.ButIFmostorallofthe h  elderlyslaves'descendants,relatives,andoldfriendshadNOT 0  beensoldofforforcedtomoveelsewherewhenamasteror H  mistressdiedorrelocatedfaraway,thequalityoftheirhuman  relationshipswhenoldwouldhavebeenbetterthanthe  agriculturallaborers'.Theywouldhavediedafterby P accompaniedbyfamiliarfacesintheirdecliningyears,unlike h theelderlyfarmworkersinworkhouses,whowerelargelyisolated 0 fromthesurroundingsocietyandwhogenerallyonlyassociated  withotherworkhouseinmates,assumingtheywerenotfurther p segregatedbysexorothercategory.Butevenafterthepassage 8 oftheNewPoorLaw(1834),asignificantnumberofelderly P farmworkersstillreceivedoutdoorreliefbecausetheywerenot  deemedablebodied.Additionally,intheperiodbefore1834,  backto1750andearlier,theelderlyagriculturallaborers X normallywerebetteroffthantheslaves,iftheyhadreceived  p outdoorreliefintheformofasmallpensionandstayedinthe 8 samecottagewiththesamesentimentalsightsandsoundstheymay   haveknownforfiftyyearsormore.Theslave'slevelof x! securityagainststarvationinoldagelikelydifferedlittle @" fromthatofmostfreeworkersintheUnitedStates,andfell  X# beneaththatofEnglishfarmworkersunderthelowtechwelfare  $ statecreatedbytheOldPoorLawofElizabeth(1601).Theclaim !% thatthelotofslaveswaspreferabletothefateofagricultural `"& workersinoldageonlylargelyringstrueinthepost1834 (#x' period,andonlytotheextentthattheelderlylaborersendedup #@( inworkhouses,andtheelderlyslaveswerenotseparatedbysale $ ) ormovingfrommostoralloftheirrelatives. % * @44ASlave'sChildhood:FullofFunorFullofFear? '`",   Whatqualityoflifedidthechildrenbornintobondagehave (#. intheirearlyyears?Howmuchworkdidthechildrenofslaves h)$/ do?Notoriously,theindustrialrevolutioninEnglandfeatureda 0*%0 heavydependenceonthelaborofchildren(andwomen)incoal *H&1 minesandtextilemills,whichbecauseofthelargenumbers +'2 employedandthehighintensityofworkinvolvedbecame ,'3 appalling.SincethemastersandmistressesintheAmerican  Southindustriouslyworkedatexploitingthelaborofadult x slaves,howdidtheytreatslavechildren?Wastheslave @ childhoodfulloffunandplayuntiltheearlyteenyears,asan X apologistforslaverymightclaim?Certainly"Uncle"Jim,cited   below(p.121),nostalgicallyrecalledhisyouth.Orwasitfull  offear--fearofseparationbysalefromamotherorbrother, `  fearoftheoverseer'slashlandingonafatherorsister,fear ( x ofalackoffoodorclothing?Douglassabruptlyrealizedhis  @ inferiorstatusforthefirsttimewhenhesawthefearful    whippingthatoneofhisauntsendured,completewithawful    screamingandpleading.Hehid,beingafraidhewouldbenext.   191      ׀ H   Asnotedabove(pp.96102),theslaves'educationwasnormally `  notjustmerelybenignlyneglectedbutferociouslyattacked.The (  livesofslavechildrenwerefilled,notbyschool,butbyeither   playorwork,sincethefirstpossibilitywasroutinely h  overlookedwhennottotallyforbidden. 0    Seriousfieldlaborordomesticservicenormallybegan  aroundagetwelve,whichwaslaterthanwhatthechildrenofmany  Englishagriculturallaborersexperienced.Kemblecomplained P that"stout,hale,heartygirlsandboys,offromageeightto h twelveandolder,areallowedtoloungeabout,filthyandidle" 0 atherhusband'sriceislandestateinGeorgia.Theonly"work"  theyhadwaswatchingtheinfantsandtoddlersofthemenand p womeninthefields."Aunt"Sue,onceownedbyaVirginia 8 master,saidshereallybeganworkasa"missygal"(domestic P servant)atagethirteen.CharlesLucasofVirginiatoldDrewhe  was"keptmostlyatthequartersuntilagetwelveorthirteen,"  whereusefulfieldworkwashardlypossible.Olmstedfoundthat X thelaborofyoungerslaveswassodiscountedbyone  p planter/overseerinVirginiathattheysometimesescapedhis 8 attention.Heroutinelyfailedtorecordthemasinventory   duringChristmastimeuntilagetwelveorthirteen!Onalarge, x! longestablishedplantationnotfarfromSavannah,Georgia,the @" paternalisticmasterdidnotcommitslavechildrentoregular  X# fieldworkuntilagetwelve,exceptingsomelightdutiessuchas  $ birdscaring.Inanextremecase,onemasterinGeorgia"didn't !% puthisboysintothefielduntiltheywere15or16yearsold." `"& Sincethiscasearoseinalowlandareadominatedbythetask (#x' system,however,thechildrenstilldidwork,butwiththeir #@( parentsfulltimeasafamilyunitgrowingcropsontheirown $ ) plotsbeforereachingtheseages.Illustratingtheopposite % * extreme,althoughitwasafairlycommonageformanyEnglish H&!+ farmworkers'sonstogotowork,HenryBanksofVirginiatold '`", Drewhewasputtoworkatageeight,at"ploughing,hoeingcorn, '(#- anddoingfarmworkgenerally."BookerT.Washington,borna (#. slavein1856,faredworse: h)$/ Ї8  noperiodinmylifedevotedtoplay.Fromthetime  thatIcanrememberanything,almosteverydayofmy x lifehasbeenoccupiedinsomekindoflabour... @ DuringtheperiodthatIspentinslaveryIwasnot X largeenoughtobeofmuchservice,stillIwas   occupiedmostofthetimeincleaningtheyards,  carryingwatertothemeninthefields,orgoingto `  themill,towhichIusedtotakethecorn,oncea ( x week,tobeground. @   ProslaveryapologistJ.H.Hammondonceboastedthatnoslave    workedbeforeageten,mostdidnotworkuntilagetwelve,and H   theydidonlylightworkforafewyearsafterthat.Genovese `  foundHammondtobereasonablyaccurate,maintainingthaton (  averagemostdidnotworkuntilagetwelve,withsomefallinga   fewyearstoeithersideofthisage.Certainly,this h  generalizationbyFogellacksbroadsupport:slavechildren 0  beganworkingasearlyasthreeorfouryearsold,nearlyhalf H  workedbyageseven,andalmostallworkedbyagetwelve.Since  agetwelvereallyappearstobeaturningpointinthelivesof  manyslavechildren,Genovese'sjudgmentissolidlybased.At P thisage,theybecameaproducerunderlabordisciplineinstead h ofadependentlargelyexcusedfromit,sothesystem'sbrutality 0 firstfullystruckthemunderthewatchfulgazeoftheoverseer  ormasterwhileworkinginthefieldsor(perhaps)bighouse.   192       p @ &PastimesforSlaveChildren P   Whatdidslaveboysandgirlsdountilaroundtheageof  twelve?Generallymostplayedwithabandon.Inreminiscences X tingedwithnostalgia,agedfreedman"Uncle"Jimnegatively  p comparedthehigherlevelsofsupervisionchildrenhadwhenhe 8 wasanoldmantowhenhewasyoung:   8  Deyletusplaylakwewanttoindeoledays.Wehad @" abigyawd,an'aplantationsobigwedidn'knowwhar  X# itbeginan'wharitendedat.Werunalloverde  $ place,an'jus'sowedidn'breaknolaig,ersomepun, !% an'githurt,we'sallright.Nobodyhollerin'atter `"& usalltime.Nowadays,dewhitefolkswon'tletde (#x' chillungitoutdeysight.An'deculludfolkswon't, #@( neither.Alltimemakin''emkeepclean,an'weargood  clo'es,an'stayindehouse,an'nottalkloud.... x Pres'dentLin'cumdonesotdeculludfolksfree,butde @ chillunain'tgotnofreedomnomo'!X   FreedwomanLouiseDugassimilarlyrecalledthatsheandother  slavechildrenplayedaroundthesugarrefineryonhermaster's `  sugarplantation:"Uschilluneatdatsugar'twillourstummicks ( x sosweetdeyhurt!Gooffan'playwhile,'twilldefeelin'  @ leave,deneatsomemo'!"FrederickDouglass,clearlynot    someoneinclinedtowardsnostalgicrecollectionsofslavery,    rememberedhisboyhood(uptoagesevenoreight)favorablyabout H   howmuchtimehehadtoplay,ifnotforfoodandclothing."I `  wasnotoldenoughtoworkinthefield,andtherebeinglittle (  elsethanfieldworktodo,Ihadagreatdealofleisuretime."   Heonlyneededtodoafewlighttaskslikedrivingupthecows h  intheevening,cleaningthefrontyard,etc.Whilevisitingan 0  oldtimelowlandplantationnearSavannah,Olmstedwitnesseda H  surelycommonsceneonlargeplantationsthroughouttheSouth.  Sometwentysevenslavechildren,mostlybabiesandtoddlerswith  someeightortenyearoldstendingtheyoungestones,playedon P thestepsorintheyardbeforetheverandaofthebighouse. h "Someofthese,withtwoorthreebiggerones,weresingingand 0 dancingaboutafirethatthehadmadeontheground.Theywere  notatalldisturbedorinterruptedintheiramusementbythe p presenceoftheirownerandmyself."   193      ׀Theconsciousnessof 8 beingabondsman,assomeonealmostcertainlydoomedtoa P lifelongdrudgeryinthefieldswithsmallchancesfor  advancementorintellectualenlightenment,simplywasnotfully  graspedbyyoungslaves.Thetraditionaldefensemechanismsofa X subordinateclassinwearingamaskbeforeone'ssuperiors,the  p guardingofeverywordspokenwhen"onstage"beforethemaster 8 orsomeothersuperiorwhite,hadonlypartiallypenetratedthe   consciousnessoftheseyoungchildrenplayingbeforetheirowner x! infrontof thebighouse.Achilddevelopsthesemechanisms @" onlyovertimeasparentsteachesthemaboutthem,anissuewhich  X# isreturnedtobelow(pp.329330).Thechildrenabruptlyhadto  $ becomemorecalculatingwiththeirwordsafterbeingthrustinto !% aproductiverolethroughfieldwork,domesticservice,etc., `"& roundaboutagetwelve,inordertoavoidwhippingsorother (#x' punishments. #@(   Slavechildrencouldplaywiththewhitemaster'schildren % * withlittleconsciousnessofracialdifferencesuntilaboutsix H&!+ yearsofageorolder.HarrietJacobsrememberedascenewherea '`", whitechildplayedwithherslavehalfsister:"WhenIsawthem '(#- embracingeachother,andheardtheirjoyouslaughter,Iturned (#. sadlyawayfromthelovelysight."Shedidso,knowingwhatwas h)$/ likelyinstorefor"herslavesister,thelittleplaymateofher  childhood"whengrownup,whichwasduetoherbeauty.Olmsted x witnessedinVirginiaonatrain @ 8  [a]whitegirl,probably[the]daughter[ofthewhite   womanseatedbehindher],andabrightandverypretty  mulattogirl.They[includinganolderblackmaid]all `  talkedandlaughedtogether;andthegirlsmunched ( x confectionaryoutofthesamepaper,withafamiliarity  @ andclosenessofintimacythatwouldhavebeennoticed    withastonishment,ifnotwithmanifestdispleasure,in    almostanychancecompanyattheNorth.   194      ׀H     Slavechildrenplayedvariousformalgameswithoneanotherand (  withthewhites,suchasmarbles,hideandseek,hidetheswitch,   horseshoepitching,jumprope,anddifferentversionsofhandball h  andstickball.Theyalsoplayedgamesrepresentingtheir 0  conditionofbondage,suchasauctioningoneanotheroffand H  whippingeachotherwithswitches."Uncle"SmithMooreof  Alabamareminiscedaboutplayingwiththewhiteboyswhenyoung,  evenridingcoltsandsteertogether.Kemblewasgreatly P disturbedthatSally,herstillveryyoungdaughter,wouldlearn h thewronglessonsfromrompingwithslaveplaymates: 0 8  Iwasobservinghertodayamongherswarthy p worshipers,fortheyfollowherassuch,andsaw,with 8 dismay,theuniversaleagernesswithwhichtheysprang P toobeyherlittlegesturesofcommand.Shesaid  somethingaboutaswing,andinlessthanfiveminutes  headmanFrankhaderecteditforher,andadozen X youngslaveswerereadytoswinglittle'missis.'--,  p thinkoflearningtoruledespoticallyyourfellow 8 creaturesbeforethefirstlessonofselfgovernment   hasbeenwellspeltover!x!   Suchdeference,giventothemasterandmistress'offspring,soon  X# inculcatedthehabitofcommandorlordingitoverothersinto  $ theirminds.Awhitechildhadtobeseventoelevenyearsold !% beforethishabitseriouslysankin,whichiswhenthesparkof `"& reason("concreteoperations")firstcomesintolife. (#x' Correspondingly,astheyoungslavepassedagesix,hisparents #@( taughthimincreasinglyabouttheneedtoguardhiswords, $ ) especiallyashemayseesuchscenesastheoverseerormaster % * overrulinghisparents'authority,orevenwhippingthem,thus  makingobvioustheneedtoprotectthemandhisfellowslavesin x generalfromthewhites'punishments.   195       @ @PlantationDayCare:HowSlaveChildhoodWasDifferent     Thecentralroleofwhatamountedtoinstitutionalizedday `  careontheplantationswasperhapsthebiggestdifference ( x betweenthechildhoodofaslaveandhiswhitecounterparts,in  @ EnglandorAmerica.Sincemastersdroveboththemothersaswell    asfathersintothefieldstowork,olderbrothersandsisters    whileundertheeyeofoneormoreoldwomenwhohadretiredfrom H   fieldlaborlargelycaredfortheyoungestchildrenleftbehind. `  Formuchoftheday,sinceolderchildren(notnecessarilyofthe (  samefamily)watchedyoungerones,thechildrenwerelefton   theirown.Theoldwomendidnotcarefortheyoungchildrenso h  muchaswatchtheolderchildrendoso,asGenovesenotes:"By 0  andlarge,thechildrenraisedeachother."Kemblesawonall H  theplantationsshevisitedandlivedonthatchildrenunderthe  ageoftwelvecaredforallbabiesinarms.Eightornineyear  oldsgotthejobofcarryingnursingbabiestotheirmothersin P thefield,andthenbacktothequarters,watchingthemduring h thehourstheirmothers(andfathers)workedelsewhere.As 0 Kembleobserved,"Theonlysupervisionexercisedovereither  babiesorbabyminderswasthatoftheoldwomanleftincharge p oftheInfirmary,whereshemadeherabodealldaylong." 8 Obviously,theadultsexercisedlittlecontroloverthechildren, P exceptwhentheycommittedsomemajoroffense,sincethisaged  bondswomanprobablyhadherhandsfulljustwatchingoverthe  infirmary'spatients.Needlesstosay,sincethesechildren X fundamentallyneededadultsupervisionthemselves,havingeight  p yearoldswatchoveryoungbabies(whowerenotnecessarilytheir 8 siblings)madefordaycareofdubiousquality.FreedwomanEllen   BettsofLouisianarememberedcaringforchildrenwhenshewas x! stillachildherself: @" 8  SomethembabiessofatandbigIhadtototethefeet  $ while'nothergaltotethehead.Iwassuchalittle !% one,'boutsevenoreightyearold.Thebigfolks `"& leavesometoddyforcolicandcryingandsuch,andI (#x' donedrinkthetoddyandletthechildrenhavethe #@( milk.Idon'tknownobetter.Lawsyme,itawonderI $ ) ain'tthebiggestdrunkerinthisherecountry, % * countingallthetoddyIdoneputinmyyoungbelly!   196      H&!+   ЇThiswomanadmittedshewasnotthebestbabysitterwhenshe  herselfwasyoung.Shesurelyprovidedpoorercarethanthe x babies'mothersorfatherswouldhave;shecertainlymadefora @ worserolemodelforthebabiesunderhersupervisionthannearly X anyadultpresentontheplantationwouldhave.Almost   inevitablyparentshavemoreselfinterestandconcernfortheir  offspringthaneightyearoldchildrenwhofrequentlywerenot `  evenrelativesofthebabiesinquestion.Suchcrudedaycare, ( x madeupofchildrenwatchingbabiesundertheloosesupervision  @ ofoneormoreoldwomen,resultedinlessdisciplined,more    ignorantchildrenthanwouldhavebeenthecasehadtheslave    womennotbeendrivenintothefieldsforafullworkday,thus H   demonstratingthatlargelydissolvingthesexualdivisionof `  laborweakenedtheblackfamilyunderslavery. (  @ %IsAllWorkBadforChildren? h    Isallworkbadforchildren,slaveandotherwise?Although H  childlaborhasgainedmuchnotorietyfromthetextileindustry  inEnglandduringtheindustrialrevolutionbecauseofthe  intensityandlengthoftheworkdaythatthechildrenendured, P couldnotsomethingmorecasual,especiallywhenpartofthe h familyeconomyundertheparents'directsupervision,beinfact 0 valuabletochildreninbuildingdisciplineandtrainingthemfor  theirfuturerolesinsociety?Lookingattheinstitutionof p slaverythroughtheeyesofamiddleclassEnglishwoman,Kemble 8 sawtheidlenessofthechildrenasaproblem,notanasset, P sinceitincreasedthewomen'sworkload:  8  Everyablebodiedwomanismadethemostofinbeing X drivenafieldaslongas,underallandany  p circumstances,sheisabletowieldahoe;butonthe 8 otherhand,stout,hale,heartygirlsandboys,offrom   eighttotwelveandolder,areallowedtoloungeabout, x! filthyandidle,withnopretenseofanoccupationbut @" whattheycall'tendbaby.' X#   Thistaskactivelytooklittleoftheirday,sinceitmainly !% involvedcarryingthebabiesneedingtobenursedtotheir `"& mothersinthefieldsandback.Besidesthis,theolderchildren (#x' basicallyleftthemtokick,roll,andrestaboutinornear #@( theircabins,activitiestheyoftenjoinedinthemselves.If $ ) Kembleisbelieved,theslavechildrenonherhusband'sestates % * werelesscreativeintheirpastimesthanotherselsewhere!If H&!+ thelivesofyoungslaveswereemptyofeducation,work,or '`", trainingforanoccupation,fillingtheminsteadwithaimless '(#-  leisuretimewasof"questionablebenefit"--eventhoughthe (#. childrenenjoyedit!--whentakingabroaderview.   197      ׀       Beingcommunallycaredfor,slavechildrenwere @ correspondinglyfedcommunallyaswell,inaremarkablycrude, X animallikemanner.ThroughouttheSouthadultsonplantations   fedthemasiftheywerepigs.Typically,oneormoreoldwomen,  havingchargeoftheslavechildren'sdaycare,placedfoodina `  trough,andcalledthechildrentoeat.Afterscramblingtoshow ( x upfirst,theyquicklydugin.Equippedonlywiththeirbare  @ handsorperhapsapieceofwood,theygobbleddownasmuchas    theycouldgrabinordertogetthemost.FrederickDouglass    describedthefeedingsheexperiencedwhenyoungonhismaster's H   Marylandplantation: `  8  We[children]werenotregularlyallowanced.Ourfood   wascoarsecornmealboiled.Thiswascalledmush.It h  wasputintoalargewoodentrayortrough,andset 0  downupontheground.Thechildrenwerethencalled, H  likesomanypigs,andlikesomanypigstheywould  comesanddevourthemush;somewithoystershells,  otherswithpiecesofshingle,somewithnakedhands, P andnonewithspoons.Hethatatefastestgotmost;he h thatwasstrongestsecuredthebestplace;andfewleft 0 thetroughsatisfied.   "Uncle"AbnerinArkansas,inamemorysaturatedwiththe 8 nostalgiaofacarefreechildhood(ordeferencetothewhite P interviewer),rememberedasimilarprocedure:  8  Grannyputabigtroughondepo'ch,an'piledefood X in.Lawsy!Nofoodtastesogoodsince!Cawnbread  p an'yams,an'hunkso'meat.Milkterdrinkindetin 8 cups.Eatyo'stummickfull,fightwidderes'o'de   chillunerwhile,an'rolloverondeflo'tersleep!x!   Itseemsthat,becauseofhowhewasraised,hestilldidnot  X# realizeevenasanoldmanhowdegradingtroughfeedingswere.  $ Thecrudecommunalfeedingofslavechildren,totheextentit !% wasdone,obliteratedtheslavefamily'sroleinprovidingfor `"& theirchildrendirectly.Thesefeedingsmusthavetoldslave (#x' childrenearlyinlifethattheyweredifferentfromwhites #@(  becausenowhitechildwasfedoutofatrough,asGenovese $ ) notes.   198      ׀Themasterandmistress,byfeedingslavesthisway,   oftentreatedthemlikethecows,pigs,andhorsesintheirbarns x andsties,astheirmostvaluablelivestock,notasfellowhuman @ beings,notwithstandinganypossiblecontrarypropaganda. X @TheSlaveChildhood:Good,Bad,orIndifferent?    Itisratherrashtomakeasummaryjudgmentofthequality ( x oflifeformillionsofslavechildren.Butgeneralizations,  @ withtheattendantqualificationsandexclusions,arenecessary    sothepastcanbeviewedmoreclearlythanthejumbling    confusioncausedbylistingahundredorathousandconcrete H   particularswhichmostpeoplesoonforget.Thechildhoodof `  slavesfeaturedlittleworkuntiltheimmediatepreteenyears, (  littleornoeducation,andanabundanceofplaytime.The   plantationsystemminimizedtheroleofparentsinraisingtheir h  childrenbyobliteratingthesexualdivisionoflaborin 0  fieldwork,leavingthechildrenlargelytotheirowndevices H  underthedailybutloosesupervisionofoneormoreelderly  "grannies"formuchoftheday.Communallyfeedingthechildren  likeanimalswasmerelyaproductofthecrudedaycaresystem P establishedontheplantation.Thissystemleftthechildren h unusuallyignorantevenforanuneducatedclassofpeople,since 0 youngerchildrenhadmuchlessknowledgeandfewerlessonsfrom  experiencetopasson,andsimplycouldntcareasmuchoras p wellasthebabiesmothersandfathersdid.Thischildhoodof 8 idlenessandignorancemadethetransitiontoregularfieldwork P allthemorejarring,asthemastersandmistresses,whomayhave  earlierindulgedtheirpickaninnies,thrustthemoutintothe  fieldsunderthethreatofthelash.AsOlmstedobserved:"The X onlywhippingofslavesIhaveseeninVirginia,hasbeenof  p thesewild,lazychildren,astheyarebeingbrokeintowork. 8 Theycannotbedependeduponaminute,outofsight."    199      ׀The   individualrelationshipsachildhaswithhisorherparentsis x! themaindeterminateofthequalityofaperson'schildhood.For @" thebroaderissueofthenegativeeffectsslaveryhadoninter  X# familyrelationshipsbecauseofthemaster'sormistress'  $ interferinginthemforworkdisciplinepurposes,seebelow(pp. !% 167176).Nevertheless,becauseofalackofparental/adult `"& supervision,theslavechildhoodmayhavebeenoftenenjoyable, (#x' atleastuntiltherealityoflowcastestatuscamefully #@( crashinginmentallyandemotionallysomewherebetweenagessix $ ) andtwelve(orwhenregularworkbegan),butitmadefor % * unusuallyilldisciplined,ignorantyoungsterswhoseparents H&!+ largelysqueezedtheircivilizingfunctionintoSundaysor '`", betweenwhentheyworkedandslept. p  '(#- Ї@Hodge'sChildhood:MoreWork,butMoreWorthwhile?    WhencomparingthelivesofchildrenofEnglishagricultural @ workersandAfricanAmericanslaves,twokeydifferencesstand X out.First,thefarmworkerschildrenhadlivesfilledwithmore   work,sincetheirageofgoingtoworkwaslower,aswellasmore  formaleducation,especiallyasthenineteenthcenturydrewon, `  comparedtotheslavesoffspring.Thesetwoactivities ( x inevitablycutbackontheamountofplaytimetheyhadbefore  @ aroundtheageoftwelve.Second,thefarmworkersremained    almostunaffectedbythequalityoflifeissuesassociatedwith    howslaverysubvertedtheslavesparentalauthorityandweakened H   familylifebecausethemasterormistressimposedwork `  disciplinebymanipulatingthefamilymembersloyaltiestoone (  anotherbythreateningsalesorbywhippings.Farmerscould   threatentofireandblacklisttheirlaborers,butsincemostly h  onlymenmadeuptheworkforce,especiallyinthesouthand 0  outsidethepeakharvestandhaymakingseasons,theysimply H  lackedthepowertointerferewithinthelaborers'familiesto  thesamedegree.Hodge'ssonsanddaughtersencounteredfarless  fearandthusworeathinnermaskthanthestereotypical P  Samboschildren.Duetothesexualdivisionoflaborand, h increasingly,masseducation,thechildrenoffarmlaborerswere 0 alsonormallymuchbettersupervisedduringthedaythanyoung  slaves.Theilleffectsoftheprimitivedaycare,suchasthat p foundonSouthernplantations,hardlyexistedinruralEngland, 8 becauseMrs.Hodgenormallywasfoundathome,especiallyinthe P south.Asmaleunemploymentratesrosetowardstheendofthe  eighteenthcenturyonintotheearlynineteenth,womenand  childrenwerepushedoutoftheagriculturallabormarketand X intothehome.   200      ׀Althoughthechildrenoffarmworkershadless  p pleasurefromplaytimecomparedtotheyoungslaves,their 8 childhoodlikelywasmoreworthwhiletotheextenttheyreceived   someformaleducation,somepracticalworkexperience(ifthe x! hourswerenotexcessive,etc.),andwerearoundadultsmore, @" includingtheirparents,whoseknowledgeandexperienceinlife  X# madethemmuchbetterrolemodelsthantheeightyearolds  $ "mindingbaby"intheAmericanSouth. !%   Asdemonstratedearlierinthesectiondealingwith (#x' education(pp.105107),thechildrenofagriculturallaborers #@( wenttoworknormallyanumberofyearsbeforethechildrenof  slavesdid,exceptinginnorthernEnglandwherehigherparental x wagesprevailedthaninthesouth.Boyscommonlybeganworkat @ eightornineyearsoldinmuchofEngland.CalebBawcombe X regularlybegantohelphisfatherwiththeflockatagenine.   Butinrelativelyhighwagedareas,childrenoftenonlybeganto  workregularlyatagetwelve,thirteen,orevenfourteen.Since `  generallytheirfirstyearsatworkwerehighlyirregularand ( x especiallytiedtoseasonallabordemands,theageatwhich  @ childrenfirstenteredthelaborforcedidnotmeanfulltime,    yeararoundworkbeganforthemthen.InNorthamptonshire,    countryboyseighttotenyearsoldworkedforanestimatedten H   totwelveweeksayearatleastfortwoshillingsaweek,which `  ishardlyfulltimeemployment.Theauthorsofthe186768 (  Reportfoundthatworkforchildrenunderagetenwas   "precarious,occasional,andfluctuating,"butsoonafterwards h  becameincreasinglyregular,especiallyforboys.Workingfor 0  thefirsttimewhenhewasnine,Archsaidhescaredcrowsfor H  twelvemonthsstraightforseveralfarmers.Soheeitherhadan  unusualexperienceorheincludedtheslackperiodsinbetween  stints.Birdscaringwascommon,ifseasonallyirregular,work P inNorthamptonfortheyoungestboys(sevenoreightyearsold), h givingthemtenweeksofwork(spring),three(summer),andthree 0 more(winter).InnorthernNorthumberland,childrenrarely  workedbeforeagefourteen,exceptduringsummers,wheneleven p andtwelveyearoldsdidalso.ThenormalJulyNovemberseasonal 8 peakforagricultureprovidedmuchmoreworkforchildrenthen P thanatothertimes.TheFensstoodoutasanexception,since  therechildrenworkedwiththewinterturnipcrop.Thisareawas  notoriousforthegangsystem,whichhelped"toforcechildren X intoprematureemployment."Yorkshire,withoutthissystem,had  p seasonalworkforboysbeginatagetwelve.   201      ׀Theseagesfor 8 goingtowork(exceptingArch's)likelyreflectsometightening   ofthelabormarketinthelate1860sinagriculturalareas,(a x! keyingredientinthebriefsuccessesofArch'sNational @" AgriculturalLabourers'Unionintheearly1870s),whichmakes  X# projectingthembackwardsmorethantwoorthreedecades  $ hazardous. !% @((JustHowCommonWasChildLabor,EspeciallyintheCountryside? (#x'   Earlieron,fromtheearlyeighteenthcenturyuntilthe $ ) 1840s,manycontemporariesconsideredchildunemploymentand % * underemploymenttobeaproblem,whichputsincontextKemble's H&!+  complaintsaboutidleyoungslavesloungingaboutonher '`", husbands'estateswhilethewomenwereoverworked.   202      ׀Agriculture   presentedfurtherproblemsforemployingchildren,forunlike x miningorcottonspinning,domesticindustryorfactories,their @ smallsizeandstrengthunambiguouslyworkedagainstthem.H.H. X Vaughnnotedin1843that,unlikeclimbingchimneysorrunning   cartsofcoalinmineswithlowceilings,smallnesswasno  advantage:"Inmostoutdoorworkweightandstrengtharean `  advantage."Theycouldnoteasilybeemployedfulltime.R.H. ( x Greg,ina1837defenseofthefactorysystemthatsawindustry  @ asthesaviorofidlechildren,evenexaggeratedlyclaimed:    "Boysareoflittleuse,girlsofstillless,inagricultural    countries,beforetheageof18."Nowthisviewplainly H   overstatesthecase.Theinfamousmastersofthegangsystem `  foundgatheringchildren(andwomen)intogroupstoweedor (  harvestrootcropsaperfectlyworkablesolutiontotheFenss   laborshortage.Thisarea'sfarmersfoundthehiringofplowboys h  (ageseighttoeleven),andchildrentoweed(seventoelevenfor 0  boys,seventothirteenforgirls)financiallywise.In H  Leicester,duetomorelandandrootcropscominginto  cultivation,farmersemployedchildrendowntoevensixyears  old.Vaughn'sclaimstillhasitsgermoftruth,forchildren P (likewomen)wereinthe"lasthired,firstfired"category; h farmersnormallyviewedthemas"acheapandamenablelabour 0 forcewhichcouldbeusedflexiblyastheseasonsdictated."   203      ׀  Butasmanylocallabormarketstightenedinthe1860sintothe p early1870s,theywereincreasinglyhiredeveninthelong 8 depressedagriculturalcountiesofthesouthofEngland. P Somewhatearlier,the1851censusfoundveryfewfivetonine  yearolds(2.0percentofboys,1.4percentofgirls)were  employed,andstillmanytentofourteenwerenotemployed(36.6 X percentforboys,19.9percentforgirls).True,itseemsthese  figuresmaynotaccuratelycapturemuchoftheparttimeor x seasonalworkchildrenengagedin.   204      ׀Still,theywarnagainst @ extrapolatingbacktheagesgivenforchildrengoingtoworkin X the186768Reporttoperiodsofhigheradultmaleunemployment   inagriculturalareasinthesouthofEngland,whereindustry  generallywasaweakcompetitorforlabor.   205       `    Traditionally,oneimportanttransitionalpointinthelives  @ oflaborers'childrenwaswhentheywerefirsthiredintofarm    serviceunderayearlycontractwithafarmerwhoboardedthemat    hisexpenseathishouse.Thiscareerstagebegangenerally H   aroundtheageoffourteen;alatershiftinstatustoday `  laborersdevelopedaftertheymarried.Womenwentintoservice, (  notjustmen,especiallyinthemorepastoralcountiesinthe   southwestas(especially)dairymaids.Fundamentally,"farm h  servant"wassynonymouswithbeingunmarried,and"daylaborer" 0  withbeingmarried.Service'schiefbenefitwastoincreasethe H  youngworkerseconomicsecurity.Nothreatofapplyingfor  parishreliefintheslackwintermonthshungoverthoseso  employed,especiallyinarableareaswiththeirgreaterthe P seasonalpeaksanddipsinthedemandforlaborcomparedto h pastoralareas.Thispracticeimposedgreaterstabilityonthe 0 young,encouragingthemtosaveforadelayedmarriage,  especiallybecausethemonetarywagesnormallywerepaidinone p lumpsumneartheendoftheserviceperiod.Thefarmservant 8 alsoreceivedasettlementintheparishhelivedin,allowing P himtoapplyforparishreliefthere,afterayearscompleted  service.Theexperienceofservicefollowedbymarriageandday  laborgraduallydeclinedastheeighteenthcenturyclosedandthe X nineteenthopenedinmuchofsouthernEngland,especiallythe  p southeasterngraingrowing,arableregion.Whatcausedthis 8 decline?Aspopulationgrowthcausedhigherunemployment,   farmersgainedanincentivetohirelaboronlybythemonth, x! week,orevenday.Thepoorlaws'settlementprovisions,which @" discouragedtheyearlyhiringsthatlatergavefarmservantsthe  X# righttoapplyforreliefintheparishofhire,wereanother  factor.Thenenclosureincombinationwiththepoorlawsinthe x southpromotedpopulationgrowth:Bothencouragedearly @ marriagessincesinglepeoplehadtroublegettinganyrelief,and X discouragedsaving,sincethewagesearnedbynowexclusively   wagedependentlaborerswereenoughonlyforabaresubsistence.  Farmservice,asakeytransitionpointofchildhoodinto `  adulthoodintheworldofwork,graduallybecamearelicofthe ( x pastastheeighteenthcenturyclosedandthenineteenthcentury  @ opened,exceptfornorthernareasandincertainoccupationssuch    asshepherd,wheresteady,yeararoundworkwasnecessary.    Increasingly,menandwomen(whenemployedatall)spenttheir H   wholecareersasdaylaborers,withoutthefarmservantstagein `  theirworklives.   206       (  @0 0 #TheParentalPushforChildLabor h    Parentshadastrongfinancialincentivetoputtheir H  childrentoworkassoonaspossible,exceptingwhenschooling  wasaseriousoption.Someresistedthiscourse,perhaps  rememberingtheirownmorecarefreechildhood.   207      ׀Workingclass P parentstypicallyfacedtheproblemthatduringthefamilylife h cycletheirincomewasatitslowestpointwhenthenumberof 0 youngmouthsneedingtobefilledwasatitshighestthenwhen  thechildrenandtheirmothercoulddolittleworkoutsidethe p home.Whenafamilyhad(say)fivechildrenagesone,three, 8 five,seven,andten,themother(grantedthetraditionalsexual P divisionoflabor)hadtowatchthechildrenandcouldnoteasily  workatjobsoutsidethehome.Childrenattheseagesnormally  couldnotbeputtowork,exceptmaybetheoldest.In X agriculturaldistrictswithoutanydomesticindustry,often  p findingworkforyoungchildrenandtheirmotherswashard,even 8 thoughtheirearningswerevitallynecessarytoputthefamily   abovethebarestofsubsistencelevels.TheNewPoorLawfell x! hardestonfamiliesatthisnadirpointintheirlives,because @" iteliminatedtheSpeenhamlandsystem'sperchildallowancespaid  X# bytheparish.Inareasofhighunemployment,thenatural  $ tendencyinEngland'spatriarchalsocietywastominimizethe !% unemploymentrateformenatthecostofpushingwomenand `"& childrenlargelyoutofthelabormarket,exceptingthepeak (#x' summermonths,whichincludedharvest.Cobbettlamentedthe #@( concentrationofweavingandspinninginthenorth,which $ ) underminedtheolddomesticindustriesinthesouth,including % * weavingandspinningclothjustforhouseholduse,thusleaving H&!+ womenandchildren,especiallygirls,outofwork(seeabove,pp. '`", 5354).Asthesexualandregionaldivisionsoflaborincreased  inintensity,theyhelpedtoaccentuatethenaturalburdensof x thefamilylifecycleforsouthernEngland'sagricultural @ workers,exceptingthefewplaceswheresomedomesticindustry X persisted.BecauseAmericanslaveswereguaranteedsupportin   foodanddaycare(atleastintheory),theyrarelyhadtoface  independentlythepressuresofthefamilylifecycle,unlike `  Englishfarmworkers.Butthebondsmensguaranteedsupportand ( x securitycameatthecostofindependenceandfreedom,sincethe  @ financialconstraintsonchildbearingwerelargelyeliminatedby    necessarilybeingtheirmastersproperty.Hence,whilethe    childrenofHodgehadtoendurethetighteningpressuresof H   familylifecyclewhentheirparentshadmanyoffspring,which `  thechildrenofslavesavoided,thefarmworkershadmuchmore (  independenceandfreedomofaction,whichslavesneverenjoyed   becauseoftheirunfreestatus. h    Theinvestigatorsworkingforthe186768Reportwere H  acutelyawarethattheyshouldavoidrecommendinganagelimiton  childrenworkingthatwouldgreatlyburdenthepoor.Theyknew  theparentsearnings,especiallywhenevenmanymenexperienced P irregularemployment,werenotenoughforthemtoeasily h sacrificetheearningsoftheirchildrenforhigher 0 considerationssuchaseducation.AsArchnoted:"Children  wereemployedtillthelawcompelledthemtobesenttoschool, p andwhenthefatherwasabletoearnsolittlewhocanwonderat 8 it?Boys,assoonastheywerebigenough,wouldbesentout P intothefields,justasIwas."InCambridgeshire,lowwages  encouragedparentstoputtheirchildrentoworkasearlyas  possible.Ifahusbandearnedtwelveshillingsperweek,ten X shillingssixpencewenttowardsflourforbread,sochildrenhad  p toworkinorderforthefamilytosurvive.InNorthampton,the 8 lossofearningsbythoseagedeighttotenwouldonlyconstitute   sometwentyshillingsayeartotheparents,buttheseweremuch x! higherelsewhere(fourpoundssevenshillingsayearinLincoln @" andNottingham).IntheThamesvalleyarea(andsurely  X# elsewhere!),parentsunderhighfinancialpressurenaturally  $ tendedtoneglecttheirchildren'seducation.   208      ׀Ironically,the !% childrenofsmallfreeholdersintheHumber/Fensareahadless `"& educationthandidthehiredlaborers'.Thiscuriousresult (#x' stemmedfromthesmallfarmersputtingtheirchildrentoworkon #@( theirfarmassoonaspossible.   209      ׀Becausesomanyfamilieslived $ ) soclosetobaresubsistence,parentshadtomaketheirchildren  workearlyinlife,thusprioritizingtheimmediateearnings x neededforfinancialsurvivaloverlongtermimprovementresulting @ fromtheirchildrenseducation. X @ $DayCareanUncommonExperience    Duetothehighunemploymentratesformenandespecially ( x womeninmanyagriculturalareas,andtheintroductionofthe  @ scytheinarabledistricts,whichrequiredgreatstrengthtouse,    laborerschildrenrarelyexperiencedanykindofdaycare.The    sexualdivisionoflaborcombinedwithhighunemploymentin H   southernEnglandensuredchildrenreceivedplentyofadult `  supervision.Evenwhenharvestcame,andvirtuallyeveryonewas (  puttowork(atleastasthemidnineteenthcenturymarkis   passed)inagriculturalparishes,childrenmightstilldirectly h  assisttheirparentsinharvest.Thefamilyoftenworkedasa 0  unit,withthehusbandusingabagginghooktocutdownthe H  stalksofwheat,thewifefollowingcloselybehind,gatheringand  tyingthemtogether,withoneormorechildrenpullingand  preparingthetiesfortheirmothertouse.Manytimes,after P negotiatingwiththefarmerforagivenpieceworkrate,anumber h offamiliesenteredafieldatonce,eachworkingonitsoneor 0 twoallottedacres.Afamilyoffarmworkersalsoworkedtogether  toraisefoodwhengivenanallotment,sincethechildrenand p motherwouldtendtheplotduringthedaywhilethefatherwas 8 awayworkingforsomefarmer.Therestofthefamilycouldhoe, P weed,plant,andpickfoodfromtheplotthemselves,givingthem  additional(self)employmentandbadlyneededfood.Somechildren  evenusedwheelbarrowstogathermanurefromthepublicroadsfor X theirfamilysplot!Then,intheeveningsorearlymornings,or  p otherwisewhennotworkingforothers,thefatherwouldworkon 8 thefamilysallotmentalso.Inthissituation,theproductive   unitwasthefamily.Clearly,achildsexperiencewhileworking x! forhisorherfatherormothertypicallydifferssharplyfrom @" theimpersonalsupervisionexercisedbyafarmeroroneofhis  X# carters.Itsunlikelythatfarmerstreatedevenlongtermfarm  $ servantsorapprenticestohusbandrynearlyaswellastheir !% fathersandmotherswould.Normally,daycaremadenoappearance `"& inthelivesoflaborers'children,atleastwhenboththe (#x' parentswerealive.Butoneolderchildmayendupwatching #@( youngerbrothersandsistersinareaswherethewomenalsoworked $ ) inthefieldsroutinely,suchassouthernNorthumberland. % * Jeffriesidyllicallydescribeshowtheparentswouldlockoutof H&!+ thecottagetheirolderchild,whothenwatchedheryounger  brotherorsisterplayoutinthebeautifulspringcountryside. x Daycare--orpaidbabysitting--mightmakeitsappearanceinan @ areasuchasYorkshire,wherethewomenalsodidfieldwork X regularly.Here,thispracticesconsequencesproducedvarious   complaints:Thewomenkepttheircottageslesstidily,they  neglectedtheirfamilies,theygaveopiatestotheirchildren, `  andtheypaid"anoldwoman"dailysomuchtocareorthem!   210      ׀ ( x (TalkaboutshadesofnearbyindustrialManchester!)TheEnglish  @ agriculturalworkersfamilystillwasmuchmoreapttobean    active,productiveeconomicunitthantheblackslavesfamily    (exceptingsomeinlowlandtasksystemareas)becausethelatter H   wasmuchmoresubordinatedtotheproductiveprocessthanthe `  formerasmastersmostlyeliminatedthesexualdivisionoflabor (  andcreatedagreateraveragedivisionofthefamilyunit   spatiallyduringtheworkdaybyseparatingmothersandtheir h  childrenmorecommonlythanthefarmersinEnglanddidwiththe 0  laborers. H  @xx*YoungHodgeatPlay    AlthoughthelifeofyoungHodgewasmorefilledwithwork h andespeciallyeducationthanayoungslaves,theformerstill 0 hadtimetoplay.Gettingthemselvesthoroughlydirty,younger  preschoolchildrenmightrompaboutoutsidetheirparents' p cottageinthefieldsorperhapsinanearbyfarmyardcarefully 8 outofsightoftheadults.Maybetheoldestsisterwouldwatch P heryoungersiblingsplayaroundtheditchesandhedges,  gatheringflowersorevenacornswhichthefarmerswouldpayfor.  Thehabitoftheparents,ifbothweregone,wastolocktheir X childrenoutside.Lessinnocently,twoboysinthevillageof  p RidgleythatSomervilledescribedwerekeenatraidingnests, 8 followingclearlyintheirpoachingfathers'footsteps.Caleb   Bawcombemanagedtocombinewithplayroutinelywhilewatching x! hisfather'sflock.Heandhisbrotherwereplaying"ontheturf @" withninemorrismenandtheshepherd'spuzzle,"whentheir  X# mothersuddenlyappearedonetime.Whileengagedincrow  $ scaring,Archsometimesmischievouslylookedfortroublebybird !% nesting,trespassing,etc.,inmoreidlemoments.Hefavorably `"& comparedtheoutdoorsenvironmentheenjoyedtowhatchildrenin (#x' theminesendured:"AndIhadthetreestolookatandclimb, #@( hedgerowflowerstopluck,andstreamstowadein."Althoughhis $ ) mother'shomeschoolingcompetedagainstplay,hedidnotmind % * thisregime.Asateenager,workingasastableboyforwhat H&!+ weregoodwagesforhisageandcounty,hecontinuedtostudy, '`", seeinghowlimitedtheopportunitiesforamusementinhisvillage '(#- were:  8  Thevillageladhadtwokindsofrecreationopento @ him.Hecouldtakehischoicebetweenloungingand X boozinginthepublichouse,orplayingbowlsinthe   bowlingalley.Thatwasall.Therewerenocricketor  footballclubs,noForester'smeetings.   211      `    Thefirstoptionledintothewasteful,profligatewayoflife  @ themiddleclasses,localfarmers,andgentryroutinely    condemned,whichhedidnotfindtempting.Children,asalways,    willfindsomewaytoplay,butonbalancethefarmworkers H   offspringhadmorework,moreschooling,andlessplaytimethan `  theslaveschildren. (  @TheRelativeQualityofLifefortheChildrenofSlavesand h  Laborers 0    Exceptinghowmasterscouldsubvertparentalauthorityby  whippings,sales,etc.,andthefearinspiredbythesame,slaves  untilaboutagetwelvetypicallyhadamorecarefreechildhood P thanagriculturalworkers.Althoughyoungfarmworkersworked h ratherirregularlybeforeagetwelveormore,theystilldidmore 0 workatyoungeragesthanmostyoungslaves.Furthermore,  especiallyasthenineteenthcenturyadvanced,education p increasinglybecamearealityfortheoffspringoflaborers, 8 whichmeanttheschooloftenfilleddayswithoutwork,atleast P outsideagriculture'ssummer/harvestseasonalpeaks.Sowhile  youngslaveshadmoreplaytime,thechildrenoflaborerswere  muchmorelikelytogainsomeeducation,aslimitedorcrudeas X itmayhavebeen,andtoreceivewhatarguablywasusefulwork  p experience.UnlikethecontemporaryUnitedStates,wheresociety 8 iswealthyenoughtoguaranteethirteenyearsofschooltoits   entirepopulation,thepressuresofbaresubsistenceinthe x! farmworkersworldoftenmadechildlabornecessaryforafamily @" tosurviveindependentlyasaneconomicunit.Slavechildren  X# alsoweremuchmorelikelytoexperiencedaycare,atleaston  $ theplantations,wherethe"babyminders"werestillyoung !% childrenthemselves,oftenunrelatedtotheiryoungcharges.By `"& contrast,youngHodgeenjoyed!aperhapsproblematicterm (#x' here--muchmoreadultsupervision,sincewomenhadlargelybeen #@( drivenoutoftheagriculturallaborforceoutsideofseasonal $ ) peaksbythetimethenineteenthcenturybegan,limitingthemto % * amorestrictlydefinedhomemakingrole.Thehighadultmale H&!+ unemploymentrates,atleastinsouthernEngland,indirectly '`", ensuredtheirchildrenreceivedmoresupervisionfromtheir '(#- parents,whosegreaterexperienceinlifemadethembetterrole  models.Daycarewasrare,atleastinthesouth,althoughan x oldersister(likely)mayhavewatchedyoungersiblings.While @ schoolincreasinglydidsplitupthelaborers'familyduringthe X day,asincontemporarysociety,theystillhadadultcareand   attention.Atleastatharvest,thelaborers'familyalso  sometimesdidfunctionasaunit,insteadofbeingseparated `  duringtheday,unlikeforthebondsmen.Sooutsideofthekind ( x offrighteningexperiencesDouglasstells,theslave'schildhood  @ likelywasmoreenjoyabletoaboutagetwelveonaverage,butthe    farmworker'syouthlikelywasmoreworthwhile,benefitingfrom    theadvantagesofmoreeducation,morefamilyandadultdirection H   andcare,and(arguably,ifnotespeciallyintenseorlongin `  hours)usefulworkexperience. (  @ddReligionASourceforEnlightenment,SocialUnity,andSocial h  Conflict 0      Totheskepticallyinclined,thejuxtapositionofreligion  andthequalityoflifeinitiallymayappearpeculiar,but  considerthereasonsforrelatingthetwo.Religion,especially P forthosepeopleswhoareilliterateorsemiliterate,isthe h mainsourceofanintegratedviewofexistence,bybringinga 0 mansorwomansmindabovetheroutinematerialcaresoflife.  Itattemptstoexplaintheunknown,sincethe(ostensible) p purposeofrevelationistobringhumanityknowledgethatis 8 necessarytolivetherightkindoflifeinthehereandnow,but P whichisunobtainablebyreason,philosophy,orscience,or  cannotbewiththesamedegreeofcertainty.Itisthemain  sourceofmoralityandbehavioralrestraintabovethelevelof X fearofauthorityorwhattheneighborsthink.Aslongasthe  p Thrasymachusesoftheworldwoulddefinejustice,andmoralityin 8 general,as"nothingelsethantheadvantageofthestronger,"   religion'sspecificpreceptsandcommandmentswillserveasthe x! mainrestrainingforceonpeople'sactionssincephilosophyis @" generallyperceivedathavingfailedtoprovideasatisfactory  X# naturallawtheoryasthefoundationofrightandwrong.   212      ׀  $ Religionalsosuppliesapurposeforanindividualsdecisions !% aboutvaluesinthislifethroughassertingtheyaffecthisfate `"& intheafterlife.Itelevatestheconcernsofbelieversabove (#x' thosewhichalsopreoccupyanimalstoeternalveritieswhichhave #@( tobereckonedwith,grantedthetruthofthereligionin $ ) question. % *   Organizedreligion,althoughfirstandforemostitconcerns '`", man'srelationshipwithGod(orthegods),alsobringspeople '(#- togetherinordertoworshipthedivine,throughrituals,  assemblies,pageants,processions,etc.Herereligionbecomes x contestedterrainbetweenasocietyseliteandsubordinate @ classes,sincenominallyallhumanshavetobeconcernedabout X whatthesupernaturalpowersthatbedesireofthem.Boththe   richandpooraredestinedforthesamefate--thegrave.  Religioncanserveinstrumentalpurposesforthispresentlifeas `  well,whichtheelitemaytwisttoservetheirownpurposes. ( x Whenitcomestoanupperclassimposinghegemonyanda  @ subordinateclassresistingit,religionisoftenacentral    battleground.Thepowerholdingclassinsocietycanbend    religionintoasystemofsocialcontroltobenefititselfeven H   asthesubordinateclassmaymanipulatethesamereligionto `  justifyitsresistance,despiteamutuallysharedfaithmaybring (  thetwosidestogetherintothesamesocialsettingstoservethe   sameGodorgods.Religioncanservesimultaneouslyasasiteof h  socialunityandasasettingforsocialconflictsinceit 0  providespeoplewithacollectiveactivityoutsideofwork,as H  wellasameansofraisingtheirmindsabovethepurelymaterial  totakeabroader,morephilosophicalviewoflife.Itreminds  itsadherentsthatsomethingotherthanselfinterestshould P guidetheiractionsinlife.   213       h   Christianity,beingthereligionsharedbyboththeEnglish  farmworkersandconvertedAfricanAmericanslaves,contains p elementsofusetobothsidesintheirpowerstruggle,evenasit 8 servesasameansofunifyingeachsideinacommonconcernabout P God'spurposefortheirlives.Christianityemphasizestheneed  toobeyauthority,ofobeyingthepowersthatbeasordainedof  God(Rom.13:17),ofrenderinguntoCaesarthatwhichis X Caesar's(Matt.22:21),andtokeepthecommandoftheking  p (Eccl.8:2).Ittellsslavestoobeytheirmasters(Eph.6:56; 8 Col.3:22),andnottostealfromthem(Titus2:910).Onthe   otherhand,thestateisnottheultimateauthorityfor x! Christians.Itpresentedatheoreticalthreattothe @" totalitariansofthispastcenturywhowantedthewholeheart,  X# mind,andsoulofallthecitizensofwhatevernationtheyruled  $ over.Thus,aftertheSanhedrintoldthemtostoppreaching !% aboutChristandtheresurrection,Peterandtheotherapostles `"& defiantlyreplied(Acts5:29):"WemustobeyGodratherthan (#x' men."Similarly,duringthepreviousruninwiththeSanhedrin, #@( PeterandJohnproclaimed(Acts4:19):"Whetheritisrightin $ ) thesightofGodtogiveheedtoyouratherthantoGod,yoube % * thejudge."Christianity,evenasittellsthoseofasubordinate H&!+ classtoobeytheirsuperiorsinthisworld,ithumblestheelite '`", philosophicallybysayingallpersonsareequalinHissight '(#- (Gal.3:28):"ThereisneitherJewnorGreek,thereisneither (#. slavenorfreeman,thereisneithermalenorfemale;foryouare  alloneinChristJesus.""ForhewhowascalledintheLord x whileaslave,istheLord'sfreedman;likewisehewhowascalled @ whilefree,isChrist'sslave(ICor.7:22).Itcondemnsgiving X arichmanprecedenceintheassemblyofbelievers(James2:14).   ItstatesthericharenotfavoredinGodssight,atleastif  theyarecovetousoftheirpropertyoroppressthepoor(James `  5:16;Matt.19:2126;Amos4:13;Isa.3:1415;Eze.18:1213; ( x 22:29).Furthermore,andperhapsmostominiouslyfor  @ slaveholders,Jehovahisportrayedasthefreerofthenationof    IsraelfromslaveryinEgypt(Ex.6:57,20:2).Hence,theBible    presentsmaterialsusceptibletomanipulationbyanelitebenton H   exploitingasubordinateclassandforasubordinateclassto `  condemnand--ifitdeniesthatChristianityteaches (  pacifism--resistthepowerful.Althoughitmakesforpoor   hermeneuticsandbadsystematictheology,eachsideisapttouse h  thepartsoftherawmaterialofrevelationthatfavorsits 0  cause,whileconvenientlyignoringthatwhichdoesnot. H  @((SlaveReligionTheSlaveholdersOptionsonChristianizingthe  Slaves P   BecauseChristianitycontainsteachingsthatanelitemay 0 notalwaysfindtoitsliking,itcanbecomedividedoverwhether  inculcatingBiblicalpreceptstoasubordinateclassisinits p materialselfinterest.Ofcourse,theelitesstrongly 8 religiouslymotivatedmemberswillevangelizeheedlessofany P negativeconsequencestotheirpositioninthislife,   214      ׀but  normallyaltruisticidealismcannotbecountedontopredominate  intheupperclass.Theelitefacesherethesameproblemit X doeswithdisseminatingordenyingeducationtothemasses.A  p societysrulershavetochoosebetweentwomodelsofsocial 8 control:skewedknowledgeorignorance(seeabove,pp.1079).   Christianitypresentsasimilarproblemtheoretically,forthose, x! likeNapoleon,whoapproachreligionasaninsrumentfor @" controllingotherpeople'sbehavior.Ontheonehand,after  X# notingalltheusefulstatementsaboutobediencenotjusttoGod,  $ buttosecularauthoritiesintheBible,slaveholderscouldsee !% convertingtheirslavesasadvancingtheirselfinterest,over `"& andaboveanyotherworldlybenefits.AMachiavelliananalysis (#x' couldconcludeteachingthemChristianitywasvaluable.Having #@( beenwritteninanancientworldfullofslaves,yetnot $ ) condemningslaveryasaninstitution,theBible(usefully)tells % * slavestoobeytheirmasters.Afterall,Romewasfullof H&!+ slaves,manyancientChristianswereslaves,andsomeChristians '`", evenhadslaves(e.g.,Philemon)HarrietJacobs,although  overstatingtheimpetusofTurner'srebellioninpromoting x evangelismamongtheslaves,expressedthisoptionforcefully: @ "AfterthealarmcausedbyNatTurner'sinsurrectionhad X subsided,theslaveholderscametotheconclusionthatitwould   bewelltogivetheslavesenoughofreligiousinstructionto  keepthemfrommurderingtheirmasters."   215      ׀Ontheotherhand, `  theBiblecontainsmanystatementsaboutthedutiesoftherich ( x andpowerfultowardsthepoorandweakwhichanoppressedclass  @ couldforgeintousefulideologicalweaponsforhammeringtheir    superiorswith.TheOldTestament'sdescriptionofGodusing    MosestofreethechildenofIsraelfromslaveryinEgyptsurely H   resonatedwithAmericanslaves.TheNewTestament's `  proclamationsaboutbeingfreeinChrist(re:IICor.3:1718; (  Luke4:1721)orallbeingequalinGodssight(Col.3:11)were   potentiallytroublesometoslaveholders.X   216      ׀Then,pragmatically h  speaking,largenumbersofslavesgatheredtogetherforreligious 0  assembliesmayprovehardtocontrol. H    Americanslaveholders'mainstreamresponseeventuallymadea  compromisebetweenthetwomodels:Theyevangelizedtheir P slaves,butpresentedapervertedProtestantChristianitywhich h overbearinglyemphasizedtheneedtoobeywhilepurposely 0 neglectingthosepartsoftheChristianmessagethatmightbe,  well,ah,dangerous.Convenientlycastasidewasthe p Reformation'smessagethateachmanmustbeabletoreadand 8 interprettheBiblehimselfasGod'sSpiritdirectedhim. P Evangelizationbasedonselectiveexegesiswaseasilycarried  out,withwhatevernotservingtheslaveownersinterestsedited  out,forsincetheykepttheirslavepopulationlargely X illiterateandbookless,thebondsmenweremostlyincapableof  p checkingontheirmastersandmistressesteachingsbyopening 8 andreadingtheBibleforthemselves.x   217         @TheEarlierPracticeofNotEvangelizingtheSlaves󀀈 @"   EarlierinSouthernslavery'shistory,theothermodel--of  $ leavingtheirslavesinheathenishignorance!slaveholdershad !% considered,evenpracticed.Somestilladvocatedthisapproach `"& inthe1830s,suchasaformerlongtimeoverseerturnedplanter  himselfthatKemble'shusbandhademployed.Conversionsof x AfricanswhentheyfirstarrivedintheNewWorldhavebeen @ arguedtobeexceedinglyrare;eventheirchildrensreligious X statuswasnormallyignored.WhilevisitingSouthCarolina,   evangelistGeorgeWhitefield,oneoftheforemostleadersofthe  GreatAwakening,pointedlycondemnedtheAmericanSouthfor `  treatingitsslaveslikeanimals.Heurgedtheir ( x Christianizationandimprovedconditionsforthem.TheGreat  @ Awakeningledslaveholderstoabandonthepreviouspolicyof    neglectingtoconverttheirslaves.AsGallayobserves:"Most    plantersfearedtheirbondspeoplewouldmovefromreligious H   trainingtoreligiousrightsandperhapsontocivilorto `  politicalrights."Theyfearedemancipationswouldfollow (  conversions:"Thefewslaveswhowerepermittedreligious   instructionwererequiredtomakeaformalstatementinwhich h  theydeniedanyexpectationthatbaptismwouldleadtofreedom." 0  WhenthelegalstatusofslavesinearlycolonialVirginiawas H  stillunclear,beforetheGeneralAssemblypassedalawin1667  thatspecificallydeniedthatbaptizingslaveswouldliberate  them,somegainedfreedomforthisreason.TheGreatAwakening P changedsuchattitudessignificantly,becausethespiritof h revivalismwantseveryonesavednow.Theitineratepreachers 0 foundpersuadingbothlostblackandwhitesheeptorepent  equallyfineworks.Sofromthe1740sonmuchgreaterefforts p weremadetoconverttheslavestoChristianity,asslaveholders 8 graduallyabandonedthepolicyofleavingslavespaganto P preservedistinctionsbetweenwhitesandAfricanswhichhad  helpedjustifytheenslavementoftheblackman.   218        @ddTheGospelofObedienceDistortstheChristianityGiventothe  p Slaves 8   Astheslavescameintothechurches,theslaveholdingclass x! laboredmightilytoensuretheslaveslearnedthemessageof @" obedience.ClergymenthroughouttheSouthhadtoteachthis  X# distorted Gospelorelserisklosingtheslaveholderssupport  $ forevangelizingtheirslaves.@   219      ׀Onepamphletonthesubjectof !% evangelizingtheslavesthatKemblefoundevidentlystrongly `"& stressedteachingthelessonofobedience.Thebondsmen's  newfoundreligionwasnottobeallowedtoescalatethe x difficultiesofimposingworkdisciplineonthem.Slaves @ repeatedlycomplainedabouthowoftenwhitepreacherstoldthem X toobeytheirownersfromthepulpit.LucretiaAlexander,oncea   slaveinbothMississippiandArkansas,summarizedatypical  sermon: `  8  Thepreachcameandpreachedtothemintheirquarters.  @ He'djustsay,'Serveyourmasters.Don'tstealyour    master'sturkey.Don'tstealyourmaster'schickens.    Don'tstealyourmaster'shogs.Don'tstealyour H   master'smeat.Dowhatsomeveryourmastertellsyouto `  do.'Sameoldthingallthetime.(    Anotherslavewomanrefusedtogotochurch,soshegotlockedup h  inhermaster'sseedhouse.Shecomplained: 0  8  No,Idon'twanttohearthatsameoldsermon:'Stay  outofyourmissus'andmaster'shenhouse.Don'tsteal  yourmissus'andmaster'schickens.Stayoutofyour P missus'andmaster'ssmokehouse.Don'tstealyour h missus'andmaster'shams.'Idon'tstealnothing. 0 Don'tneedtotellmenotto.   UsingEphesians6:5ashistext,JacobsheardAnglicanclergyman 8 Piketeachwhatmusthavebeenastereotypicalmessagetelling P slavestoobeytheirmastersandtofearGodiftheyslackedoff  atwork,lied,stole,orotherwiseinjuredtheirmasters'  interests.Evidently,hislessonforaslaveaudienceremained X largelyunchangedfromweektoweek:"IwenttothenextSabbath  p evening,andheardprettymucharepetitionofthelast 8 discourse."Someblackpreachersgavesimilarmessages,because   eitherwhitesupervisionrestrictedtheirchoiceofmaterialor x! they"soldout"tothewhites.Mastersandmistressesinthe @" SouthclearlywantedaclippedformofChristianitytoserveas  X# anideologicalunderpinningtoslaverythroughemphasizingthe  $ messageofobediencealthoughtheslavesresistedit.   220       !%   BymakingChristianitycarryouttheirinstrumental (#x' purposes,theslaveholdersbroughtabent,distortedgospelto #@( theslaves.TheChristianmessagelostmuchofitsauthenticity $ ) whenmastersandmistressesharnesseditforimposingwork % * disciplineontheirbondsmen.FreedmanCharleyWilliamsof H&!+ Louisianasaidhelargelymissedthecoreofitsteachings '`", becausewhatheheardwassotwisted: '(#- Ї8  CourseIlovesmyLordJesussameasanybody,butyou  seeIneverhearmuchaboutHimuntilIwasgrown,and x itseemlikeyougottohearaboutreligionwhenyou @ littletosoakitupandputmuchbyit.Nobodycould X readtheBiblewhenIwasaboy...Wehadmeetings   sometimes,buttheniggerpreacherjusttalkabout  beingagoodniggerand"doingtopleasetheMaster," `  andIalwaysthoughthemeanttopleaseOldMaster,and ( x Ialwayswantedtodothatanyways. @   Thisblackpreachermayhavetaughtwhatpleasedthosewielding    nearlyabsolutepoweroverhim.Buthisprobableinabilityto H   readtheBiblealsohandicappedhimfrombringingthefull `  Christianmessagetohisflock.Forhecouldnotteachwhathe (  didnotknow,andifhehadnotheardthemessageofequalityin   God'ssight,hecouldnoteasilyteachitknowledgeablyto h  others,assuminghehadenoughbraverytodoso.LunsfordLane, 0  aNorthCarolinafreedmanturnedabolitionistspeakerinthe H  North,saidhehadheardcertainNewTestamenttextsaboutslaves  obeyingtheirmastersroutinelyrecitedinsermonsintendedfor  audiencesheldinbondage.Whileobservingthesesermonstelling P theslavestoobeyhad"muchthatwasexcellent"mixedintothem, h themessageofobediencestillstronglyremainedpresent. 0 Sometimestheirpropagandapaidoff:Anumberfoundtheft  declinedanddisciplineimprovedasslaves"gotreligion."   221      ׀At p leastforthislife,theslavesbenefitedlessclearly.They 8 weretoldtoobeywithouthearingmuchthecorrespondingmessage P abouttheirmastersobligationstothemoraboutmasterand  slavehavingequalityinChrist.Thismangledformof  Christianityalsomadethetrueexperienceofconversionmore X difficult.Whilemany,perhapsmostslavesmayhavereceivedthe  p generalevangelicalProtestantChristianmessageof"repentand 8 acceptChristasSaviortogaineternallife,"aminorpointof   theChristianreligion--slavesmustobeytheirmasters--was x! artificiallyexaltedintotheprideofplacetosuitthe @" slaveholders'interests.Thetimeandeffortspentteachingthis  X# pointcausedother,moreimportantdoctrinestobeleftgathering  $ dust,eitherpartlyorcompletelypushedaside.Beingan !% artificialconstructionthatservedtherulingclasss `"& instrumentalpurposes,theChristianitythatthewhitemasters (#x' andmistressesandthepreachersundertheirinfluencebequeathed #@( totheirslavesoftenlackedanessentialauthenticityand $ ) integrity. % * @ddTheSlavesAddtotheReligionGivenThembytheirMastersand '`", Mistresses    Theslavesclearlyreceivedawatereddownfaithfromtheir @ mastersandmistresses,onewhichwastransparentlybenttowards X servingtheirobviousmaterialinterests.Theslavesfilledthe   vacuumintheirreligiouslivesbydrawingupontheirown  culturalheritagefromAfrica.TheCatholicChristianityofthe `  IndiansinLatinAmericawasinfluencedbytheirancestors'pre ( x Columbianreligiouspractices;likewise,theProtestant  @ Christianityoftheslavestookontraditionsandacharacter    partlyderivedfromthetraditionalanimistreligionsofAfrica,    thusproducingananalogoussyncretisticcombine.   222      ׀Butbecause H   theslaveswereaminorityevenintheirregion,andfurther `  importsofslavesdirectlyfromAfricahadbeencutoffsince (  1808(exceptingthosesmuggledin),theAfricanismsfoundin   AfricanAmericanreligiousbeliefswereproportionatelymuch h  fewerthanthoseshowingupintheCaribbeanorBrazil.   223      ׀ 0  Nevertheless,suchinfluencesshowedupintheUnitedStates. H  ThebeliefsofCharlesBall'sAfricanborngrandfatherwerefull  ofAfricanisms.Hisrathereccentricreligiousbeliefscertainly  looktobeIslamic,perhapsinaSufiinfluencedversionbecause P formaldoctrinewasdeemphasized.AdetectablestrainofDeism h seemstoappearherealso,whichmaypointtotheabolitionist 0 editor'sownbeliefsinfluencinghisinterpretationofwhathe  heardBallsayabouthisgrandfather.Hiscasewasexceptional, p becauseheexpressedthesebeliefswithoutcombiningthemwith 8 thefaithoftheslaveholders.ThetestimonyoffreedmanWilliam P AdamsofTexasexemplifiesthemuchmoreusualsyncretism,in  whichtheChristianbeliefincastingoutdemonssubsumesa  voodoolikebeliefinhexesandpreventingthem.Whenachildhe X 8  hear[d]them[hismotherandotheradults]talkabout 8 whathappenstofolks'causeaspellwasputonthem.   Theoldfolksinthemdaysknowsmoreaboutthesigns x! thattheLordusestorevealHislawsthanthefolksof @" today.ItamalsotrueofthecoloredfolksinAfrica,  X# theynativeland.Someofthefolkslaughsattheir  beliefsandsaysitamsuperstition,butitamknowing x howtheLordrevealsHislaws.@   Adamsscasedemonstrateshowtheslaveconjurorspracticesand   powerscoexistedwithChristianbeliefswithinthesame  individuals.Theseconjurorsgavetheslavesanindependent `  sourceofreligiousauthorityfromwhatwhitepreachersortheir ( x mastersandmistressesbelieved.BerryandBlassingameseethe  @ frenziedyelling,"theringshout,thecallandresponsepattern    ofsermons,prayersandsongs,theunrestrainedjoy,and[the]    predilectionfortotalimmersion"asderivedfromAfricanrituals H   andcustoms.   224      ׀Theslavescombinedbeliefsfromtheirown `  AfricanreligioustraditionwiththetwistedProtestantfaithof (  theirownerstohelpexplainormentallycopewithslaverys   privations.    225       h  @44NoSurprise:TheSlaves'LackofReligionFreedom H    Turningfromthecontentoftheslaves'beliefstohowmuch  freedomtheyhadtopracticethem,oftenslaveholdersand P overseersrestrictedorevensimplyprohibitedtheslavesfrom h expressingtheirfaith.   226      ׀Allthestoriesabouttheslaves 0 receivingpunishmentforexpressingtheirreligiousbeliefsshows  themasterclasswaslessinterestedinthesoulsoftheir p bondsmenandmoreconcernedaboutkeepingcontrolthantheir 8 propagandaproclaimed.PlanterBarrow,neveronemuchfor P sendinghisslavesoffplantation,oncereluctantlyletthem  leaveforreligiousreasons:"gavethenegrospermissiontogo  overtoRobt.H.Barrowstopreaching,...beingnear&leaving  homebutseldom,grantedthempermission."   227      ׀Barrow'sslaves x alsomighthavehadmeetingswithouthispermission.Asaslave @ inVirginia,WilliamTroyhadbeenatmanyillictmeetingsofhis X church.Despitetheirprecautions,suchasholdinggatheringsat   night,patrolssometimesdidbreakthemup.DavidWest,from  Virginia,reportedasimilarexperience:Patrollerswhipped `  thosecaughtatorafternightservices.EliJohnsonwas ( x threatenedwithnolessthan500lashesforleadingprayer  @ meetingsonSaturdaynights.Aneloquentpleabeforehismaster    andmistressallowedhimtoevadepunishment.Notehowhis    request,whichcontainsanapparentallusiontoPs.22:17, H   implicitlyappealedtoanAuthorityabovehisowner's: `  8  InthenameofGodwhyisit,thatIcan'tafter   workinghardalltheweek,haveameetingonSaturday h  evening?Iamsentfortoreceivefivehundredlashes 0  fortryingtoserveGod.I'llsufferthefleshtobe H  draggedoffmybones,untilmybonesstaremyenemyin  theface,forthesakeofmyblessedRedeemer.   Slaveholdersopposedunsupervisedmeetings,heldatsuspicious h hours,watchedbynowhites,becausetheirslavesmightbe 0 castigatingthembehindtheirbacks--orplanningsomethingworse.  Atleast,theythought,theirslavesshouldberestingforwork p thenextdayifthemeetingwasotherwiseinnocuous.Evenat 8 meetingswhichslaveholdersallowed,patrollers(orotherwhite P observers,suchasthemasteroroverseer)stoodpresent.  Indeed,throughouttheSouththatwaslegallyrequired.Mrs.  ColmanFreemanwasbornfree,butwitnessedpatrollerswhipping X slaveswhoattendedsuchmeetingswithoutpasseswhentheydid  p notescapefirstbyrunningintoanearbyriver!"Uncle"Bobof 8 SouthCarolinahadamasterwhobrokeupmeetingsbyusinghis   whip.Theslaves'solution?Theywenttoaoutlyingcabin, x! turnedupsidedownawashingkettleproppedupoffthefloorby @" boards,andusedittomufflethesoundofsingingandprayingas  X# theygatheredaroundit!   228      ׀Clearly,themasterclasshadlittle  $ interestingivingtheirbondsmenthefreedomtomeetfor !% services,especiallyfromthosetheyortheirrepresentatives `"& wereabsent. (#x'   Butslaveholdersrestrictedotherreligiousactivitiesby $ ) theirslavesbesidesmeetings.Inanexchangereminiscentof  Peter'swiththeSanhedrin(Acts4:19),oneslavenamedAdam x repliedtotheoverseerthreateninghimwithahundredlashes @ whenhewasabouttobebaptized:"Ihavebuttwomastersto X serve,myearthlyandmyheavenlymaster,andIcanmindnobody   else."TheChristiandoctrinethatobedienceisowedtoGod  aboveallearthlypowers'contrarycommandsheredefinitelybears `  fruit!Kembleknewherhusbandsoverseerwhippedonemanfor ( x allowinghiswifetobebaptized.Illustratinghowmuchthe  @ slaveholdersdeniedtheirownProtestantheritagewhenattacking    theirslaves'righttoread,Jacobsnoted:"Therearethousands,    who,likegooduncleFred[shewasillegallyteachinghimhowto H   read],arethirstingforthewateroflife;butthelawforbids `  it,andthechurcheswithholdit.TheysendtheBibletoheathen (  abroad,andneglecttheheathenathome."   229      ׀Foraftertheslaves   receivedknowledgeofChristianity,whattheydecidedtodowith h  itscontentinevitablydidnotalwayspleasetheirowners,who 0  frequentlyendeduprestrictinghowtheirhumanchattels H  expressedtheirnewfoundfaith.  @ TheSlavesTrytoUnbendaBentChristianity P   AlthoughtheslaveholdersupheldChristianityatleast 0 nominally,theyknewthefullfreeexerciseofreligionbytheir  bondsmencouldthreatentheirmaterialinterests.Theywanted p thebenefitsofteachingtheslavestoobeybyusingtheir 8 religionstenets,butwithoutthedrawbacks.Unfortunatelyfor P theirpropagandapurposes,sinceChristianitywasa"package  deal,"theycouldnotgopickingandchoosingwhichdoctrines  theywishedtheslavestohearwhenthelatterhadstrongmotives X toseekthosebeingwithheld.MaryReynoldsofLouisiananever  p wenttochurchwhenshewasaslave.Prayermeetingshadtobe 8 quietlyconductedbecauseherownersblackdriverthreatenedhis   fellowslaveswithwhippingswhenheheardthem.Evenundersuch x! restrictions,shestillheardtheChristiandoctrinethatall @" peopleareequalinGod'ssight,albeitinasomewhatmangled  X# form:"Butsometheoldniggerstelluswegotto[still]pray  $ toGod[so]thatHedon'tthinkdifferentoftheblacksandthe !% whites."Somewhitesreallydidtrytodenythistruth,by `"& sayingtheslaveswerenotevenhuman!Onewhitepreachedthis (#x' totheslaves,asfreedwomanJennyProctorofAlabamaremembered: #@( 8  NowItakesmytext,whichis,Niggerobeyyourmaster H&!+ andyourmistress,'causewhatyougitfromthemhere '`", inthisworldamallyouevergoingtogit,'causeyou '(#- justlikethehogsandtheotheranimals--whenyoudies (#. youain'tnomore,afteryoubeenthrowedinthathole.h)$/   ЇAttemptstoshieldtheslavesfromtheimplicationsof  objectionabledoctrinesbyteachingthemabastardized x Christianitywereinevitablydoomedtofailure.Oncethegenie @ isoutofthebottle,stuffinghimbackinisimpossible.   230      ׀The X slavescoulduseChristianteachingstheirmastersdisliked   hearing,suchasbydemandingrecognitionthattheywerebrothers  inChrist(i.e.,fellowhumanbeings).Themasterclasss `  attemptsatreligiouscensorshipinevitablypartiallyfailed, ( x underminedbyliterateslaves,idealisticwhites,etc.When  @ mastersandmistressesrevealedthataHigherAuthoritystood    abovetheirown,theymadearighteousdefianceavailabletothe    bondsmenwhichwasbasedupontheveryreligionthattheirowners H   taughtthem,somethingwhichhadpotentiallydangerous `  repercussions. (    Despitethehazards,mostmastersandmistressespressed h  forwardwiththeprojectofevangelizingtheirslaves,especially 0  inthegenerationortwobeforetheCivilWar(180060).They H  oftenconsentedtohavingtheirslavesjointhematservices,  whichdemonstratesonceagainwhitesacceptedacertaindegreeof  integrationunderslavery,solongastheykepttheblacksin P uttersubjection.Thisprinciplewasperfectlyillustratedby h theslavesreceivingcommunionlast,afterthewhiteshad,atan 0 integratedservice.FreedwomanNiceyKinneyofGeorgiasawher  masterandmistressas"surebeliev[ing]inthechurchandin p livingforGod."Theyalltogetherroutinelyattendedon 8 differentweeksthreedifferentchurches.MistressSallieChaney P madesureherslavesdidnoworkonSunday,andthattheywentto  churchservices,whichwereheldonherArkansasplantation.  BennetBarrowthoughtaplanterneighborofhis"verryfoolishin X relationtoreligionamonghisnegroes,"evidentlybecausehewas  p alwaystryingtoconvertthemandsoforth.TheBryansof 8 colonialSouthCarolinaweretotallydeterminedtopreachtoand   teachtotheirslavesandthoseonneighboringplantationsin x! largeemotionalmeetings.Asaresult,acommitteeofthe @" coloniallegislaturecondemnedtheBryansactivitiesandagrand  X# juryindictedthem.JonathanBryanevenwantedtobuilda"negro  $ school"!OlmstednotedthatBishopPolkofLouisianaworked !% strenuouslynotjusttoconvertall400ofhisslaves,buthe `"& performedtheirmarriagesandbaptismsbythestandardrites.    231      ׀ (#x' Atleastsomemastersandmistressessawconvertingtheirslaves #@( toChristianityasareligiousduty,withoutalwayshavingthe $ ) ulteriorinstrumentalpurposeofusingtheirfaithasanideology  thattaughtobedience,sincetheywentbeyondthebareminimums x required. @ @  SlavePreachers:TheirRoleandPower     Thewhiteelitesalwayseyedsuspiciouslytheslave `  preachers,whomadeupforagenerallackofeducationthrough ( x lungpowerandsheeremotionalismwhenconductingmeetings.They  @ hadaboutthehighestpositionaslaveintheeyesoffellow    slavescouldattainwithoutgainingitbasedonhismaster's    propertyorauthority.   232      ׀Mastershadgoodreasonsfortheir H   mistrust.Thepreacherscouldstartanoutrightrevolt,likeNat `  Turner.Failingtodosomethingthatdeadlyandspectacular, (  theymightserveaspublicquestionersoftheslaveholder   regime.   233      ׀Theycouldrevealandexpounddoctrinesof h  Christianitythemasterswouldprefertobeswepttosomecorner 0  orundertherug.Theycouldbecomeanalternativesourceof H  powerontheplantation,liketheconjurersintheirownsphere,  becauseGodwasseenasauthorizingtheirrole.Becauseofthe  Protestantteachingofthepriesthoodofallbelievers,which P allowedevenpoor,illiteratewhitestopreach,slaveholdersknew h thattotallyeliminatingtheslavepreacherswasnotarealistic 0 possibilitygrantedthereligiousmilieutheymovedin.The  generalpolicybecamemoreoneofregulationthanelimination, p althoughtheirownerscouldcensorthemorsellthemoff.Barrow 8 ruedthedayhelethisslavespreach,writinghewouldoptfor P simpleelimination:"Gavenegrospermissiontopreachshall  neverdoitagaintoomuchrascallitycarriedon."@   234      ׀Despite  policieslikeBarrow's,slavepreachersoftenledemotional X services,fullofsinging,moving,andshoutinginacalland  p responsepattern.Sincetheywerenormallyundersuspicion 8 and/ordirectwhitesupervision,exceptingillicitnight   gatherings,theyfrequentlyhadtopreach"authorized"sermons x! aboutobeyingtheirmastersandstealingnoneoftheirproperty, @" oratleastneutralonesnotobviouslysusceptibleto  X# interpretationsthatreadilyunderminedtheslaveholders'regime  $ ideologically.Someapparentlyeven soldoutcompletelyfor !% materialbenefitsandrespectfromthewhiteauthorities,as `"&  Blassingamemaintains,ortheyevenhonestlybelievedslaveshad (#x' toobeytheirowners.   235      ׀Still,despitethecompromisesthey   oftenhadtoengagein,theslavepreachers,asagroup,werethe x mostthreateningamongtheslavestotheplanterandmaster @ class'sprojectofachievinghegemonyovertheirhumanchattels, X followedbytheconjurers.     AlthoughAmericanslavesgenerallyfailedtodevelopa `  religiousmillennialisttraditionlikesubjugatedpeoples ( x elsewhere,AfricanAmericanslavereligioncouldstill,under  @ unusualcircumstances,subvertworkdisciplineonthe    plantations.Forexample,theproclamationsofthewhitesown    millennialistmovementspilledover,affectingtheslaves'own H   beliefs.WilliamMiller,aBaptistlaymanturnedpreacher, `  predictedtheworldwouldendin1843,lateremendingthat (  prophecyto1844,baseduponhisinterpretationofDaniel7:25's   "2,300eveningsandmornings."BennetBarrow,nevermuchofa h  churchgoer,complainedthatonefourthofthewhitepopulation 0  "areruncrazyonthesubjectofMillerprophosey,thattheworld H  wouldcometoanEndsometimethisyear."Butforhim,thereal  problemsbeganwhenMillerspredictionsbegantoterrifyhis  slaves.Henoted,inhisdiaryentryforApril11,1843: P "Negrosaremuchfrighed[frightened]thethoughtsoftheworld h comingtoanendanyday."Somekindoftrouble,althoughit 0 remainsunspecified,musthaveinspiredhimtolatersermonize  againstsuchabelief:"GavemynegrosaLecture'today'upon p thefollyoftheirbeliefthattheworldwouldEndtoday,& 8 theirsuperstitiousbeliefinDreams&c."Astheprophesied P JudgmentDaypassedwithouthappenstance,theslavesevidently  fellbackintotheirnormalroutines.Amoredramaticshowdown  eruptedonKemble'shusband'sriceislandestateyearsearlier, X whenablackprophetessnamedSindapredictedasoontocome  p JudgmentDay.Herfellowslavesbecamesofrightenedthatthey 8 stoppedallworkinavirtualstrike.Theoverseerfoundno   combinationofargument,criticisms,orflogginggotthemtowork x! beforethepredicteddaywouldcome.Hepatientlywaiteditout, @" warningherbeforetherestthatshewouldbe"severelypunished"  X# ifherpredictionwasfalse.  $ 8  Herdayofjudgmentcameindeed,andasevereoneit `"& proved,forMr.K----[theoverseer]hadher (#x' tremendouslyflogged...thespiritoffalseprophecy #@( wasmercilesslyscourgedoutofher,andthefaithof $ ) herpeopleofcourserevertedfromhertothe % * omnipotentlashagain.X   236      H&!+   Theunanimouspassiverebellionheremadethisaremarkable '(#- incident,foritbrieflyplacedthelonewhiteoverseerina  nearlyhelplesssituationwhileavoidingtheterrible killorbe x killedviolencethatnormallycharacterizedslaverevolts.But @ sincetheslavesweretold,"Standbyandseethesalvationof X theLord"(Ex.14:13),theypassivelyawaitedtheoutcomeofa   falseprophecy.Theyjustfellbackintotheiroldwaysof  relatingtothewhiteoverseerwhenitallcametonought.Since `  their"strike"reliedondirectsupernaturaldeliverance,unlike ( x millennialistmovementswhereadynamicprophetincitesthe  @ massesintotakingthingsintotheirownhands,whentheexpected    prophesiedeventdidnottakeplace,theyhadnopractical    alternativebuttoreturntotheiroldpatternsofsubmissionto H   whiteauthority,sincetheywerenotfollowingFranklin'snot `  alwaysBiblicaldictumthattheLordhelpsthosewhohelp (  themselves.   @DidSlaveholdersAchieveReligiousandIdeologicalHegemonyOver 0  TheirSlaves? H    Weretheslaveholdersandplanterssuccessfulin  establishinganideologicalhegemonyovertheslavesthrough P religiousteaching?Thisquestionwillhavetoreturnedtobelow h inordertoanalyzeitmorethanispossiblehere.NowGenovese 0 makeshegemonythecornerstoneofhistoricalinterpretationin  Roll,Jordan,Roll.HeborrowedthisframeworkfromGramsci,who p developedittoexplainwhytheworkersinadvanced 8 industrializedcountrieshadfailedtooverthrowtheircapitalist P elitesdespitetheabsenceofcontinuousandmassivecoercion.  Genovesefitsreligion'sroleincreatinghegemonyintohis  overallframeworkofpaternalism,whichcreatedasystemof X reciprocalobligationsbetweenthemastersandtheenslaved,  p allowingthelattersometimestoreproachandrestrictthe 8 formersactionsbyassertingtheyhad(customary)rightsin   returnforan(outward)acceptanceoftheirenslavedcondition. x! Theyfocusedonimprovingtheirconditionsfrom"withinthe @" system"ratherthanbyunrealisticallyseekingliberationfrom  X# it.Inreligiousmatters,itisnecessarytoaccountforwhy  $ AfricanAmericanslavesmostlylackedaviolent,millennialfaith !% thatsoughttorevoltandturntheworldupsidedowncomparedto `"& (say)CaribbeanslavesinfluencedbyVoodoo.Thebloodyrevolt (#x' inVirginialedbyNatTurner,aliterateslavepreacher,merely #@( risesupasthegreatexceptiontotheAmericanexperience. $ ) Genoveseattributesthedifferencetothenonmillennialfaithof % * blackpreachersandtheircongregations.Thishappenedforfour H&!+ basicreasons.First,theyacceptedthepracticalrealitiesof '`", beingoutnumbered,outgunned,andoutorganizedbythewhites '(#- andtheirgovernmental/socialorder.Second,becauseAfrican (#. religionhadastrongthisworldemphasisthatdeniedanultimate h)$/ endtimeultimateconsumation,theslavestendedtoinfusesucha 0*%0 sensibilityintotheirformofChristianity.Third,the *H&1 preacherspointedtoGodHimselfasthedelivererthroughsomeone +'2 HewouldcalllikeMosesratherthanacharismaticpolitical ,'3 blackpreacherprophetamongthemselves.Lincoln,i.e.,the  leaderofthe(Northern)whiteestablishmentpolitically, x ultimatelyfilledthisrolewhenliberationfinallycame. @ Fourth,millennialmovementsdevelopedincasesinwhichthe X underclassandsuperiorsbothhadafullydevelopedcivilization   andculture.Butanequalityofculturalintegrityandheritage  didnotexistintheSouthbetweenwhitesandblacks.Illiterate `  AfricanAmericanslaves,throughthebrutalshockofbeingtorn ( x fromtheirhomeland,dumpedintoasubordinateconditionunder  @ theruleofamajorityalienEuropeanculture,cutofffrom    substantialcontinuingcontactwiththeiroldculture,joinedby    amixtureoffellowslavesdescendedfromdifferenttribeswho H   spokedifferentlanguages(assumingthesehadnotbeenalready `  forgottenbythosebornintoslavery),hadtoacceptsubstantial (  assimilationtothedominantcultureeventobeableto   communicateandworkwithoneanother,letalonetheirwhite h  owners.   237      ׀Importantly,inabrilliantbutoverreachingcounter 0  attack,JamesAndersontakesGenovesetotaskformaintainingthe H  slaveshadbasicallyacceptedideologicallytheirconditionof  slavery,aspartofhisonslaughtagainsttheviewthe  slaveholdershadsuccessfullyestablishedhegemonyovertheir P bondsmen.AndersonobservesthatGenovesediscountsalternative h sourcesofauthorityfortheslaves,suchastheconjurorsor 0 skilledartisansamongthem.Resistancetohegemonyiscomposed  onlyofaformalcounterideology,"organizedeffort,and p politicalingenuity.Summarizinghisopponentsviews,Anderson 8 writes: Resistancerestsuponsoundandconsciousmental P activity;inotherwords,itispoliticalbrilliance."X   238      ׀Buta  subordinateclassneednothaveahighlydevelopedcounter  ideologyinordertorejectthesuperordinateclasssideology. X Genovese,accordingtoAnderson,failstodocumentthatmost  p slavesreallyacceptedtheevilsocialsystemintowhichthey 8 wereborn.RunningawaytotheNorthstillmanifestedblack   oppositiontoslavery;large,collective,armedrevoltsneednot x! eruptroutinelytoprovetheslavesrejectedslaveryasagood @" wayoflife.Anderson'spolemicclearlycallsintoquestionhow  X# successfullytheslaveholdersachievedhegemonyovertheslaves  $ throughapaternalisticethos. !%   Howcantheconflictabouttherealityofhegemonyoverthe (#x' slaves,religiousandotherwise,bedisentangled?Thisdispute #@( dependsonhowsomeonedefines"resistance"andwhere--what $ ) socialsites--thatresistanceappeared.Iftheonly resistance % * thatcountsiscomposedoflarge,organizedcampaignsformed H&!+ aroundacoherentcounterideology,thenAmericanslaves '`", obviouslyneverachievedthislevelofpoliticalactivity.But '(#- successfulhegemonicincorporationbecomeshardtoproveafterit  isrealizedthatresistanceoccursindifferentwaysatdifferent x socialsites.Subordinatescanactonewaybeforethedominant @ class,andanotheramongthemselvesalone,alternativelyputting X onanddroppingoffamaskthatconcealstheirtruebeliefs.   JamesScottusestheterms"onstage"torefertosocial  situationsinwhichthedominantclassorgroupinteractswith `  theirsubordinates.Bycontrast,whenbothare"offstage,"and ( x thedominantandthesubordinateclassespartcompany,eachside  @ canspeakmorefreelyabouttheotherthanwhentogether,    especiallythelatter.Therecordofwritings,conversations,    speeches,etc.,producedwhenbothinteractedtogetheristhe H   "publictranscript;whateachgroupproducedwhenoutofthe `  otherspresenceisits hiddentranscript.Genovese'sconcept (  ofhegemonysuffersalimitedunderstandingofthepublic   transcriptslimitationsforprovingwhattheslavesreally h  believed:Whattheslavessaidmaynotbewhattheyreallydid 0  believe,sincetheelitelargelycontrolsthepublictranscript. H  Therulingclassscoercivepower,realorimagined,intimidates  thesubordinatesclassswillingnesstospeakout,thus  constantlymuddyingtheaccuracyofthepublictranscripts P recordofthelattersrealbeliefs.Theslavescouldhaveused h theideologyofpaternalism,andevensomeofthereligious 0 doctrinesofChristianity,torestraintheirownersactionsas  instrumentallyassomemastersusedChristianitytoteachtheir p slavestoobeythem.Butwhenoffbythemselves,atasocial 8 siteoftheirownchoosing,suchasalatenightchurchservice P inthewoods,theirslavepreachersmayhavepreachedofaday  whenallblackswouldbefree.Maybetheyevenproclaimeda  classicmillennialupsidedownworldwherethebondsmenwerethe X rulersandthemasterstheslaves.(Ofcourse,thebeliefs  p expressedatillicitactivitiesarealmostunknown,because 8 littledocumentationaboutthemexists,whichistheusualnature   ofthehiddentranscript).   239      ׀Ifthereweresuchsocialsites, x! likeaplantationsquartersatnight,largelyorcompletely @" beyondtheabilityoftheslaveholderstodestroyorwatch,then  X# theslavesmayhavedevelopedacrudecounterideologythatwould  $ sustaintheirspiritstoresisttheirownerscontinuous !% oppression.Whilealackofdocumentationmakesthehidden `"& transcriptmostlyirretrievable,especiallyforamostly (#x' illiterategroupasutterlysubjugatedastheslaves,occasional #@( peeksatitarepossible,suchasthroughtheslavenarrative $ ) collection.Thehiddentranscriptalsoincreasinglyslipsinto  thepublictranscriptasthechaosoftheCivilWar'slasttwo x yearstotallyunderminestheentiresocialsystemofslaveryin @ theSouth,andtheleveloffearslaveshaveaboutspeakingout X plummets.Scott'sconceptionofahiddentranscriptgeneratedby   asubordinategroupoffstagelikelyinflictsamortalwoundon  Genovese'stheoryofhegemonygenerally,includingits `  implicationsfortheslavesreligiousbeliefsspecifically.   240       ( x   Thereligionoftheslaves--largelyamixtureofverybasic    ChristiandoctrineandsomeAfricanpracticesandrituals--served    anumberofvaluablepurposestothebondsmen.Itofferedthem H   hopeforthefutureafterlifeandhelpedcomfortthemduringthe `  trialsofthepresentlife,becausetheirfaithtoldthemthe (  oppressionthattheysufferedunderwouldnotlastforever.By   providingthemwithsocialgatherings,which(allegedly)served h  transcendentpurposes,ithelpedweldlocalslavecommunities 0  together.Itprovidedanoffstagesocialsite(atleastwhen H  illicitlyused)wherethetrialsofbeingaslavewereopenly  discussedwithotherssufferingthesamecondition.Itbestowed  onthemanindependentsourceofauthorityabovethemasters P thattheycouldappealto--theChristianGods--andalsofromthe h slavepreachers,whotheysawasHisrepresentativesonearth. 0 Despitemastersandmistressesselectivelytaughtslavesa  religionsupposedlyshornofsubversivetendencies,itstill p handedthemanotherideologicalresourcetocriticizetheir 8 ownersfailures.Italsoencouragedthemtopracticewhatthey P supposedlybelievedmorally.Althoughtheslavesnormallycould  notcountonthem,thereweresomelimitstoslaveholder  hypocrisy.Christianteachingsometimescouldrestrain X slaveholders,suchaswhenonewhitemanrebukedaslaveownerwho  p hadbeatenhisslave(tiedtoatree)withacato'ninetails 8 foralongtime:   8  OldDeaconSearsstanditaslongashecanandthenhe @" stepupandgrabOldMaster'sarmandsay,"Timeto  stop,Brother!I'mspeakinginthenameofJesus!" x OldMasterquitthen,buthestillpowerfulmad.   241      @   Inthiscase,inwhichonewhiterestrainedanother,theslave   receivedonlysomecomfort.Butinotherinstancestheslaves  receivedmuchmore,suchasthoseofEliJohnsonandAdam,in `  whichtheslavesthemselvesmadeimplicitappealstoaHigher ( x Powerabovetheirmastersand/oroverseers,andtheirsuperiors  @ respondedtotheirpleas.Becauseslaveownerssharplyreducedor    eliminatedtheslavesoutletsforpersonalexpressionthatwere    normallyavailabletofreepeople,suchasinbusinessandsocial H   clubs,theslavespouredadditionalpassionintotheirreligion. `  Thiswasoneofthefewvenueswherethebondsmenhadadegreeof (  culturalandsocialautonomywhichmanymasters(atleastbythe   midnineteenthcentury)willinglytolerated,orevenactively h  promoted.Inthefieldofreligion,fromboththeconjurerswith 0  theirAfricanderivedbeliefsandtheslavepreacherswiththeir H  syncretisticfaith,theslavesreceivedasourceofauthority  besidesthatoftheslaveholders,whichwasadevelopmentthat  helpedthemmentally,emotionally,evenspiritually,tosurvive P theoppressionofbondage. h @$ $ EnglishAgriculturalWorkersandChristianity    Whilereligionplayedacentralroleinthesociallivesof 8 theslaves(whentheirmasterspermittedit),itmatteredlessto P theEnglishfarmworkers.Theslavesoftenwerelargely  prohibitedfromanyotherorganizedgroupactivitiesbesides  churchservicesonaregularbasis,outsideoftheholiday X relatedpartiesmastersmightholdduringtheChristmasseasonin  p lateDecember.Theypouredtheirpassionintowhatwaspermitted 8 them,aboveandbeyondtheAfricanismsexpressedinhighly   emotionalchurchservices.Incontrast,thefarmworkershad x! othersocialoutlets,suchasbenefitclubs,friendlysocieties, @" eventhepub,whichdecreasedtheemphasisplacedonchurch  X# serviceswhentheylackedastrongreligiousmotivation.Since  $ theywerenotasoppressedastheslavesbythelegalsystem, !% theycouldengageinmoreactivitieslargelyorcompletely `"& organizedbythemselves,including(afterParliamentrepealedthe (#x' CombinationActs)evenunionsforsomeinthe1860sand1870s. #@( @TTReasonsfortheEstablishedChurch'sUnpopularitywiththe % * Laborers H&!+   Whymanyfarmworkerslackedfaith(asexpressedbychurch '(#- attendance)inorganizedreligioncanalsobeexplained (#. politically.TheAnglicanchurchanditsparsonspersonifiedthe h)$/ establishmentinEngland,anditsinterestsinkeepingthe 0*%0 laborersinline.TheyincreasinglysawtheEstablishedChurch  asatoolofthegentryandfarmersforcontrollingthem.The x messageofobediencetothesecularauthoritiesasthepowers @ thatbewhichareordainedofGodonceagainresonates,though X perhapslessoftenthaninAmericanslavestates.   242      ׀JohnWesley,   althoughthefounderofMethodism,himselfdiedagoodAnglican.  UpholdingToryisminpolitics,herepeatedlytaughtthis `  doctrine.    243      ׀Emphasizingthenextlifeasthecureforthe ( x presentlifesmaterialinequalitiesappearsinEnglish  @ preaching,asdoestheimplicitlysubversiveteachingthatall    personsareequalinGod'ssight.   244      ׀Thefarmersthemselves    resentedtheburdensofthetithingsystemthatsupportedthe H   church.Thenthelaborers,fairlyornot,sawthetithesasyet `  anotherreasonfortheirlowwages.   245      ׀Thefarmersfrequently (  usedtheburdenoftithepayingtojustifycuttingornotraising   wages,thushelpingmobilizethelaborersresentmenttoserve h  theirownagendaonoccasion,suchasinsomeareasduringthe 0  Swingriots.    246      ׀Thecharitywhichtheparsonsandtheirwives H  dispensedcamenotfreely,butatthecostofthelaborers  havingtoobeyclericaldemands.Sinceinmanyparishes  pluralistsheldthelivings,anotherproblemarose.Supposedly P attendingtomorethanoneparish,theyoftendidntappearin h "their"parishesformonthsoryearsonend.Soiftheydidnot 0 careenoughtoliveinagivenlaborersparish,whyshouldheor  shecareaboutgoingtochurchtolistentosomeillpaidcurate p preach?H    247      ׀ParsonsandotherEstablishmentchurchmengavesermons 8 sometimesasloadedaswhitepreachersgavetoslavesconcerning P thelaborersGodordainedneedtoobeythesecularauthorities  overthem.Havingrecalledsceneswhereatleast500"boysand  men"wouldhaveleftsimilarchurchesinthepast,Cobbett  commentedonwhyhesawveryfewlaborersleaveachurchat x Goudhurst: @ Ѐ8  HereIhaveanothertoaddtothemanythingsthat   convincedmethatthelabouringclasseshave,ingreat  part,ceasedtogotochurch;thattheirwayto `  thinkingandfeelingwithregardtobothchurchand ( x clergyaretotallychanged;andthatthereisnowvery  @ littlemoralholdwhichthelatterpossess.   248      ׀     Hence,inmanyareaswherethefarmworkersespeciallyresented H   theestablishment(thepoweraxisofgentry/farmers/parsons), `  DissentandNonconformitygainedpopularity,thusfilling (  MethodistchapelswhileemptyingAnglicanchurches.     TheChurchsunpopularitywithmanylaborershadmany 0  identifiableroots.Onesourcewassimplytheunequaltreatment H  theyreceivedatchurchserviceswiththewelloff,whowere  supposedlytheirequalsbeforeGodandbrothersinChrist.  Cobbett--unrealisticallyextolledthegloriesofmakingeveryone P inthemedievalpaststandorkneelfortheentirechurchservice h becausethen:"Therewasnodistinction;nohighplaceandno 0 lowplace;allwereuponalevelbeforeGodatanyrate."He  notedthefavoritismshowntotherichatchurchbyhowandwhere p theysat:"Somewerenotstuckintopewslinedwithgreenorred 8 cloth,whileotherswerecrammedintocornerstostanderect,or P sitonthefloor."Inthesesituations,thelaborerswere  necessarilytreatedwithcontemptbytheirallegedbetters  throughsocialdiscriminationinanalleged"houseofGod."Arch X mentionedsimilarlythat,atthelocalAnglicanservicesin  p Barford,Warwickshire,thelaborersandothersinpovertyhad 8 "lowlyplaces"wheretheyhadto"sitmeeklyandneverdareto   minglewiththeirbettersinthesocialscale."Curtainswereput x! uptoshieldthewealthierfolksfromthegazeofHodgenearby. @" Theparson'swifethrewherweightaroundbyorderingthe  X# laborersandtheirwivesonedaytositonoppositesidesofthe  $ aisle.Worstofall,asameresevenyearoldeyeingthrougha !% keyholewhathappenedwhenhisfathertookcommunion,Arch `"& noticedthesquiretookitfirst,followedbythefarmers,the (#x' tradesmenandartisans,andlastandleastinthelocalsocial #@( hierarchy,thelaborers: $ ) 8  Then,theverylastofall,wentthepooragricultural H&!+ labourersintheirsmockfrocks.Theywalkedupby '`", themselves;nobodyelsekneltwiththem;itwasifthey '(#- wereunclean...Iwantedtoknow[askinghis (#. mother]whymyfatherwasnotasgoodintheeyesof h)$/ Godasthesquire,andwhythepoorshouldbeforcedto 0*%0 comeuplastofalltothetableoftheLord.   249         Similarly,Americanslavesreceivedcommunionlastinmixed @ congregations.Atservicesconductedlikethis,James2:14was X anunlikelytextfortheday!   @HowtheLocalEliteCanUseCharitytoControlthePoor `    Atleastwhentheywerenotabsenteepluralists,thelocal  @ clergysometimesprovidedaidtolocallaborers.Therectorof    St.Giles,Wiltshire,attheseatofLordShaftsbury,gained    greatpraisefromhisextensivecharitableworks.Buthisgood H   deeds,asSomervilleobserved,wroughtsomebadresults:the `  lossofhabitsofindependenceandtheinclinationofcharitys (  recipientstofeelthattheymusthaveitand"werenot   previouslyaswellprovidedforastheyshouldbe."Inshort, h  evennongovernmenthandoutsstilltendtobreeddependencyand 0  discontent.Archmentionedthathislocalparsonandhiswife H  servedupsoupandgaveoutcoalstolocallaborers.Their  charitableactswerelittletotheircredit,however,because  theyusedthemtocontrolthelaborersreceivingthem.By P threateningtowithdrawthesegiftsforanylaborersortheir h wiveswhodisrespectedordisobeyedthem,theyroutinelyreceived 0 actsofobeisancefromtheotherwisereluctantlycompliant.For  example,thelaborers'wivesatchurchhadtocurtseytothe p parson'swife.Inoneinstance,whenshesuddenlyorderedthe 8 hairofallthegirlstudentsinherparish"cutroundlikea P basin,morelikeprisongirlsthananythingelse,"Arch'smother  battledthisdecreeandwon,butatacertaincost:"Fromthat  timemyparentsneverreceivedafarthing'sworthofcharityin X thewayofsoup,coals,orthelike,whichweregivenregularly,  p andasamatterofcourse,fromtherectorytonearlyeverypoor 8 personinthevillage."Asanadult,Archsuccessfullyfoughta   similarcrusadeforhisnineyearolddaughter.Shewishedto x! wearahairnetdecoratedwithsomewhitebeadstoschool,which @" theparson'swifetriedtostopbecause:"Wedon'tallowpoor  X# people'schildrentowearhairnetswithbeads."Obliquely  $ extractingactsofdeferencebythreateningtowithdrawcharity !% paledbycomparisonwiththeparsons(andfarmers)direct `"& threatstocutoffaidfromthosedaringtoattendwithsome (#x' Dissenterswhopreachedinalocalbacklane'soldbarn.Having #@( alreadylostallaccesstohandouts,Arch'smotherwithout $ ) hesitationattendedthere--butthethreatsmayhavekeptother % * laborersfromdoinglikewise.X   250      ׀Theseincidentsillustratehow H&!+ charitycanbeatoolofsocialcontrolwieldedbytheelite '`", againstthepoor.Althoughapotentialdonordoesnotuse '(#- physicalforcebydenyingsomeoneahandout,thosedirectly  owningthemeansofproductionproduceapowerfulincentivefor x obediencebythreateningtowithdrawaidfromthoselargelyor @ completelywithoutproductiveprivateproperty.Thesubordinate X classthenmayhavelittlechoice(besidesmigration)exceptto   complywiththestringsattachedtosuchcostly"gifts."Bythese  machinationswithcharity,theChurchgainedthebodiesofsome `  peopleatweeklyservicesbutoftenlosttheirhearts. ( x     ThetithesweretheleadingreasonfortheChurchs    unpopularityamongthefarmerandlaboreralike.Twotypesof    tithesexistedgenerally,thegreatorrectorialtithe,andthe H   smallorvicarialtithe.Thefirstentitleditsowner(forit `  couldbeandwassoldtononclergymen)toonetenthofthe (  produceofthesoilandforests,suchasonetenthofthewheat   orhaygrownintheparish.Thesecondwasgivenonlytothe h  highestresidentclergyman,whichmaybetherector,thevicar, 0  etc.Stronglysympathizingwiththerioters,ananonymous H  pamphletpublishedduringtheSwingriotsdescribedhowthe  tithesreduced"Swing"fromasmallfarmertoalaborerwhose  servicestheparishauctionedofftoanotherfarmeratthree P shillingsaweek. Swingrepliedtotheequallyfictional h parsonwhocametocollectonetenthofhiscropwhenhewas 0 reallyentitledtotwothirdslessbecauseoftwopriorfallow  years:"Whysurely...yourreverencewillnotrobmypoor p littlechildren,bytakingtwotenthsmorethanyouhavearight 8 to?"Thepamphletmaybefictional,buttheresentmentexpressed P wasreal,andcapturedtheflavorofmuchpopularopinioninthe  countryside.Theseviewsweresharedbythesemiliterate  laborerwhowrotetotheRectorofFreshwater(IsleofWight) X aftersomesmallactofarsonhadbeencommittedagainsthim:  p "Forthelast20yearweehavebeeninaStarvingConditionto 8 maintainyourD[---]Pride...AsforyoumyOuldfrendyou   didenthapentobehear,ifthatyouhadbeenrostedIfear,and x! ifithadabeensohowthefarmerswouldlaghtoseetheould @" Pasen[Parson]rostedatlast."   251      ׀ClearlytheChurch,by  X# latchingontothestate'spowertogainitmammon,lostitself  $ manyheartsandmindsbecauseitforcedpeopletosupporta !% particularorganizedreligionthatpersonifiedthelocal `"& establishment.HadtheChurchadoptedtheearlynineteenth (#x' centuryAmericanmodelofvolunteerism,underwhichpeopleonly #@( supportandattend"thechurchoftheirchoice,"itwouldhave $ ) helditsparishionersmuchbetterthanitdid. % * Ї@TheLaborersTurntoNonconformityandItsMixedResults    LikeotheroccupationalgroupsinEngland,asthelaborers' @ supportfortheChurchwaned,thatforMethodismandother X Nonconformistgroupswaxed.Dependingonwhatitsexaminers   emphasize,Methodism'seffectsonthelaborers'(andother  workers')willingnessandabilitytoresisttheirsuperiors `  resultsinratherwildlydisparateinterpretationsinthe ( x historiography.Undeniably,apeculiarcorrelationexisted  @ betweenannualpeaksinradicalactivity(and/oritsaftermath)    andMethodistconversionsinareasnotedforworkingclass    unrest.   252      ׀Ontheonehand,E.P.Thompsonseesthismovementas H   producingcatharticeffectsonworkingclassemotionsbydraining `  awayenergy,money,andtimefromtheradicalreformersinthe (  earlynineteenthcentury.Byemphasizingdisciplineatwork,   suchasthroughpunctualityandsteadyattendance,Methodismhas h  beencalledatooloffactoryownersthatservedtheir 0  requirementsforworkdisciplineoverandaboveitsgeneral H  messagethatadvocatedsubmissiontothestate.   253      ׀Ontheother  hand,byteachingitsmemberspracticalwaystoorganize  themselves(suchasthroughthehandlingofmoney)intolarger, P moreorderlygroupsandgivingthem(sometimes)managingandeven h preachingrolesinthelocalchapels,Methodismhelpedlaysome 0 ofthefoundationforunionizationoftheworkforce.Inthe  EstablishedChurch,thelaborerscamejusttolisten;inthe p Chapels,theycametoparticipate.Theyhadarealhandin 8 administration,intryingtoconvertothers,arguingdoctrine, P etc.@   254      ׀JosephArchpersonifieseffectslikethese.Hewasa  Nonconformistandevenanoccasionallaypreacherbeforefounding  thefirstnationalfarmworkersunion.   255      ׀GeorgeLoveless,oneof X themartyrsintheinfamousTolpuddlecasewasnotonlya  p Methodist,buthada"smalltheologicallibrary."`    256      ׀Despite 8 Wesley'spersonalconservatismandthemainlineMethodist   ministrys,thesecasesshowthatChristianity'smessageofthe x! equalityofallpersonsinGod'ssightnaturallydidnotstay @" corkedup,insomeworkersandlaborers'minds,insomebottle  labeled"spiritualonly,"butitflowedoutastheyalsoapplied x ittotheaffairsofthisworld.Thenafewwhothoughtthisway @ turnedtheincidentaltraininginorganizationthatMethodism X gavetotheworkingclassbackagainsttheiremployers(including   thefarmers)throughunionsandfriendlysocieties(which  sometimesservedasfrontsforunions).   257       `  @Christianity:AnInstigatorofLaborers'Resistance?  @   JosephArchsownlifeprovidesexcellentexamplesofhow    Christianity'steachingscouldbeturnedagainsttheelite H   nominallyupholdingthem.Atameetinggatheringtogetherunion `  delegatesfromalloverEngland,whiletheysangastirringpro (  unionhymn,hethought:"JosephArch,youhavenotlivedin   vain,andofasuretytheLordGodofHostsiswithusthisday." h  InhisversionofChristianity,Godclearlysupportedhisefforts 0  tounionizethefarmworkers.Later,soundinglikeanOld H  Testamentprophet,inalongspeechgiventohisfellowlaborers,  hethundered:  8  Ihaveheardthat,invariouspartsofthecountry,the h farmershavethreatenedtopinchtheirlabourersthis 0 winter,andtoreducetheirwagestotenshillingsa  week....Willthatstopforeigncompetition?No! p andGodwillavengetheoppressor.Ibelievethatthe 8 successionofbadharvestsareavisitationofthe P Almightyuponthefarmersfortheirtreatmentoftheir  labourers,anduponaluxuriousanddissipated  aristocracy.IbelieveinaGodofProvidence,andas X sureasthesunrisesandsets,HewillavengeHimself  p ontheoppressor.Thefarmermustnotbetoo 8 confident.    HeemployedsimilarOldTestamentallusionswhenrecallinghow @" andwhereheledthefoundingoftheagriculturallaborers'union  X# in1872:  $ 8  IknowthatitwasthehandoftheLordofHostswhich `"& ledmethatday;thattheAlmightyMakerofheavenand (#x' earthraisedmeuptodothisparticularthing;thatin #@( thecounselofHiswisdomHesingledmeout,and... $ ) sentmeforthasamessengeroftheLordGodof % * Battles....Onlythroughwarfarecouldweattainto H&!+ freedomandpeaceandprosperity;onlythroughthe '`", stormandstressofbattlecouldwereachthehaven '(#- wherewewouldbe.Iwasbutahumbleinstrumentin (#.  theLord'shands,andnowmyworkisover,mywarfare h)$/ isaccomplished.   258          Plainlyinvokingareligioussanction,evencalling,forhiswork @ asaunionleader,hecondemnedhisenemiesintheelitewith X languagereminiscentofEzekielsorJeremiahs.Thebent   Christianitywhichtheeliteemphasized--whichtaughtobedience  tothestateanditssundryrepresentatives!Archupendshere. `  ThesubversivesideofChristianity--thepartemphasizingthe ( x richshouldnotoppressthepoor,andthatspiritualsalvationis  @ harderforthemthanforthepoor!Archwieldedagainstthe    farmersandaristocracy.Asageneralprocedure,thesubordinate    classcancondemntheelitebyusingthelattersownideology H   whenevertheyarehypocritesorfailtoliveuptothe `  paternalisticChristianmodeltheysupposedlyuphold.Theelite (  naturallyfindsithardertoparrythepoorspointswhencouched   intheelitesownideology.(Whetherornotthepoorreally h  believeintheelitesideology(i.e., falseconsciousness)is 0  anotherissue).Hence,Christianity,incertainhands,can H  becomeafountainheadofresistanceandactionratherthana  sourceofpassivityandresignationintheaffairsofthislife.  Beingapackagedeal,andadoubleedgedsword,Christianitys P upperclasspromulgatorscouldnotalwayscountonevangelization h producing usefulresults. 0 @((SimilaritiesinSouthernWhiteAmericanandEnglishLowerClass p Religion 8   ThelaborersenlistinginMethodismoranotherNonconformist  sectultimatelydesiredgreatermeaningoutoftheirlivesthan  thematerialworldcouldprovide,becauseofitsoppressionand X disappointments.Thisreligiontoldthemtheycouldachieve  p happinesswithoutwealthbychangingtheiroutlookonlife.But 8 thenwhatmadeitsmessageanydifferentfromAnglicanisms?The   evangelicalnonconformistsstressedtheneedforapersonal x! conversioneventcalledbecoming"bornagain,"i.e.,ahighly @" emotional,evenecstatic,experienceofonenesswithGodstemming  X# fromacceptingJesusofNazarethastheirMessiahandSaviorfor  $ theirsinsthroughHissacrifice.Sincethisexperiencedoesnot !% comewillynilly,buttakesahighlevelofpersonalconviction `"& andemotionalupsetoverone'spastlife,Methodistpreachers (#x' notoriouslyfomentedemotionalchurchservicesinordertohelp #@( produceit.Cobbettlookeddownuponthemwithcontemptforthe $ ) evidentirrationalityanddisorderinvolved,singlingoutthe % * congregationalsingingastheonlypositivefeature:8 @  H&!+ 8  Hishands[theMethodistminister's]wereclenched '(#- togetherandheldup,hisfaceturnedupandbacksoas (#. tobenearlyparallelwiththeceiling,andhewas h)$/ bawlingaway,withhis"dothou,"and"mayestthou," 0*%0 and"maywe,"enoughtostunone.Noisy,however,as  hewas,hewasunabletofixtheattentionofaparcel x ofgirlsinthegallery,whoseeyeswerealloverthe @ place,whilehiseyesweresodevoutlyshutup.After X adealofthisrigmarolecalledprayer,camethe   preachy,asthenegroescallit;andapreachyit  reallywas.Suchamixtureofwhiningcantandof `  foppishaffectationIscarcelyeverheardinmy ( x life....Afterasneatadishofnonsenseandof  @ impertinencesasonecouldwishtohaveservedup,came    thedistinctionbetweentheungodlyandthe    sinner....MonstrousitistothinkthattheClergy H   oftheChurchreallyencouragetheserovingfanatics.   259      `      NowcompareCobbett'scontemptuousdescriptionofa   MethodistserviceinKent,England,toOlmsted'smoreobjective h  butstillsomewhatskepticalobservationsofaspiritualmeeting 0  intheAmericanSouth,heldmostlyforthewhites,althoughthe H  blackspresentoutnumberedthem.Thesimilaritiesshowthat  lowerclassSouthernwhitesdidnotmainlyderiveanemotional  styleofreligionfromtheslaves.IntheAmericansituation,a P greaterlevelofchaosprevailed:Whiletheministerstrivedto h winsoulsinaratherrudebuilding,peoplekeptcomingand 0 leaving,childrencrawledintheaisles(oneevengotintothe  pulpitafewtimes),andsomedogsaccompaniedtheirmasters. p ThepreachingstylewasatwinoftheMethodistservicesthat 8 Cobbettwitnessed: P 8  Thepreliminarydevotionalexercises--aScripture  reading,singing,andpainfullyirreverentialand X meaninglessharanguesnominallyaddressedtotheDeity,  p butreallytotheaudience--beingconcluded,thesermon 8 wascommencedbyreadingatext,withwhich,however,   ithad,sofarasIcoulddiscover,nofurther x! association.Withoutoftenbeingviolentinhis @" manner,thespeakernearlyallthetimecriedaloudat  X# theutmoststretchofhisvoice,asifcallingtosome  $ onealongdistanceoff;ashisdiscoursewas !% extemporaneous,however,hesometimesreturnedwith `"& curiouseffecttohisnaturalconversationaltone;and (#x' ashewasgiftedwithastrongimagination,andpossess #@( ofagooddealofdramaticpower,hekepttheattention $ ) ofthepeopleverywell.% *   Tumultaccompaniedthealtarcallascryingandgroaningmenand '`", womensteppedforwardtokneelbeforethe"howlingpreacher,"who '(#- cried"aloud,withamournful,distressed,beseechingshriek,as (#. ifhewerehimselfsufferingtorture."Theblackswatchingit h)$/ all,confidentlyawaitingtheirturnlaterwiththesame 0*%0 preacher,generallyhad"aselfsatisfiedsmileupontheirfaces;  andIhavenodoubttheyfeltthattheycoulddoitwithagood x dealmoreenergyandabandon,iftheywerecalledupon." @ AlthoughtheAfricanheritageoftheslavespredisposedthem X towardsenergetic,emotionalreligiousexercises,theparallels   betweentheAmericanandEnglishcasesdemonstratethepoorer  whitesintheSouthorinEngland'sindustrialareaswere `  likewiseinclinedtowardsareligionrequiringtheiractive ( x participation.Allthreegroupshadadesireforanexpressive  @ faiththatrequiredtheirinputandenergy,whetheritbethrough    emotionalchurchservices,anactivepersonalsenseofhaving    becomeconvertedasanadult,orgettinginvolvedinthe H   organizationofbelieversthatsupportedtheministers.(After `  all,anyreligiondownplayingemotionand/orritualsinfavorof (  reasonisapoorcandidateforpopularitywithpeopleoflittle   ornoeducationapriori).Theblacks,drawingupontheirown h  heritage,simplytookadvantageoftheopeninglowerclass 0  evangelicalreligiongaveforexpressingtheiremotions.They H  builtuponit,addingceremonies,suchasthecallandresponse  singingandpreaching,andtheringshout/dance,orsimplydid  moreenergeticallywhatthewhitesdid.Theemotionalismof P MethodistservicesinEngland,amongapeoplewhosenational h temperamentwastraditionallydescribedasincludinga"stiff 0 upperlip,"fatallyunderminesW.E.B.Dubois'claimthatSouthern  whitesmerelyhada"plaincopy"ofslaveworshipservices.    260      ׀ p Theblacksexamplemayhaveencouragedsomelowerclasswhites 8 toexpresstheiremotionsatreligiousservicesmorestrongly P thantheirwhiteMethodistkinsmeninindustrialEngland's  workingclassdid,buttheirbasicpatternofworshipwouldhave  remainedthesameevenifnoslaveshadbeenbroughttotheNew X World.  p @ddSomehowSeekingParticipationinandControlofOne'sDestiny:   @ &TheConsolationsofFaith? x!   BothslavesandlaborersturnedtoevangelicalChristianity  X# toprovidethemwiththemeaningoflife.Theysoughtsomething  $ thatplacedtheirowndestinyintheirownhands,asagainst !% livinginamaterialworldwithoftenoppressivemastersand `"& employersandnearlyzerosocialmobility.Throughafaithwhere (#x' "hewhowascalledintheLordwhileaslave,istheLord's #@( freedman,"wheretheeternalstatewasfarmoreimportantthan $ ) thepresentlife,"avaporthatappearsforalittlewhileand % * thenvanishesaway,"atleastsomebecamemorecontentinthis H&!+ life,seeingthetrialsofthislifeaspreparationforthenext. '`", ThetrulyancientStoicadvicethatonecancontrolandchange '(#- one'sattitudeorthinkingwhenonecannotchangeone'smaterial (#. orphysicalenvironmentbearsfruithere.Theyalsosought h)$/ meaningthroughactiveparticipationinsomething,insome  organizationcontrolledatleastpartiallybythemselves,where x peoplelikethemselveshadsomesignificantinput.Theslave @ preacher(orconjuror!)hadalmosttheonlyinfluentialsocial X roleabondsmancouldhavethatwasnotdirectlyderivedfromhis   master'spowerandownershipofproperty.Thedriver,the  "mammy,"eventheskilledartisan,receivedpositionsbasedon `  theirwillingnesstoserveobedientlytheirmasterormistress. ( x Butonreligiousmatterstheslavesthemselvesfrequently  @ receivedachancetoorganizeasocialgroupanditsactivities    generallytotheirownliking,eventhoughwatchfulwhites    carefullyscreenedtheideologicalcontentemanatingfromthe H   pulpit.Similarly,thelaborersadoptingNonconformity,even `  whenunderthebannerofmainlineMethodism,tookpartinchapels (  wheretheydeterminedtheiractivitiesandinfluencedtheir   organizationmuchmorethaninthechurches.Some,suchasArch, h  evenreceivedachancetopreachsinceformalqualifications 0  (i.e.,aseminarydegreefromuniversitytraining)werenot H  consideredalwaysessential.Now,itcanbearguedthatslaves  orlaborerswhoadoptedthesebeliefsdrainedenergyfrom  resistancemovementsthatcouldhavechallengedtheelite'shold P onthem.Nevertheless,thelaborerembracingNonconformity,or h theslaveparticipatinginanillicitlatenightmeeting, 0 figurativelyvoted"noconfidence"abouttheirmastersreligion  astheypresentedittotheirsubordinateclass.Although p moderndayskepticsmaydismissthemaspassiveineffect,such 8 decisionsoffaithstillsubvertedtheelite'sideological P hegemony.Inamaterialworldfraughtwithbondage,oppression,  andhopelessness,theysoughtsomemeanstoasserttheyhad  ultimatecontrolovertheirowndestinies,andtoparticipatein X somethingthatshapedtheirlives,insteadoffeelingtheir  p mastersandnaturaleventssolelydeterminedtheirfates.For 8 theseoppressedmenandwomen,theconsolationsoffaithforthem   wereneitherunimportantnorfutileintheirultimateeffects, x! bringingasitdidmeaningtolivesotherwisevainanduseless, @" largelyconsumedbytheburdenstheirelitesimposed.  X# @TheSlaveFamily:HowWellDidItSurviveSlavery? !%   Oneofthemostendlesslycontentiousissuesinthe (#x' historiographyofAfricanAmericanslaveryconcernshowbadlyit #@( damagedtheblackfamilyasaninstitution.Contemporary $ ) politicsalwayslurksinthisdebatesbackground,andnotjust % * merelythecivilrightsmovement,raceriots,affirmativeaction, H&!+ andabolitionofJimCrow.Morespecifically,the1965Moynihan '`", report,whichblamedthepovertyoftheinnercitiesontheblack '(#- family'sweaknessesgoingbacktothetimebeforeemancipation, (#. becameatargetofnotjustpoliticiansorcivilrightsleaders, h)$/ buthistorians.Moynihanmaintainsthattheblackcommunity's 0*%0 disproportionatelyhighnumberoffemaleheaded,singleparent *H&1 families,combinedwithabsenteefathers,createdintheghettos +'2 asystemofmatriarchybydefault,leadingtoincreasedcrimeand ,'3 povertyfromillraisedchildren.Atthetime,hisreport  createdastormofcontroversy,butrisingconcernsaboutthe x effectsofincreasedwhiteillegitimacy(anddivorce)ratessince @ thenhavecombinedwithgeneralpoliticalrhetoricnowadaysabout X "familyvalues"tovindicatemostlyMoynihan'sthesisinthe   cultureatlargeinmorerecentdecades,eventhoughitonly  partiallyexplainsthegenesisofpovertyamongAmericanblacks. `    Now,whatdoesitmeantosaythefamilyisa"strong"or  @ "damaged"institution,blackandotherwise?Here, astrong    familyshallbedefinedasastabletraditionalnuclearfamily    ofahusband,awife,andtheirchildren,thatavoidseventssuch H   asdivorce,illegitimacy,anddeathwhicheitherpreventits `  formationorbreakitupafterwardsbyseparatingitsmembers, (  especiallybeforethechildrenbecomeselfsupportingadults.   Thepurposeofthefamilyinthiscontextistoraise h  successfullywelladjusted,wellsocializedchildrenwhowillbe 0  abletomakereasonabledecisionsandsupportthemselveswithout H  burdeningsocietybycommittingcrimes,livingoffthedolefor  extendedperiods,orcommittingvariousothersocialpathologies.  Theblackfamilyunderslaveryenduredadditionaleventsbrokeit P upaboveandbeyondthosepresentamongfreepeople.Sinceslave h marriagesintheAmericanSouthhadnolegalstanding,masters 0 andmistresseshadthepowertoseparatethehusbandorwifeby  salefromhisorhermate.Theyalsocouldtakeslavechildren p frombothoreitheroftheirparentsinordertodisplaythemon 8 theauctionblock.Sinceslaveholdersnormally(exceptingina P stateortwo)heldtheirbondsmenaschattels,personalmoveable  property,theycouldtakethemwherevertheywishedwhen  relocatingtoanotherfarmorplantation.Soifonemasterowned X thewife,andanotherthehusband,theonemovingawayhadno  p legalobligationstopurchasethespouseleftbehind.Slaves 8 alsoweredisposedofasgifts,dividedamongheirsofanestate,   rentedforgreaterorlesserperiods,orsoldtomeetthedebts x! ofbankruptslaveowners.Alltheseeventsoftencausedthe @" separationofhusbandsandwives,ofmothers,fathers,and  X# children.Slaveholdersfrequentlyhadnowishtomaintainthe  $ marriageorparentalbondsoftheirslavessincethegoalof !% maximizingprofitsmayrequirethemtotreattheirhumanchattels `"& astotallyinterchangeableunitsoflabor.Consequently,the (#x' blackfamilyunderslaverysufferedadditionalconstantassaults #@( uponitsstabilitybesideswhatfreepeoplealreadyendured,such $ ) asdivorce,illegitimacy,anddeath.Whiletheextraassaults % * never"destroyed"theblackfamilyasaninstitution,for H&!+ numerousslavesfortunatelyavoidedsuchdisasters,or '`", resourcefullypatchednewrelationshipstogetheraftertheir '(#- ownersobliteratedtheoldones(ifperhapsillicitlyfromthe (#. viewpointofstrictBiblicalsexualmorality),theystill h)$/ contributedtoasenseofrootlessness,alienation,andgreater 0*%0 inabilitytocommittostablerelationshipsamongmanybondsmen. *H&1 Becausetheslavefamilyunitsufferedadditionalstrainsimposed +'2 artificiallybyoutsiders,thissectiondevotesfarmorespaceto ,'3 AmericanslavesthantoEnglishfarmworkers,forthelatters  conditionswere normal,atleastrelativetoafreesociety x (meaning,onewithoutserfdomorlegalbondage)conformingto @ westernEuropeannorms. X   Importantly,theAfricanAmericanslavefamilydifferedfrom  thoseelsewhereintheAmericasbecauseofthenearlybalanced `  male/femalesexratiointheUnitedStates,especiallyafterthe ( x colonialperiod.Monogamysoonbecamethenormfortheblack  @ Americanslavefamily,justasforwhites,eventhoughsome    curiousexceptionsoccasionallyappearedwheremastersdidnot    carehowmany"wives"theirmaleslavestooksincetheir H   marriageshadnolegalstandinganyway.    261      ׀Theclosingofthe `  legalinternationalslavetradeforAmericaafter1807motivated (  mastersandmistressestomaintainanevengenderratioamong   theirbondsmenbecausetheywantedtopromotefamilyarrangements h  thatwouldkeepupthebirthrate.Adisproportionatelymale 0  slavepopulation,aswasthecasesouthoftheborder,couldnot H  beexpectedtoreproduceitself.Themastersfoundanevensex  ratiopromotedtheirinterests,andalsotheblackfamily's  stability--butsuchhappycoincidencesofslaveholderslaveself P interestsinthisrealmprovedtobefewandfarbetween. h   Thekeydifferencebetweenthequalityoffamilylifefor  theagriculturalworkersandslavesrevolvesaroundhowtheir p differencesinlegalstatusenabledslaveownerstosubordinate 8 thefamilyunitoftheirslavestotheneedsofagricultural P productioninwaysalmostimpossibletodowithEnglish  farmworkers,athemereturnedtoagainbelow(pp.167176,189  190).Slaveholdersroutinelymanipulatedortookadvantageof X therelationshipsbetweenthemembersofslavefamiliestoserve  p theirinstrumentalpurposesinincreasingoutputandprofits. 8 MasterJonescouldalwaysthreatenadefiant(married) Sambo   with,insomanywords,"Ifyoudon'tshapeup,I'llsellyour x! wife[oryou]South."IntheEnglishcase,whileafarmercould @" fireandworktoblacklistarebelliouslaborer,or(mostlypost  X# 1832)wavetheswordofDamoclesofthedreadedworkhouseovera  $ recalcitrantfarmworkersheadifputoutofwork,hesimply !% neithercouldthreatentodissolvethelaborer'sfamilyasthe `"& ultimatesanctionforviolatingworkdisciplinenormanipulate (#x' thefamily'srelationshipstohisownulteriorendstoanywhere #@( nearthesamedegree.Slaveholderscouldroutinelywhiptheir $ ) slaves,andmostdid,butnofarmercoulddareexpecttogetaway % * withwhippingadultfarmworkers.Theastutebutruthless H&!+ slaveowneroroverseercouldtakeadvantageoftherelationships  withintheblackfamilytomaximizetheeffectsofimposing x submissionbythelash.Oneparticularlycrueloverseerin @ Alabama"sometimes,tocrampdownthemindofthehusband,... X wouldcompelhimtoassistinthepunishmentofhiswife."    262      ׀   Miscegenationalsounderminedthequalityofblackfamily  relationships.Buthere,themaster,hissons,orhisoverseer `  soughtsexualgratificationinsteadofprofit.Theslaves ( x qualityoflifefellwaybeneaththeagriculturalworkersasa  @ resultofhowtheirdifferentlegalstatusesallowedslaveholders    tosubordinatetotallyhumanrelationshipswithintheslave    family,suchashusbandandwife,motheranddaughter,brother H   andsister,toweakenortodestroytheminordertoservework `  processesperformedforsomeoneelse'sendsofmonetaryoreven (  sexualgain.Theslaveownersultimatecrimeagainsttheblack   familywastotreatitasameanstoservetheirownendsof h  increasedprofitoutsidetheconfinesofScripturallaw,instead 0  oflettingthisinstitutionsrelationshipsserveitsmembers H  endsofpersonalhappinessandcharactergrowth.  @TheFamilyBondsofSlavesMadeConditionalupontheStabilityof P Slaveholders h   Inanumberofways,slaveshadtheirfamilybondssolely  conditionallyuponthecontinuedlifeandfinancialsuccessof p their(individual)owners.Ifamaster(orperhapsmistress) 8 wentbankruptordied,slavefamilybondsweredissolvedtoserve P theinterestsofcreditorsorheirs.AsGundersennotes:"The  valueofslavesaspropertymeantthatblackfamilystabilitywas  tiedtothelifecycleoftheirowners."Theheirssplitupthe X childrenofHarrietBrentJacobs'grandmother.Heruncle  p Benjamin,"theyoungestone,wassold,inorderthateachheir 8 mighthaveanequalportionofdollarsandcents." X   263      ׀Frederick   Douglasshimselfexperiencedtheterribleanxietyandexcitement x! ofalargeestatesdivision.Allitsslavesdreadedbeing @" turnedoverintothehandsofaparticularlycruelsonofthe  X# recentlydeceasedmaster.Douglassfortunatelyavoidedthat  $ particulardisaster.Butthewholeprocessofdivision, !% seeminglytotallycapriciousattimestoitsvictims,illustrated `"& howtheslaves'familyandsociallivesmeantlittleornothing (#x' tothewhiteswho,havingtotalcontrolovertheslaves' #@( destinies,settledtheestate: $ ) 8      8  Ourfateforlifewasnowtobedecided.Wehadnot H&!+ morevoiceinthatdecisionthanthebrutes[farm '`", animals]amongwhomwewereranked.Asinglewordfrom '(#- thewhitemenwasenough--againstallourwishes,  prayers,andentreaties--tosunderforeverthedearest x friends,dearestkindred,andstrongesttiesknownto @ humanbeings.    264      X   Whenfinancialtroublestruckwhiteslaveholders,slavesknew  whatwaslikelytofollow,as"Uncle"Shade,onceaslavein `  Georgia,commented:"Deyknowedalldewhitefolksestroubles. ( x Knowedwhenwhitemangotterraisemoneyitmeanyougwinesee  @ despec'lator'sbuggydrivin'up,an'somebodygwinebesold!"    Becausehiskindmasterwentbankrupt,JohnLittlewassoldaway    fromhisfamilyatpublicauctiontoavirtuallyinhumanone H   livingtenmilesawayinthesamecountyofNorthCarolina.His `  motherstrivedtogetneighborstobuyhim,buttheyrefused, (  believingtheslavetraderswouldpaymore.OnemaninLouisiana   toldOlmstedaboutmenheknewasachildandhadgonetoschool h  withwhoeventuallyfellonhardtimes,whichcamegenerallyfrom 0  theirownfiscalirresponsibilityandprodigallifestyles. H  Anothertoldhimaboutonelargelywipedoutbytheweather:  "Hadtwobadcrops.Finallythesherifftookabouthalfhis  niggers."SincethemasterofCharlesBalldiedwithheavy P debts,someofhisslavesweresoldtodifferentmasters, h includingBallsbrothersandsisters:"Ournewmastertookus 0 away,andIneversawmymother,noranyofmybrothersand  sistersafterwards."Undertheseconditions,thepreservationof p relationshipswithinslavefamiliesdependednotonlyonthe 8 masterskindness,butalsouponhiscontinuedlifeandfinancial P success.Slavefamilieswerevulnerabletodivisionfromany  upsetsthatdisturbedthewhitesowningthem.@   265            Livingamidstanationsettlingawilderness,slavefamilies  p weresplitupforanotherreason:Thewhitesfrequentlymoved 8 whilecarvingoutnewfarmsandplantationsonthefrontieror   elsewhereintheSouth.Sincethewildernessseemedlimitless, x! thewhitesettlersfounditprofitabletoexhaustthesoil's @" fertilityandthenmoveonforanotherspottoexploit.Asa  X# result,theAmericanwhitepopulationwasmuchmoremobilethan  $ thelaborerswhowerescrapingoutalivingnearsomevillagein !% southernEngland!arealityfullofominousimplicationsfor  slavefamilystability.Differentslaveholdersoftenowned x differentmembersofthesameslavefamilies.Thepracticeof @ onemasterowningthehusband,andanotherthewifeandchildren, X wasespeciallycommon.Familydivisionsroutinelytookplace   withoutthesoundofanauctioneer'sgavelsimplybyoneplanter  movinghisslavestosomenew,morefertilepieceoflandin `  anotherstateorcounty.WhenvisitingTexas,Olmstednotedthat ( x afterthelandwassoldseparatelyfromtheslaves,"thewhole  @ bodyofslavesmoveaway,leavingfrequentlywivesandchildren    onneighbouringplantations.Suchacauseofseparationmustbe    exceedinglycommonamongtherestless,almostnomadic,small H   proprietorsoftheSouth."Aftercarefullyexamining65slave `  narratives,Davisfindstherelocationofownerswasthesecond (  mostcommonreasonforslavestomove,accountingforsome46   relocationsoutof350,followingrentalsat103moves.Infive h  ofthesixtyfivecases,slavesaccompaniedtheirmasterswhen 0  movinglongdistanceswestward.Constitutinganextremecase, H  themasterofHenryBrucemovedninetimesinlessthanten  years.FogelandEngermanclaimthat84percentofall  interregionalmovementofslavesresultedfrommasters P relocating.Butafterexaminingthestatisticalbasisforthis h number,GutmanandSutchdemolishedit.Aftercommittinga 0 arithmeticerrorindivision,FogelandEngermancasually  acceptedCalderhead'sassumptionthat50percentoftheslaves p migratinginMarylandweresoldoutsidethestate,leaving50 8 percenttohavemovedwiththeirmasters.AsGutmanandSutch P observe:"Butevenwhentheerroriscorrected,theresultis  stillatotallybaselessnumberproducedbyafaultyprocedure."  Soevenwhennosaletookplace,whiteslaveholderrelocations X stillroutinelydestroyedslavefamiliesbyseparatingtheir  p members.   266       8 @TheRoutineDestructionofFamilyRelationshipsunderSlavery x!   Duringsales,slaveholdersoftenignoredthefamily"bonds"  X# ofthehumanbeingstheyowned.Suchstoriesarelegion.  $ FreedwomanJoannaDraper'sstoryshowsthatmastersknewselling !% aslavewomanawayfromherchildernwasdespised,butherowner `"& stilldiditanyway:"Hesoldher(myhusband'smammy)offand (#x' liedandsaidshewasayounggirlanddidn'thavenohusband, #@( 'causethemanwhatboughthersaidhedidn'twanttobuyno $ ) womanandtakeherawayfromafamily."R.S.Sorrick,soldasa  slavehimselfattheageofone,toldDrewthatheknewofone x montholdbabiesbeingsoldawayfromtheirmothers!DanJosiah @ Lockhartwassoldatagefive,"andwhenIfirstsawmymotherto X knowher,Ihadawifeandchild.""Uncle"Shade,bornin   Georgia,sawhissevenbrothersandsisterssoldofftovarious  differentowners.Someofhisbrothersandsisterswereresold `  twiceasonetradersoldtoanother,aprocessthatscattered ( x themovertwoorthreestates.HetoldArmstrong:"Didweever  @ finddechillunwhutdespec'latorstuk?Nawsuh.Youknowhow    'tis.Whendefamblyoncescattered,it'shardtogettogedder    ergain!"Afteroneslavetraderpurchasedandplannedtotake H   farawayallsevenofonemotherschildrenviatheauction `  block,thewomancriedinagony:"Gone!Allgone!Whydon't (  Godkillme?"Salesaffectedothersbesidesmothersandtheir   children.Withoutwarning,CharlesBallsownersoldhimaway h  fromhiswifeandchildren.Hewasnotevenallowedtoseethem 0  againbeforeleaving.Hisparents'marriagehadendedsimilarly, H  whenaGeorgiatradertookhismotherawayfromMaryland,leaving  hisfatherbehind.OneslavewomanauctionedoffinRichmond,  Virginiahadbeenforcedtoseparatefromherhusbandtwodays P earlier.Whileshehadsevenchildren,onlythreeweresoldwith h her.Whycansimilarstoriesaboutslavesalesdestroyingfamily 0 relationshipscanberecitedseeminglyendlessly?AsGutmanand  Sutchobserve,asindicatedbyNewOrleanssalesinvoiceswhich p numberinthethousands,mostsalesofindividualsreflectthe 8 destructioneitherofmarriageorparentalchildbonds:"The P predominanceintheNewOrleanssalesofsingleindividuals,far  frombeingevidenceofthesecurityoftheslavefamily,is  evidencethatslavesalestypicallybrokeupslavefamilies, X since,asBancroftknew,nearlyeveryslavebelongedtoa  p family."   267      ׀ 8   Consciousofthefamilyrelationshipsoftheirbondsmen,at x! leastsomemastersandmistressestriedtopreservethemby @" attachingconditionstosalesorrestrictingwhocouldbuythem.  X# Underanidealsystemofslaveholderpaternalism,familybonds  $ shouldonlybebrokenunder"necessity."Unfortunately,asshown !% above,"necessity"provedtobeofcommonoccurrencebecauseof `"& unpredictableeventsdisruptingthelivesofwhiteslaveowners. (#x' Forexample,Mrs.Polkwantedtotradeafamilyofslavesonher #@( estateinMississippitoavoidhavingtomovethemawayfrom $ )  familyandfriends.Thiseffortfailed,althoughitwasstill % * hopedanexchangewouldoccurlater.   268      ׀Despitebeingoften   ignored,anantisellingethosdidshowupinslaveholder x culture.PlanterCaptainWayneBedfordwastold,whenhewas @ twelveyearsoldbyhisdyingfather,"togrowup,keepthe X plantationgoing,keeptheslavefamiliesintactandaboveall   takecareofhismother."x   269      ׀Onebillcollector,aftershowingup  atplanterBarrowsdoor,"offeredhimafamilyofnegros."   270      ׀ `  Louisianacodifiedabitofthispaternalisticethosby ( x prohibitingthesellingofchildrenofage10orlowerawayfrom  @ theirmothers(fatherswereirrelevant)unlesstheywere    orphans.   271      ׀AccordingtoSweig,thislaw,passedin1829,caused    thenumberofsinglechildrentenyearsorlessbeingsoldto H   fallfrom13.5percentbeforeApril1,1829tojust3.7percent `  afterwards,basedonincomingcoastwiseshippingmanifests. (  Apparentlyrespondingtopubliccriticism(ortheirown   consciences),onemajorslavetradingfirminNewOrleans, h  FranklinandArmfield,chosetodealmainlyinslavefamilies 0  after1834.    272      ׀Butsuchmovesweremerebabysteps.Ifthe H  slaveholdersreallyhadtakenseriouslytheslaves'familyties,  theywouldhavepassedlawstotallyprohibitingtheinvoluntary x separation(foranycause)ofhusbandsandwives,andofchildren @ fromtheirparentswhenundertheageof(say)eighteen.The X generallackofsuchlawsintheAmericanSouth(outsideofthis   Louisianastatuteandanylikeit)provesmostslaveholders  valuedflexibilityinthelabormarketmuchmorethanthe `  preservationoftheirslavesfamilyrelationships,any ( x paternalisticproslaverypropagandatothecontrary  @ notwithstanding.      @((FogelandEngerman'sMistakenlyLowFiguresonMarriageBreakup H   ̀  Notoriously,FogelandEngermanmaintainrelativelyfew (  slavemarriageswerebrokenup,basedonaquestionablereading   oftheNewOrleansslavesalerecords.Theysaid84percentof h  allsalesofthoseoverage14involvedunmarriedindividuals, 0  that6percentweresoldwiththeirmates,andwidowsand H  voluntaryseparationsmadeupatleast25percentoftherest  (i.e.,about5percentoverall).Therefore,byasixtoone(84  percentto16percent)ratio,singlewomenweresoldmore P commonlythanmarried.Basedontheirfallaciousfigure h (critiquedabove)thatsalescausedonly16percentofall 0 interregionalslavemovement(evenCalderheadsguesswas50  percent),theyconclude:"Itisprobablethatabout2percentof p themarriagesofslavesinvolvedinthewestwardtrekwere 8 destroyedbytheprocessofmigration."X   273      ׀Theircalculations P restuponsomeveryquestionableassumptions,whichSutchand  Gutmanexamineatlength.Mostimportantly,theNewOrleans  invoicesrarelysayanythingaboutmaritalstatus,exceptingthe X caseswheremarriedcouplesorfamiliesweredisposedofasa  p unit.Usingasamplelimitedtowomenagedtwentytotwenty 8 four,FogelandEngermanassumethatbrokenmarriagesonly   happenedwhenmarriedwomenweresoldwithoneormorechildren, x! butwithoutahusband.Theirassumptionsoverlookchildless @" marriedcouples,thosewhosechildrenhadalldied,andallcases  X# inwhichtradersintentionallysoldthe(normallyolder)children  $ apartfromtheirparents.Slavetradersinthefrontier !% southwesthadstrongmotivesforsellingslavemothersand `"& fathersseparatelyfromtheirchildrenbecausethenewlyopened (#x' plantationsinthatregiononlywantedhandsabletowork #@( productivelyrightaway.Usingprobaterecords,Fogeland $ ) Engermanmaintainonlyabouthalf(53percent)ofslavewomen % * aged2024(fromwhichtheyextrapolatetothewholepopulation H&!+ ofslavewomen)hadchildren.Thiscalculationsplausibility '`", meltsbeforeKemble'sobservationsabouttheuniversalityof16 '(#- yearoldmothersand30yearoldgrandmothersonherhusband's (#. Georgianestates.   274      ׀Ironically,theirownstatementsshow  marriedslavewomen(i.e.,the16percentfigure)werefrequently x separatedfromtheirmatesbytheauctionblock:If6percent @ weresoldwiththeirhusbandsand25percentwerewidows(an X assumedfigureonly5.18percentinthegeneralpopulation   were),thensalesdidseparatenearly70percent(100%25%6%  =69%)ofallmarriedcouplessoldinNewOrleans.Here `  quantitativehistorysuppliesanexcellentexampleoftheGIGO ( x principleatwork:Ifcertainfalseorquestionablehypotheses  @ areinitiallyassumed,numbercrunchingafterwardswillnot    magicallychangetheminto"facts."Aboveall,Fogeland    Engermanimplicitlyequateabrokenslavefamilywithabroken H   slavemarriage,whichblithelyignoreshowsellingoffchildren `  awayfromtheirparentsalsobreaksfamilyties.    275      ׀Farmore (  reliablebroadbasedquantitativedataproduceamuchhigher   percentageofmasterstearingupslavemarriages.Baseduponex h  slavesregisteringtheirmarriageswiththeFreedman'sBureau, 0  Blassingamederivesafigureof32.4percent(outofasampleof H  2888)whileGutmanobtains22.7percent(fromasampleof  8700).   276      ׀Undeniably,ahighpercentageofslavefamilies  sufferedforcibleseparationsbecausetheslaveholders'labor P marketvaluedindividualsworkpotentialsasinterchangeable h unitsoflaborfarmorethantheirfamilyrelationships. 0   HowtheSlaves'FearsaboutFamilyBreakupCouldMakefor p ContinualAnxiety 8   LiketheswordofDamocles,aconstantdreadofsudden  disasterhangedovertheheadsofslavefamilymembers.Without  warning,ataslaveownerswhimorturnoffate,heorshecould X destroytheirfamilyrelationshipsthroughsale,moving,death,  etc.Thisfearcouldtransformitselfintoanallconsuming x anxietywhenagivenbondsmanhadapersonalmakeupsoinclined. @ SarahJacksonhadagoodmaster,whoevenofferedherandher X childrenfreedom.Shetookitbecauseofaquiteliteralworry   aboutthemorrow:"Ihadservedallmydays,anddidnotfeel  safeatnight:notknowingwhomImightbelongtointhe `  morning.Itisagreatheavinessonaperson'smindtobea ( x slave....Ididnotknowhowlongbeforeitwouldbemyown  @ fate....Iambetterhere[Canada]thanIwasathome,--I    feellight,--thedreadisgone."WilliamJohnsonexplainedwhy    hefledbondage:"ThefearofbeingsoldSouthhadmore H   influenceininducingmetoleavethananyotherthing.Master `  usedtosay,thatifwedidn'tsuithim,hewouldputusinhis (  pocketquick--meaninghewouldsellus."AlthoughJohnsonwas   apparentlyasingleman,havingnomarriagetolosethroughsale, h  thisgeneralfeargnawedawayevenonhim.GeorgeJohnsonof 0  Virginiasharedasimilaranxiety,fortherecalcitrantweremore H  apttobesoldthanwhippedwherehelived:"Theslaveswere  alwaysafraidofbeingsoldSouth."HarrietTubmanconstantly  worriedherself:"Then[aftershegrewolder]Iwasnothappyor P contented:everytimeIsawawhitemanIwasafraidofbeing h carriedaway.Ihadtwosisterscarriedawayinachain 0 gang,--oneofthemlefttwochildren.Wewerealwaysuneasy."   277      ׀  OncesafelyonthefreesoilofCanada,alltheseformerslaves p losttheirnaggingfearsofbeingsoldawayfromalltheyknewin 8 thisworld,andlikelybeingdumpedelsewheremerelyassome P slaveholder'sfactorofproduction.  @TheProcessofBeingBoughtandSoldasItselfDehumanizing X   Thefearofbeingsoldwasoneburdenofslavery--quite 8 anotherwasthe   dehumanizingprocessofsaleitself.Hereabuyerandseller x! likenedyourvaluetobarnyardanimals,andweigheditinthe @" balancesofthecashnexus.Youchangedhandsasifyouwerea  X# pieceofmerchandise,withnoendofyourownchoicebuttoserve  $ thebuyer'spurposesinlife.Thephysicalinspectionprocess, !% duringwhichyouasaslavehadtostripyourclothesoffin `"& ordertohelpthepryingeyesofunknownstrangersinspectyour (#x' body'svariousorifices,exemplifiedtheintrinsicassaultthat #@( saleconstitutedonyourdignity.KatieRoweofArkansasonce $ ) describedhowhermastersoldhisslaves: % * 8  Hehadabigstumpwherehemadetheniggersstand '`", whiletheywasbeingsold,andthemenandboyshadto  stripofftothewaisttoshowtheymuscleandiffen x theyhadanyscarsorhurtplaces,but[ah!--the @ privilegesofVictorianwomanhood!!EVS]thewomenand X galsdidn'thavetostriptothewaist.Thewhitemen   comeupandlookintheslave'smouthjustlikehewas  amuleorahoss.`    DuringoneslaveauctioninRichmond,Virginia,onewitness  @ describedapotentialpurchaser,taggedbyhim"Wideawake,"    conductingaphysicalinspectionofthe"merchandise"after    havingstaredat it: H   8  Movedbyasuddenimpulse,Wideawakelefthisseat, (  androundingthebackofmychair,begantograspat   theman'sarms[whowasaccompaniedbyaboy],asifto h  feeltheirmuscularcapacity.Hethenexaminedhis 0  handsandfingers;and,lastofall,toldhimtoopen H  hismouthandshowhisteeth,whichhedidina  submissivemanner.   Thissamewitnesslatersawablackmantoldtostripbehinda h screen,whereadozen"gentlemen"rigorouslyexaminedhisentire 0 body,with"everytoothinhishead...scrupulouslylooked  at."Asdreadfulastheprocessofbeingsoldwas,therealpain p cameafterwards,fromenduringseparationfromyourlovedones, 8 whichforDouglassmeantthefriendshewantedtorunawaywith P beforetheirschemewasexposed.   278        @` ` HowSlaveryUnderminedtheFamiliesofSlaves X   Thefearandindignitiesofsaleorotherwaysseparation 8 fromfriendsandrelativestookplacewerebutasubsetofthe   damageslaveryinflictedupontheenslavedblackfamily.Slavery x! subvertedthebondsmen'sfamiliesbyhavingthemasterorganize @" hisplantationorfarm'sworkforceasacollectiveservinghis  X# ends,havingfunctionsoflifethatnormallywouldhavebeendone  $ bymembersofafamilythatheownedinsteadbeingdonebyothers !% orbyhimself.Themoreactivitiesothersontheplantation `"& performedforthefamilyaspartoftheirregular,nonhousehold (#x' work,theweakeritbecameasafunctioningunitbecausethe #@( plantation'sorganizationforworksupplantedrolesthat $ ) otherwisewouldhavebeenperformedwithinit.Themaster'swork % * organizationreplacedwhateverfamilyeconomytheslaveswould H&!+ havedeveloped,exceptingthoseintasksystemareaswhoraised '`", cropsonpatchesoflandintheirfreetimeoffwork.Asnoted '(#- above,oldwomenandyoungchildrentookcareoftheyoungbabies (#. ofthemothers(andfathers)workinginthefields.Clearly,the h)$/ eversopracticalmastersdeniedtoapplytheVictorian  idealizationofthesexrolesasexpressedthroughtheseparate x spherestotheiradultfemaleslaves,whowentoutintothe @ fieldswiththeirmeninsteadofcaringfortheirchildrenas X homemakersduringtheday.Somelargeplantationsreplacedthe   cookingdonebytheslavefamiliesindividuallywithcommunal  kitchens,raisinggreatlytheregimentationlevelofmealtimes. `  OnthericeislandestateKemble'shusbandowned,eachoneofthe ( x foursettlementsontheplantationhada"cook'sshop,"where  @ "thedailyallowanceofriceandcorngritsofthepeopleis    boiledanddistributedtothembyanoldwoman,whosespecial    businessthisis."Whileherethebondsmenevidentlystill H   preparedfoodseparately,perhapsbywarmingitupagainfor `  lunch,thebasiccookingprocesseswerestilldonecommunally. (  Themorethatthemasterdidorhaddoneforhisbondsmenbythem   aspartoftheirassignedjobdutiesoutsideoftheirfamilies, h  andthemorehesubordinatedtheirpreferencesforastronger 0  sexualdivisionoflaborbydrivingboththewomenandmeninto H  thefields,theweakerasafunctioningunittheslavefamily  became.   279        @  HowSlaveryWeakenedtheFather'sRole h   Thefathersroleclearlysustainedtheworstdamagefrom  theslavefamily'ssubordinationtotheoverallwork p organization,apointwhichwasinflamedbythecontroversy 8 surroundingtheMoynihanreportinthe1960s.Thecausesfor P thisaremany,butamajorreasonwascertainlythelightweight  mastersplacedonthefatherchildbondcomparedtothemother  childtie.Rarely,ifever,wasafathersoldwithhischildren X withoutthemotherspresence,butsalesofmotherstogetherwith  p justtheirchildrenwererelativelycommon.Themasters, 8 undoubtedlyinfluencedbytheirownpatriarchaloutlookonlife,   tendedtoseethemenfirstasworkers,andfatherssecond,but x! judgedwomensroleasmothersasequalingorexceedingtheir @" importanceasworkers.Slavemothersaddedtotheirowners  X# wealthasshegavebirth,butaslaveholderoftenratedthe  $ father'srole,especiallywhenanothermasterownedhim,as !% scarcelyexceedingastudsorspermdonors.Partlybecausethe `"& slavesoftenchoseto"marryabroad,"thatis,tochooseawife (#x' orhusbandownedbyanotherslaveholder,thefathersrolewas #@( lessened.Thispracticewasenormouslycommon--byonecount, $ ) twothirdsofnuclearslavefamilieshadmultipleowners, % * includingcasesinwhichthemasterowningthechildrendiffered H&!+ fromtheoneowningoneoftheparents.Thehusband,especially  ifhelivedaconsiderabledistanceaway,orhismasterwas x ratherstingywithpasses,oftenwasamere"weekendfather"to @ hischildren.Inthiscontext,thelengthoftheslaves' X workdayandtheexhaustingburdensofheavyfieldlaborlooms   large,whichsurelywoulddiscouragelongwalkstoanearby  plantationwherethehusbandswifewas."UncleAbram,"aslave `  NorthrupknewwhileenslavedinLouisiana,hadawifewholived ( x sevenmilesaway.Hehadpermissiontovisitheronceeverytwo  @ weeksonweekends.As"hewasgrowingold,ashasbeensaid,and    truthtosay,[he]hadlatterlywellnighforgottenher."Since    themasterhadsuchgreatpoweroverhisslaves,including H   controlovertheirfoodsupply,andtheadultsofbothsexes `  workedinthefieldsorinthemaster'shome,theslavefather (  consequentlylosttheroleofprovidertohiswifeandchildren.   Sinceshewaswiththechildrenallweeknights,theslavemother h  didmostofthedailyhouseworkthatwascrammedinbetween 0  sleepinganddaysinthefields(orownershouse).Byfeeding, H  dressing,andcaringforherchildrenmuchmore,shemaintaineda  muchfirmerfamilybondwiththemthantheoffplantationfather  did.Her"quantitytime"swampedanysupposed"qualitytime"the P fathermayhavehadwithhischildrenonweekends.Kemble's h depressinglypessimisticanalysisofslavefatherhoodhadasolid 0 basis:"Thefather,havingneitherauthority,power,  responsibility,orchargeinhischildren,isofcourse,asamong p brutes,theleastattachedtohisoffspring."Although 8 BlassingameandespeciallyGenoveseemphasizethattheslave"man P ofthehouse"sometimeshelpedhisfamilythroughhunting,  fishing,etc.,thewhitemasterneverthelesshadfundamentally  underminedtheimportanceoftheslavefather'spositionby X subordinatinghisworkers'familyrolestotheirrolesinthe  p plantationsorfarmsworkprocess.   280       8   Theslaveownerstotaldominanceweakenedtheslavefather's x! roleinotherwaysaswell.Thebiggest,potentiallymost @" damagingthreattotheman'sroleintheslavefamilycamefrom  X# hisinabilitytostopphysicalpunishmentsorsexualadvancesby  $ masterswhodideither.Indeed,amajormotivefor marrying !% abroadwasahusbandsdesiretoavoidseeinghiswifebe `"& whippedorlettingherseehimbewhipped.AsMosesGrandy (#x' explained:"Nocoloredmanwishestoliveathomewherehiswife #@( livesforhehastoendurethecontinuedmiseryofseeingher $ ) floggedandabused,withoutdaringtosayawordinherdefense." % * HarrietJacobswashappyherlover,afreeblackcarpenter,was  notaslave,butevenwithhissuperiorlegalstatushestillhad x "nopowertoprotectmefrommymaster.Itwouldhavemadehim @ miserabletowitnesstheinsultsIshouldhavebeensubjected X to."SheencouragedhimtomovetotheNorth,sincesheknewher   masterwouldnotlethermarryhimanyway.True,sexually  exploitingaslavewomancouldbehazardoustothehealthofthe `  exploiter.Sometimestheypaidwiththeirlivessincesome ( x bondsmenwouldkillthem.Jacobsherselfwashappywhentheyhad  @ theboldnessto"uttersuchsentiments[ofopposition]totheir    masters.O,thatthereweremoreofthem!"Ontheotherhand,    asaresultofthedehumanizing,demasculinizingeffectsof H   slavery,Jacobslamented:"Somepoorcreatureshavebeenso `  brutalizedbythelashthattheywillsneakoutofthewayto (  givetheirmastersfreeaccesstotheirwivesanddaughters."   281      ׀   Despitetheassaultsonslavemanhoodandfatherhood,the h  passionatebattlesmanyhusbandsandwivesfoughtagainstforced 0  separationsshowthatmanyhadmarriageandfamilyrelationships H  approachingnormality.Anenslavedmanfacedterrible  impedimentsinfulfillinghispositioninnurturinghischildren  andlivinginunderstandingwithhiswife,arolehardenoughto P makementofulfillincontemporaryfreesociety.Thatsomedid h isatestimonytothepowerofthehumanspiritunderoppression, 0 whilethosewhofailedsufferedunderburdensnoAmericanbears  today. p     Wherethefathersfailed,themothersfrequentlypickedup P theslack.Slaverydidstrengthenthemother'sroleintheslave  familyattheexpenseofthefather's,i.e.,"matriarchy"did  developtosomedegree.Themother'sunusuallystrongrolehad X twomajorsources.First,byimposingfieldlaboronbothsexes,  p slaveholdersbasicallyeliminatedthesexualdivisionoflaborby 8 creatingakindofforcedequality.Second,thepracticeof   havingawifeorhusband"livingabroad"producedasenseof x! independenceinthewomenbecausetheirmensimplywerenotoften @" physicallypresentformuchofthedayorweek.x   282      ׀Theslavewife  X# onherownwouldcareforherchildren,cook,work,etc.without  $ herhusbandaroundexceptonweekends(orperhapsweeknights)  afterhehadusedapasstogovisither.Thementhemselves x effectivelytookonthementalitythattheirmaster'splacewasa @ barracks,while"home"waswheretheirwiveslived.Because X theywerenottheproviders,anddidnotownorcontrolproperty   whichmadetheirwivesdependentonthemandwhattheyearned,  theyintrinsicallyhadlesscontrolovertheirwivescomparedto `  freemen,asWhitenotes.PlanterBarrowstronglyopposed ( x lettingslavesmarryoffplantation.Givinganumberofreasons  @ againstthepractice,heinpartenumerated:"2dWherevertheir    wiveslive,theretheyconsidertheirhomes,consequentlythey    areindifferenttotheinterestoftheplantationtowhichthey H   actuallybelong."Andbecause"marryingabroad"wassoroutine, `  the"weekendfather/husband"rolewasubiquitousintheslave (  community.Asnotedabove,twothirdsofslavenuclearfamilies   byonequantitativestudyhadmembersownedbymultiplemasters; h  "marryingabroad"wassurelyamajorreasonforthedivided 0  ownership.Sincesuchaslavefamilysstabilitywassurely H  conditionaltowhatcouldhappentotwomasters,notjustone,  thisarrangementincreasedthelikelihoodofforcedseparations  ifonemasterortheothershouldmove,die,gobankrupt,etc. P OnereasonBarrowattacked"marryingabroad"wastoavoid h involuntaryseparations.Hence,thepracticeof"marrying 0 abroad,"ofseeingthegrassasgreenerontheothersideofthe  fencewhenchoosingamate,causedasenseofrootlessnessinthe p men,requiringbydefaultthewomentotakeonadditional 8 responsibilitiesathomeandworkwhichmadethemmore P independentoftheirhusbands.    283        @FactorsWhichEncouragedSlavestoTreatMarriageBondsCasually X   Noslavestaterecognizedmarriagesbetweenslaves.Legally 8 theslaveholdersregimenomoreconcerneditselfaboutan   enslavedmanandwomanlivingtogetherthanabouttwobarnyard x! animalscopulating.Becausetheseceremonieshadnolegitimacy, @" themasterhadtheauthoritytoperformslaveweddings;heoften  X# joinedslavecouplestogether.Someweddingswererelatively  $ elaborate,suchasthoseforsomefavoreddomesticservants,and !% stillmorehadaministerperformthem.!   284      ׀Butsincethenormal `"& slaveweddingwasperformedverycasually,thisverylackof  gravitytotheceremonyinducedmanytotaketheirvows x correspondinglylightly.Inonecase,afterthemastergavehis @ permission,andhesaidtobringtheslavewomantothebig X house,thecoupleexchangedtheirvowsthus:   8  'Nat,willyoutakeMatildafo'yo'wife?''Yessuh,' `  Pappysay.'Matilda,youtakeNatfo'yo'husban'?' ( x 'Yes,Massa,'shesay.'Denconsideryo'selfmanan'  @ wife!'hesay.An'denameswentindebook,wharus    alllil'niggerwentdownlateron.'     Anothermasterroutinelyusedawhitepreachertomarryhis `  slaves,butaneighboringwhitemaster,recalledfreedwoman (  MillieEvansofNorthCarolina,joinedtogetherhisslaves   himself."Hewouldsaytotheman:'Doyouwantthiswoman?' h  andtothegirl,'Doyouwantthisboy?'"Afterhavingthe 0  couplejumpthebroom,he'dsay,"That'syourwife"tothegroom. H  Olmstedfoundsomedispensedwithanyceremonyatall,after  theirownergavethempermission.Theformerlongtimeoverseer  thatKemble'shusbandhademployedtookthemarriagebondsofthe P slavesverycasuallyinpractice.Ifheheardanythingabout h disagreementbetweenaslavehusbandandwife,hewouldmakethem 0 switchpartnersinordertocurbthemaritalwrangles."   285      ׀These  practicesillustratehowthesurroundingwhitesocietyactively p destroyedslavemarriagesevenwhennosalesorrelocationstook 8 place,sincethecoupleswerenotforcedorevenallowedtowork P outtheirproblemstohelpensurestabilityinthequarters.  Sincethemastersknewslavemarriageswerenotlegallybinding,  theyoftenfailedtotakethemseriouslythemselves,whichthen X encouragedtheirslavesalsototaketheirvowscasually,even  p whenmanydidnot. 8 @HowSlaveryEncouragedaCasualApproachtoFamilyRelationships x!   Alackofcommitmenttofamilyrelationshipsoftenafflicted  X# bondsmen,asamplydocumentedbelow.Thistendencyinpartcame  $ fromthealienationthesystemofslaveryproducedamongthem,in !% whichmanyfeltmoreorlessrootlessanduntiedtoaparticular `"& placeorsetoffellowhumans.#   286      ׀Alienationcouldserveasa (#x' defensivemechanismforemotionalandpsychologicalprotection #@( againstlossapriori.Alienationcouldalsobeproducedamong $ ) theslavesaftertheypersonallyexperiencedbeinguprootedand % * transportedfromalltheyhadknowntosomedistantplantation H&!+ wheretheirabilitytoraiseandpickcottonwasallthat  mattered.Hence,afeelingofseparationorwithdrawalfroma x position,place,orobjectofprevioussentimentalattachment @ couldbeeitherapreemptivemeasureortheeventualconsequence X ofbeingforciblyseparatedfromfamilymembersandfriends.   Unlikewhitefamiliesinthelargersociety,theslavefamily  receivednobenefitfromanylegalprotectionsandrelatively `  littlefrompositivesocietalpressuresonitsmembersto ( x preservetheirrelationshipswithoneanother.$   287      ׀Overseer  @ EphraimBeanland,whowasabouttomoveJamesPolk'sslavesdown    toMississippitoopenanewplantation,triedtobuythewifeof    aslavethataneighboringmasterowned,butwithoutsuccess:"I H   wentyesterdayandoferedCarter$475forSeaserswifeandsheis `  notwillingetogowithyou[Polk]soItellSeaserthatshedose (  notcareanythingeforhimandhesayesthatisafact."%X   288      ׀The   whitemasterswishtomovehisslaveswashardlytheonly h  problemhere,forheauthorizedhisoverseertooffersomecold 0  hardcashtopreservetheslavemarriageinquestion.For H  whateverreason,Caesar'swifeusedPolk'smoveasaconvenient  waytodivorceherhusband.Acasualapproachtosexual  relationshipsdidappearinthequarters.Oneslaveholdertold P Olmstedthattheslaveswouldspendafewweeks"tryingeach h other"beforechoosingsettlingdownwithaparticularmate.&   289      ׀ 0 Onefrustratedmasterfoundhisslavesavoidedquarrelsandstole  little,buthecouldnot"breakupimmorality...Habitsof p amalgamation,Icannotstop."Thewifeofawhitepastorfora 8 blackcongregationinMontgomery,Alabama,incredulously P discoveredthatmanytooktheirmarriagesverylightly.They  wanteddivorcesforapparentlytrivialcasesofdisagreementor  incompatibility.Onemansoughttogetridofhiswifefor X wantingtospendallhemadeonclothes,whileonewomanvisited  p thepastor'shometomakethisrequest:"Icametoask,please 8 ma'am,ifImighthaveanotherhusband."'x   290      ׀Thetwowhiteshere   condemnedthesexualpromiscuityandcasualrelationshipsthese x! actionsmanifested.Butbecausethewhitecommunity @" fundamentallyhadtakentheblacksfamilyrelationshipsrather  X# offhandedlyitself,ithadlittlereasontoexpectanything  $ better.Itdeniedtheirslavesrelationshipslegalrecognition !% byauthorizingthewillynillyseparationsthatmastersforany `"& whimsicalreasonattheircommandcouldimposeonslavecouples. (#x' Itswrongtoexpectalltheblackcommunitytorespecttheir #@( marriagerelationshipsassacredwhentheirwhiteownersclearly  deniedtheywerebytheirownactions. x   Eventheparentaloffspringrelationshipwasoftentreated X casually.Althoughthepassionexpressedbymanyslavemothers   astheirchildrenwereseparatedbytheauctionblockfromthem  fortherestoftheirlivesistrulynotorious,othersdealtwith `  theiroffspringquiteimpersonally.Thefatherchildbondwas ( x muchweakerthanthemotherchildtie,forreasonslikethose  @ givenabove.Kemblefoundonebabyofaslavefamilyhadjust    been"mercifullyremoved[from]thelifeofdegradationand    misery"towhichitsbirthhaddoomedit.Thefather,mother, H   andnursewhoalsowasitsgrandmother,allseemedapatheticand `  indifferenttoitsdeath,eitherfrom,Kembleinferred,the (  8  frequentrepetitionofsimilarlosses,oran h  instinctiveconsciousnessthatdeathwasindeedbetter 0  thanlifeforsuchchildrenastheirs...Themother H  merelyrepeatedoverandoveragain,'I'velostamany;  theyallgoesso;'andthefather,withoutwordor  comment,wentouttohisenforcedlabor.P   Therootofthehighinfantmortalityratesmayhavebeenasemi 0 intentionalcarelessness,overandbeyondthebadtreatmentand  materialconditions,suchasminimalmaternityleaves,thatmany p slavemothersendured.BarrownegativelycitedLucefor"Neglect 8 ofchild.Itsfootburnt."Thiscasewashardlyunique.Edie, P onKemble'shusband'sestate,lostallsevenofherchildren.On  Polk'splantation,Evysbabiesneverlivedlongaftertheir  births.WhydidBarrow'sslaveMarianeglecttotellhimearlier X aboutherbaby'ssickconditionbeforeitdied?Whydid"Candis"  p sayherchildwasjustalittlesickwhen,afterchecking,"Old 8 Judy"founditlaydying,"'pulseless.'"AndMatildachosenotto   telltheoverseershewaspregnantuntilafewminutesbeforeher x! babysbirth.Thechilddiedthenextday,evidentlybecausethe @" midwifecouldnotarrivetohelpsoonenough.Althoughaskeptic  X# ofasometimesweakmotherchildtiecouldalwaysattributeall  $ thesedeathstosimplebadluck,disease,badtreatment,and !% poverty,athemeofalmostwillfulneglectstillseemstolurkin `"& theirbackground.ConsiderBassettsspeculationsaboutEvy's (#x' stringofinfantdeaths: #@( Ѐ8  $ )   8  Butwemayjudgethatacontrollingcausewasher % * inefficiencyintakingcareofthem.Perhapsshedid H&!+ notfeelmuchinterestintheirhealth.Theywerenot '`", hers,butherMaster's.Whyshouldshebeinterested '(#- intakingcareofmaster'snegroes?Herewasmother (#.  loveatalowebb....Fortunatelynotallslave h)$/ womenwereindifferentonthispoint.(   291          Althoughthisanalysiscannotbedecisivelyprovenwithoutdirect @ accesstotheslavewomen'sownthoughts,sometimesitshould X stillbeseenasaseriouspossibility.Thesenseofalienation   manyslavemotherslikelyfeltfromlifeitselfmayhavemade  themcarelessaboutcontinuingitinotherswhenexistencewasa `  continuous,burdensomeroundofdrudgeryorganizedtoserve ( x mainlysomeoneelse'sendsinlife.  @   Childrenalsosometimesfeltaweakemotionaltietotheir    parents,asfreedwomanLinleyHadley'sstorydemonstrates:"My H   papawentonoffwhenfreedomcome.Theywassohappytheyhad `  nosense.Mamaneverseenhimnomore.Ididn'teither.Mama (  didn'tcaresomuchabouthim.Hewashermategivetoher.I   didn'tworry'bouthimnornobodythen."True,sinceherowner h  arranged(orhelpedtoarrange)herparentsmarriage,the 0  husbandwiferelationshipwascorrespondinglyweak,sotheyused H  thearrivaloffreedomasaconvenientmomenttogetdivorced.  Nevertheless,thedaughterfeltnoemotionallossabouther  fatherspermanentdeparture.FrederickDouglassfeltno P particulartiestotheplantationhehadlivedonbeforegoingto h Baltimore.Heknewnofather,whowasawhiteman,hismother 0 wasdead,andherarelysawhisgrandmother.Althoughhelived  withtwosistersandonebrother,"theearlyseparationofus p fromourmotherhadwellnighblottedthefactofour 8 relationshipfromourmemories."Hefeltnohomesicknesswhen P movingaway:  8  Thetiesthatordinarilybindchildrentotheirhomes X wereallsuspendedinmycase.Ifoundnoseveretrial  p inmydeparture.Myhomewascharmless;itwasnot 8 hometome;onpartingfromit,IcouldnotfeelthatI   wasleavinganythingIcouldhaveenjoyedby x! staying.)   292      @"   Douglass'scaseexemplifiesthesenseofalienation,detachment,  $ androotlessnessthatslaveryinflictedonmanybondsmen. !% Considertheinevitablereactionsofslaves,afterhaving `"& developedcloserelationshipswiththeirspousesorchildren,who (#x' werethensuddenlysoldawayfromalltheyknewashomeand #@( family.Theyfrequentlyhadtofinishouttheirlivesona $ ) distantplantationamong(initially)strangersunderthelashof % * somebrutaloverseerorownerwhosawslavesasworkersabove H&!+ all,notasfathers,husbands,orsons,mothers,wives,or  daughters.Certainlytheslavesfeltlittlesenseofloyaltyto x thelargerwhitecommunity,i.e.,Americaasawhole,becauseof @ thebadtreatmentandconditionstheyendured,nottomentionhow X someeducationwasnecessaryforthecreationofnationalismto   beginwith.Adetached,uncommittedoutlookonlife,developed  asaprotectivepsychologicalmechanism,perhapsaffecteda `  majorityofslaves,certainlylikelyasignificantminority, ( x whichhasominousimplicationsfortheloosenessoftheirfamily  @ bonds.    @44OtherWaysSlaveryDestroyedFamilyRelationships H      `   Slaverydamagedtheslavesfamilyrelationshipsinother (  ways,evenamongthoseseriouslycommittedtheirfamilies.   Slavesplanningtorunawayfacedthecrueldilemmaofchoosing h  betweenfreedomandfamily.Asnotedbelow,theslavesdesire 0  topreservefamilyrelationshipswasamajordeterrentagainst H  runningaway.OnewomaninVirginia,caughtbetweenconflicting  ordershermasterandherforemangaveaboutgettingiceforthe  formerwhileshewassick,"tooktothewoods"andwasnotseen P again.Sheleftbehindayoungnursinginfantwhosoondied, h despiteanotherwomantookcareofit.Escapingafterbeingvery 0 badlytreated,ChristopherNichols,aVirginianslave,knew  libertyhadahighpriceforhim:"Ileftawifeandthree p children,andthreegrandchildren,--Ineverexpecttoseethem 8 againinthisworld--never."OneslavewomaninAlabamahadsix P childrenbysixdifferentmen,spectacularlyillustratinghow  slaverycouldunderminefamilystability.Threeofherhusbands  weresold,anotherdied,and"twoothersfailedtomakingany X lastingattachments."Hence,oneofthosechildren,"Aunt"  p Olivia,hadnomemoriesofherfather,andcommented:"Oncount 8 o'dehusban'schangin'sofreqump,weallraiseupwidoutany   reg'larPappy."*   293      ׀Perhapsforoneofthesereasons--saleor x! divorce--waswhyJennyProctorofAlabamarememberednothing @" aboutherfather.JoannaDraperofMississippihadbeenrented  X# outtosomeplaceaboutahundredmilesdistantfromheroriginal  $ master'splaceafterbeingsold.Aroundtheageoftwelve,she !% wasfreed,leavingheronherownfromthenon.Herethe `"& indifference,therootlessness,thealienation,areallobvious (#x' inherstatementaboutwhyshedidnotgobacktoherparents: #@( "Idon'tknowwhyIneverdidtrytogitbackuparound $ ) Hazlehurstandhuntupmypappyandmammy,butIreckonIwas  justignorantanddidn'tknowhowtogoaboutit.Anyways,I x neverdidseethemnomore."WilliamHarrison,onceaVirginian @ slave,hadbeensoldawayfromhisparentswhenhewasabout X eightyearsold.AfterservingintheUnionArmy,hedidgoto   lookforhisparents,butcouldn'tfindthem.Hehadheardthat  hismotherhadbeensoldfromSelma,Alabama,toBirmingham. `  Whilesearchingforher,hestayedonenightwithafamilyin ( x Birmingham.Yearslater,hefoundoutfromhisbrotherwhohe  @ hadmetwhileinthearmythathehadaccidentlystayedwithhis    mother!Althoughpossiblytheproductofanoveractive    imagination,theultimateOedipalnightmareofhowslavery H   scrambledfamilyrelationshipsconcernedamanwhomarriedhis `  ownmotherbyaccidentafterfullemancipationcame.+   294      ׀Thisgrab (  bagofcasesillustrateshowslaverycouldmangleslavefamily   relationships,throughamelangeofsales,leasing,distant, h  failedchildhoodmemories,andalackofcommitmenttofamily 0  obligations.Inothercases,athirstforfreedomrobbedthemof H  theirfamilyrelationshipswhentheychosetheformerabovethe  latter.SlaveryintheSouthernstatesandthegeneralwestward  movementtowardsthefrontiercombinedtogethertoformavast P engineforconfusing,destroying,andweakeningmanyslaves' h familylives. 0 @HowtheMasterCouldRoutinelyInterfereinSlaveFamily p Relationships  8   Themasterormistressssteadyinterventioninslavefamily  lifehelpedproduceinstabilityinitsrelationshipsbesidesthe  damageinflictedwhentheydissolvedthefamilyitselfbysale, X moving,etc.Slaveownersmightchoosetopunishahusbandand/or  p wifeforfighting,arguing,orcommittingadultery.Themaster, 8 insteadoftheparents,mightpunishaslavechildforsomepetty   infraction.Sincethemasterloomedabovetheslavesasa x! paterfamilias,afatheroffathers,some(likelyamongthe @" domesticservants,notfieldhands)mighthaveturnedtoakind  X# master,andaskedhimtosolvefamilyproblemswhich,hadthey  $ beenfree,theywouldhaveworkedoutontheirown.Strikingat !% theslavefamilysdeepestfoundations,miscegenationwasanother `"& wayamastercouldinterferewithit.Themaster(and/orhis (#x' sons)--rarelywasiteveramistress--wouldsexuallyexploitthe #@( womenunderhis(ortheir)authority,andhavechildrenbythem. $ ) Themaster(oroverseer)herethrusthimselfbetweentheslave % * womanandhermaninordertosatisfyhisownsexualappetites.,X   295      ׀ H&!+ Forcedtostandaside,theblackhusbandusuallyhadtotolerate '`", thisintruderintohismarriagebed,althoughsomebravely '(#- retaliatedinaselfsacrificialdefiance,surelyknowingthe  dangersinvolved.-   296      ׀Ifthewomanwasunmarried,heroffspring x werenecessarilyillegitimate,andnormallylackedafather @ figureandrolemodeltogivethemdirectioninlife,assuming X theywerenotsoldoutrighttoappeasethemistresssjealousy.   HarrietJacobs'sdaughter,whosefatherwasaprominentwhite  man,laterbecomingacongressmaninWashington,D.C.,livedwith `  himasadomesticservantandslave.Heshowednolovetowards ( x herdespitebeingaffectionatetohiswhitedaughterbyhis  @ wife..X   297      ׀Workdisciplineissuesherespillintotheslaves    personallives,becausethemasterwouldregulateandcontrolthe    offworklivesofhisslavesfarmorethanatypicalemployer H   wouldregulatethelivesofhisemployees,exceptinglivein `  helperssuchasdomesticandfarmservants.Sincethemaster (  claimedthebondsmenthemselvesashisproperty,controllingthem   whentheywerenotworkingwasalsopartandparcelofhis h  responsibilitiesoverhis"troublesomeproperty."Sincethe 0  slavesnormallyliveduponthemaster'slandin"company H  housing,"thisfurtherincreasedhispoweroverthem,withthe  importantvariationthattheemployeeswere"companyowned"as  well!Thusmastersandmistressesalsoweakenedslavefamily P tiesbytheirconstantdailyinterferencewhendoingthingsfor h theslavesthatfreeblackswouldhavedoneontheirownor 0 throughthe(mostly)formerssexualmisconductandits  inevitablyunpleasantconsequences. p @'MasterArrangedMarriages P   Forcedarrangedmarriageswereanotherwayamasteror  mistresscouldinterfereintheirslaves'familylives.The X slaveholdersnormallyletromanticlovebetweenthemenandwomen  p theyownedtakecareoftheirdesiresfortheir"negroproperty" 8 tomultiply,befruitful,andreplenishtheAmericanwilderness.   Nevertheless,slaveownershadthepowertoimpose,notjustto x! destroy,marriages.CharleyNicholls'smasterinArkansassaid @" hewasgoingtochooseagoodwomanforhim.Whenhesuggested  X# hemighthelphimintheselectionprocess,hisownerlaughedand  $ said:"Charles,nobodyyo'agegotanysense,whiteorcullud!" !% Afterthemasterpresentedhimwith"dehousegal,"Anna,the `"& choiceimpressedhim.Thegrinonherfacethenshowedthe (#x' feelingwasmutual.Theywentontohavenolessthantwenty #@( fourchildrentogether.(Onehastowonderwhetherthemaster $ ) knewhisdomesticservanthadhereyeonNichollsalready!)But % * masterarrangedmarriageswereunlikelysourcesofsoulmates. H&!+ Considernowthesurelyfarmorecommonandlesshappyoutcomes '`", ofsuchmatchesasillustratedbyRoseWilliamsscase.Her '(#- mastertoldhertolivewithRufus,abigbullyofaman,when (#. shewasaboutsixteenyearsoldandstillinvirginalignorance.  Duringthefirstnight,shethrewhimoutofbedandbangedhim x overtheheadwithapoker.Shehadanotherruninwithhimthe @ nextnight,whenshethreatenedhimwiththepokeragain:"Git X 'wayfromme,nigger,'foreIbustyourbrainsoutandstompon   them."Afterwards,hermasterofferedhertwochoices:Either  acceptawhippingatthestakeorlivewithRufusinorderto `  havechildrenforhim.Outofthefearofthewhipand ( x appreciationfromhisbuyingherwithherparentstheyear  @ before,sheyielded.WilliamGrose,formerlyaslavein    Virginia,wassoldawayfromhiswife,afreewoman.Hisnew    mastersentforawoman,whoaftercomingin,wasunceremoniously H   assignedtohim:"Thatisyourwife...Cynthiaisyourwife, `  and[tohisbrothersoldwithhim]EllenisJohn's."Whendoing (  suchthings,masterstreatedtheirhumanchattelslikeanimal   stock,implicitlyactingasiftheslavestreatedthemost h  physicallyintimaterelationshippossiblebetweentwopeopleasa 0  purelyanimalfunction.Whichspecificindividualwasassigned H  toanothermatteredlittle;producingchildrenwhoincreased  theirowner'snetworthmatteredmuch.InRoseWilliams'case,  hermasterpointedouthehadpaidbigmoneyforher,sohe P wantedhertohavechildren.Hermistresssaidsinceboth h WilliamsandRufuswere"portly,"themasterwantedthemto 0 "bringforthportlychildren.Whataboutqualityofcharacter  andcompatibilityinpersonalitywhenmenandwomenchoosemates? p Well,thosecharacteristicstakeabackseattotheslaves 8 dutiestoserveasprofitablebreedingstockfortheirowners. P Asithasbeenobserved,unlikethecasefortraditional  societieswherearrangedmarriagesremainthenormtothisday,  thoseimposedontheslavesweredonenotintheinterestsofthe X families(ortheparentsofthechildren)beingjoinedtogether,  p buttobenefitsomethirdparty,theslaveholder.Master 8 arrangedmarriagesinevitablyraisedthelevelsofalienation   withintheslavefamilyunitandincreasedthe"voluntary x! separationrateamongbondsmensincetheunifyingbondwas @" forced,asLinleyHadley'scommentsaboveillustrate.Although  X# theslavesdidnothavetoendureimposedmarriagesoften,they  $ certainlywereyetanotherfactorthatcontributedtoslave !% familyinstabilitythattheslaveownersinflicted./   298       `"& @ "JustHowCommonWasMiscegenation? #@(   Howcommonwasmiscegenation?Itconstitutedamajor, % * blatant,anddirectsubversionofthebondsmensmarriagesby H&!+ theirmasters.FogelandEngermanarguethatthemiscegenation '`", ratewasaround12percentpergeneration.Surprisinglyenough,  unlikemostoftheirinnovativeclaims,thisassertioncan x survivethescrutinyoftheircritics.GutmanandSutch's @ rebuttal,whichproposesatransmissionrateinthe48percent X rangepergeneration,buildsuponanearlier,higherestimateof   thepercentageofwhitegenesintheAfricanAmericanpopulation  of.31byGlassandLi.Alater,improvedestimatebyRoberts `  broughtitdowntoabout.20bysubstitutingdatafromWest ( x Africanpopulations(i.e.,fromAfricansofthesameethnicstock  @ asmostAmericanblacks)forthoseGlassandLitookmostlyfrom    elsewhereinAfrica.Thenewerestimateassumestengenerations    passed,withageneflowrateof.02to.025pergeneration. H   Glasslatermaintainedtheupperandlowerboundswere.0241and `  .0336forthegeneflowpergeneration,downfromhisandLi's (  earlierestimateof.0358.InlightofGlass'sandRoberts's   revisedfigures,andReed'sthreefairlysimilarestimatesfor h  totalwhitegenesintheblackpopulation(whichare.273+0.037, 0  .220+.009,and.200+.044),GutmanandSutch'shighertransmission H  estimatesareunsustainable.Additionally,FogelandEngerman  areconservativewhentheyassume30yeargenerations,since  shortergenerationallengths(c.25years)areplausiblewhen P usingGutman'sownaveragesofslavemothers'agesattheirfirst h birth,theirhusbandsages,andaverageslavelife 0 expectancies.0   299      ׀Ifmoregenerationspassedduringthesame  periodoftime,eachgenerationneedsalowerpercentageofwhite p malefatherstoreachrecenttotalfiguresforagivenpercentage 8 ofwhitegenesexistingintheblackgenepool.Ontheother P hand,FogelandEngermanapparentlylookbacktoofar(to1620)  foranappropriatedateforwhitegenetransmissiontobegin.  GutmanandSutchsuggest1710or1720,whileGlassandLiprefer X 1675or1700.Thesetwovariableslargelycanceleachotherout  p (lengthofgenerationandstartingpoint)forthepre1900 8 period.SutchandGutmanassertthatReedaswellasGlassand    Liexcludedmulattos,butthelattersmethodologycontradicts x! theirclaim.1   300      ׀AsGlassandLinote:"Sincethehybrid   individualsbetweenWhitesandNegroesareintheUnitedStates x regardedsociallyasNegroes,anyinterbreedingbetweenthetwo @ populationswillresultchieflyina'oneway'geneflowfromthe X WhitetotheNegropopulation."Glasslatermadesimilar   statements,makingapointofrepeatedlydowngradingthe  reliabilityofstudiesthatexcludedlightskinnedblacks. `  Preciselyforthesamereason,Reedevenexcludestwostudies ( x fromNewYorkCitybasedupononlydarkskinnedblacks.Hekept  @ theEvansandBullockcountyresultsfromtheSouth,whichreveal    alowlevelofwhitegenetransmission(.106total;transmission    rateestimatedtobe.02byFogelandEngerman).Incontrast, H   thefiguresforNortherncitiesaresignificantlyhigher,suchas `  Detroit(.26total,witharateof.052).Stronglybolstering (  FogelandEngermanslowtransmissionrateestimatesisthe   extremecaseoftheGullahseaislandblacksofGeorgia.They h  basicallyhadonlycontactwithwhitemasters,overseers,and 0  theirfamiliesbeforetheCivilWar,andrelativelylittle H  contactwithwhitessince,sotheirlevelofwhitegeneswill  serveasanexcellentindicationofhowmuchfundamentally  involuntarymiscegenationoccurred.Theirtotalofwhitegenes P isamere3.66percent;thecorrespondingtransmissionrateper h generationis.006.2H    301      ׀FogelandEngermanclearlycandefendthe 0 upperbound(i.e.,the2percentfigure)oftheir12percent  transmissionratebygeneration,contrarytowhattheircritics p havecharged. 8 @DespitethePressures,SlavesStillMaintainedSomeFormof  FamilyLife   X   Despiteallthedamageslaveholdersinflictedonslave  families,surelytheaveragebondsmanwaspassionateaboutat x leastsomeofhisorherrelationships,evenwhenadisturbingly @ highnumbertookoneormoreofthebasicbondsofthenuclear X family(parentchildorhusbandwife)lightly.Furthermore,the   slaveshadstrongmotivesforconcealingwhattheyreally  believedfromallwhites,especiallytheirownersandoverseers; `  thebondsmencouldkeepwhitesinthedarkaboutthereal ( x strengthoftheseties.Forexample,accordingtooverseerJohn  @ Garner,the"Boycharls,"whohadarrivedlastspring,"runaway    someforeweeksagowwitheoutanycausewhatever."Butwasthis    literallytrue?Eventheoverseerknewbetter:"Ithinkhehas H   gounbacktotennesseewherehiswifeis."Thatwasalongtrip `  fromwherePolk'sMississippiplantationlay.Aftervisitinghis (  brother'splantationinMississippi,WilliamPolkfoundoneslave   motherstronglyworriedabouthersickdaughtershealth:"Her h  mother(LucY)saysfromhercomplaintsofherbreast,shefears 0  she[thedaughter]isgoinginthemannerinwhichAlston,Hamp H  andCharitydid,thoughitmaybeonlythefearsofamother  occasionedbysolicitudeforherwelfare."Andthechildcould  returndeeplovetohisorherparent.Asaboy,WarrenMcKinney P wasaslaveinSouthCarolina,wherehefoughtbackagainstthe h whippingofhismotherbyhismaster:"WhenIwaslittle,Mr. 0 Strauterwhippedmyma.Ithurtmebadasitdidher.Ihated  him.Shewascrying.Ichunkedhimwithrocks.Herunafter p me,buthedidn'tcatchme."Althoughconstitutingonlythree 8 minorpinpricksofevidence,theseincidentsstilltestifyhow P passionatelythebondsmencouldupholdtheirfamily  relationships.ButeveninMcKinney'scase,therootlessnessand  thealienationthatslaverycausedstillmayhavereachedinto X hisfamily:"Whenthewarcomeon,mypapawenttobuildforts.  p HequitMaandtookanotherwoman."3   302      ׀Althoughfreepeopledo 8 makesimilardecisions,theslavefamilystillunderwentstresses   andstrainsthatfreefamiliesdidnot.Unsurprisingly,anumber x! crackedunderthepressures,andbecameindifferenttooneor @" moreimportantnuclearfamilyrelationships.Muchmore  X# remarkably,manydidnotdespitethedamagewroughtby"living  $ abroad,"miscegenation,salesandrelocationsinducing !% separations,nonlegallyrecognizedmarriages,theperformanceof `"& functionsfortheslavefamilybyothersthatitwouldhavedone (#x' foritselfiffree,andthesubordinationoftheslavefamilyto #@( theprocessofimposingworkdiscipline.Considerbycontrast $ ) howcasuallyandindifferentlymanytodayinAmericataketheir % * familyrelationships,parentalandconjugal,whilehaving H&!+ advantagesunimaginabletothebondsmen;whenconsideringthe '`", centrifugalpressurestheyencountered,theoppressedandmostly '(#-  illiterateslavesheldsomeformoffamilylifetogether (#. remarkablywell.4   303            `       `     h      p   @ddTheKeyIssuesInvolvedinExaminingtheQualityofFarmworker   FamilyLife    ThestateofthefamilylifeoftheEnglishfarmworkersnow ( x needssomecloseexamination.Herethefloodtideofcontroversy  @ greatlyebbs.Theoveralllevelofstabilityofthefarmworkers'    familylifeinstitutionallyproduceslittlegristforthemills    ofcontemporaryEnglishpolitics.AsSnellnotesinpassing, H   "familybreakup[is]asubjectofgreatinterestbecauseofthe `  risingmoderndivorcerate,butoneonwhichtherehasbeen (  littlehistoricaldiscussioninBritain."5   304      ׀Bycontrast,the   slavefamily'sinstability,whendebatedbyAmericanhistorians, h  carriesnotjustthefreightofourmutualobsessionwithrace, 0  buttheburdenofcontroversiesinthelargersocietyover H  welfarereform,"familyvalues,"innercitycrime,etc.The  stabilityofthelaborer'sfamilycorrespondinglyreceivesmuch  lessattentionbelow,inpartbecauseitdidnotsufferthe P peculiardistortionsthatresultedfromthebasicallyunlimited h authorityofslaveholdersovertheirslaves,whoreallyhadno 0 "privatelife"shieldedfromtheirownerseyes.Thefundamental  normsofthencontemporarylowerclassandpeasantfamilylifein p westernEurope,suchastheprevalenceofthenuclearfamily 8 householdandtherarityofdivorce,applytotheEnglishcase. P   Butonekeytheoreticalconsiderationneedsexploration  firstwhichhasimportantimplicationsforthequalityoffamily X lifeforbothEnglishfarmworkersandAfricanAmericanslaves:  p Werefamilyrelationshipsinthelowerandworkingclassesinthe 8 pastmuchmoremotivatedbypracticalmaterialselfinterestthan  atpresent?Marriagesinpeasantvillagesweretypicallymostly x baseduponthepracticalselfinterestoftheolderadultsofthe @ familiesbeingjoinedtogether,suchastheinheritanceofland X anddowries.Doestherealitythatromanticloveweighedlittle   inthebalancesofpeasantmarriagecontractsmeanthehusband  andwifeinvolvedmainlysawthemselvesastradersmerelytrying `  togetthemostoutoftheother?Didtheprivationsofpre ( x industriallife,withitsconceptoflimitedresourcesthat  @ neededcarefulconservationandrationingasexpressedby    limitinghowmanycouldmarryandwhentheycoulddosonumbers    andtimingofthosemarrying,increasetheselfishnessof H   peoplesrelationships?Didtheyseethedependentsofthe `  family,suchasyoungchildrenandoldpeopleincapableof (  fieldwork,asatbestunpleasantburdenstobear,andatworst   partiestobepermanentlydisposedofasquicklyaspossible? h  Or,despitetheprivationsoflife,didmarriedpeopleinthe 0  lowerclasseslivingclosetothesubsistencelevelhave H  fundamentallyaffectionate,caringrelationshipswithone  another?Didtheincreasingsexualdivisionoflaborproducedby  menworkingawayfromhomemoreasindustrializationadvanced, P whichincreasinglyconfinedwomentodomesticdutiesafterthe h spreadofVictorianidealsabouttheseparatespheres,raisethe 0 levelofalienationwithinfamiliesinsteadofloweringit?On  thequalityofthepreindustrialmasses'familylife,Eugen p WeberandJohnGillis,whopaintapessimisticpicture,faceoff 8 againstK.D.M.Snell,whoupholdsanoptimisticview.6   305       P @ddThe"Weber/Gillis"ThesisSummarized:WasBrutishFamilyLife  theNorm? X   WeberdealsexclusivelywiththecaseoftheFrench 8 peasantry,whileGillis'sworkhasabroaderfocus,anddeals   mostlywithwesternEuropeannations'conditionsaspartofa x! politicalandsocialhistoryoflateeighteenthcenturyand @" nineteenthcenturyEurope.WeberandGillisdependonsources  X# leftbymiddleclassobserversseeingthecrueltyorcallousness  $ thatfrequentlyaccompaniedpeasant(orother,lowerclass) !% familylife.Nodirectaccesstothemindsofthepeasants `"& themselvesisnowpossible,exceptperhapsthroughproverbsor (#x' thefilterofofficialdocuments.Thelatterarealways #@( problematicalbecausethepooroftenhadastrongselfinterest $ ) toshadeorconcealthetruthfromtheirsuperiorsinrural % * society.Sincelowerclasspeoplelivedsoclosetosubsistence  levels,theproductiveadultsdevelopedhabitsandmoresin x familylifeintendedtoreducethenumberofdependents,youngor @ old.Theconstantstruggletosurvivedrainedaffectionoutof X marriageandparentalrelationships.Itwasnoformulafor   maritalblisswhenformingmarriagesinpeasantvillagesocieties  thatthefinancialbenefits(suchastheinheritanceofland) `  thatthefamiliesinvolvedwouldgaingreatlyexceededin ( x importancethemanandwomanslevelsofromanticattractionand  @ personalcompatibility.      Becauseofthecrudetransportationavailable,villages, H   havingonlylimitedlocalresourcestooffertheirinhabitants, `  hadtoaimforselfsufficiency.Asaresult,menandwomen (  couldnotmarryuntiltheirmidtolatetwentiesinordertocut   downonthenumberofchildrenbornthatwouldneedsupport.In h  turn,whichisduetoahighinfantmortalityrateandlowlife 0  expectanciesoffortyyearsorless,afamilyneededtohaveso H  manychildrenborntoproducethedesiredonemaleheir.Toget  evena60percentchanceofachievingthisgoal,fourbirthswere  necessary.Becauseofthestruggletofeedthem,familieswith P morethanafewchildrenfarmedthemouttorelatives,patrons, h andmastersthroughapprenticeshipanddomesticservicefrom 0 youngages,eightandup.Adultssawchildrenmainlyasmouths  tofeedwhenyoung.Clearlyearmarkingtheexpendabilityof p children,adultswhoperceivednewlyarrivedchildrenmostlyas 8 burdenshadthemotiveforresortingtoinfanticide.AsGillis P summarized:"Mothersregardedtheirhungryinfantsaslittle  beasts,insatiablyaggressiveanddestructive.'Allchildrenare  naturallygreedyandgluttonous,'oneseventeenthcenturydoctor X concluded."Whenthechildrengrewolder,theywouldseethe  p old,meaningtheirparentsinparticular,asobstaclestoself 8 fulfillmentbecausetheycouldnotmarrythemselvesuntiltheir   parentsdiedorresignedactivemanagementoftheland(orother x! property,suchasartisanaltoolsandanimalstock).Delayed @" marriageandinvoluntarylifelongcelibacywerecommonasa  X# result,unlikeinmostnonWesternEuropeansocieties.As  $ parentsaged,thetablescouldbeturnedonthem;theirchildren !% thenmayhavedesiredquickandearlydeathsforthem.For `"& example,middleclassobserversheardpeasantscalculatingly (#x' discussingtheirparents:"Heisnotgoodforanythinganymore; #@( heiscostingusmoney;whenwillhebefinished?"More $ ) generally,peasantsayingssuchasthefollowingcirculated:"We % * inheritfromtheoldman,butouroldmanisasheerloss!"and H&!+ "Oh!it'snothing,it'sanoldman."7   306      ׀Theelderlymightbe '`", drivenfromonehousetoanotheramongresentfulchildren, '(#- becomingsubjecttoconditionsleadingtoaslow--or (#. quick--parricideormatricide.Grimnessandestrangementborn h)$/ outofmaterialselfinterestmayhavecharacterizedthefamily  lifeofthewesternEuropeanlowerclasses,aproductultimately x oftheconstrictiveratioofcultivatablelandtohumanfood, @ whichencouragedespeciallytheproductiveinpeasantsocietyto X resenttheirdependents.     SinceaboveEnglishagriculturalworkersandAmericanslaves `  arecompared,thepresumablypoorfamilylifeofFrenchpeasants ( x couldbedeemedirrelevant.Afterall,Snellisdealingwiththe  @ Englishcase,whileWeberisnot.Tobuttresshisoptimistic    pictureofthelaborersandartisansfamilylife,Snellcites    lettersEnglishemigrantssenttoAmerica,Canada,orAustralia H   thatexpressedstrongfamilysentiments.Letterafterletter,he `  observes,containlanguagelikethisextracts: (  8  Dearwifeandmydearchildrenthiscomeswithmykind h  lovetoyouhopingtofindyouallwellasitsleaves 0  meatpresentthanksbetoGodforitdearwife... H  dearwifegivemykindlovetomymotherandmy  brothersandsistersandihopetheywillsendmeword  howthayallbe...fromyourlovinghusbandantill P death.h   Theruralworkers'autobiographieswhichmentionthepositive  qualityoftheirmarriages,suchasthosebySomervilleorArch, p alsosupportSnellsviewpoint.8   307      ׀HowcanthedatafromWeber, 8 Gillis,andSnellbereconciled,besidestryingtoduckthe P implicationsofWeber'sdatabysayingitconcernsFrenchmenand  notEnglishmen?  @TheLimitstoSnell'sRebuttalAgainstSeeingLowerClassFamily  p LifeasHarsh 8   Snell'smistakeresemblesFogelandEngerman'swhenthey x! implicitlyequateslavemarriagesbeingbrokenupbysalewith @" slavefamilybreakup.ThemaintensionthatWeberandGillis  X# observeemergesbetweentheproductiveadultsowningsometypeof  $ property,rentedorowned,andtheirdependents,whethertheyare !% childrenoragedparents.Theresentmentcharacterizingfamily `"& relationsstemsfromtheproductivebeingforcedtosupportthe (#x' nonproductivebecauseoftheirfamilyrelationships.Additional #@( bitternessresultsfromadultchildrenwhoareunabletomarry $ ) untiltheyhavecomeintothepossessionoftheirparents' % * propertywhenthelatterdieorretire.Inreply,parents H&!+ complainthattheiradultchildrenaredisobedientand '`", ungrateful.(ToWeber,thegenerationgapisnothingnew!) '(#- Furthermore,theFrenchpeasantryandEnglishfarmworkersdealt (#. withmarriagedifferently.Englishlaborersrarely(ifever)had h)$/ arrangedmarriagesbecausetheynormallyhadnoproperty(or 0*%0 positionbasedonit)worthyofnoticebyparentsorheirs.But  Frenchpeasantsoftendidhavepropertyinterestsrequiring x protection,soparentsservingfamilyinterestsoftencarefully @ chosemates,orotherwiselimitedthenumberofpossiblechoices, X fortheirchildreninordertoavoidsuchproblemsasdivided   inheritances.Forthisreason,theirmarriageswouldbeless  happythantheEnglishlaborers,ifallotherthingswereequal, `  becausealovematchismorelikelytoavoidmaritaldiscord,at ( x leastwhenthecouplekeptphysicalattractionfromblindingthem  @ fromconsideringpersonalcompatibilityandcharacter.Huppert    putswellthepotentialcostofarrangedmarriagestothewife's    happiness: H   8  Thesecrettormentsexperiencedbygirlspushedinto (  marriageagainsttheirinclinationrarelystand   recordedinofficialdocuments,eventhoughtheir h  plightwasclearlyoneofthemostcommondilemmasof 0  thetimesandsubjectofinnumerablepopularplays, H  stories,andsongs.   KnowingdisinheritancewastheswordofDamocleshangingover P theirheads,reluctantbridegroomsfacedalesssevereversionof h thesameproblem.SowhenSnellmaintainsworkingclass 0 marriageswere(generally)good,thisisnotidenticaltoall  familyrelationships,becauseGillisandWeberfocusonthe p tensionsoftheparentchildbond.SinceSnellalsoleansupon 8 letterswrittenfromcountrieswhereresourcesseemedlimitless, P whereagreatandmostlyemptywildernessachedtobefilled  (e.g.,America,Canada,Australia),Gillis'sthemeofthelimited  goodconstrictingandburdeningeveryoneinabiologically X determinedcircleoflifeisinoperative.Meninthesecountries  p withsomuchland,work,andhighwagesavailablecomparedto 8 Englandworrylittlebycomparisonaboutearningtheminimal   amounttosupportwivesorchildren.Thewivesthemselvescould x! findlotsofpaidworkorusefullaborinraisingfoodavailable @" aswell,lesseningoreliminatingtheneedfortheirhusbandsto  X# supportthem.Sincewizenedparentsarepoorcandidatesfor  $ emigrationtodistantforeigncountries'frontierregions,the !% needtofinanciallysupportthemisrenderedanonissue,beyond `"& possibleremittancesviathemail.Ascarcityofresources (#x' provokesthefamilyclashesthatGillis,Weber,and(implicitly) #@( Huppertdiscuss,butthisproblemisanunlikelyconcernfora $ ) manwritinghomefromsomesparselypopulatedfrontierregionto % * hiswife,children,orparents.Finally,asSnellhimself H&!+ admits,suchlettersmayreflecttheadagethatabsencemakesthe '`", heartgrowfonder.9   308      ׀Soalthoughthedisharmonylevelsof '(#- peasantmarriagesontheContinentarguablysurpassedthatofthe (#. farmworkers,SnellsevidencedoesnotrefuteGillisandWeber's h)$/ griminterpretationoffamilyrelationshipsbetweenthe  productiveanddependents,oldoryoung. x   Whendealingwithelderlyagriculturallaborersandthepoor X law,Snellhimselfnotesthattheirfamilyrelationshipscouldbe   badlystrainedwhenparishauthoritiesforcedadultchildrento  supporttheirelderlyparents,asnotedabove:"Thepressureon `  relativestopay(andthisextendedbeyondchildren,even, ( x informally,toneighbours)placedaheavystrainonthefamily,  @ andmustfrequentlyhaveraisedillfeelingbetweenspousesand    animosityagainsttheelderly.":   309      ׀Theagriculturalworkers    frequentlyfeltthisburdenwasanunfairimpositionbecauseover H   thegenerationstheyhadcometoassumethatthe(Old)PoorLaw `  wouldmakeotherscarefortheiragedparents.Bycontrast,the (  Frenchpeasantrywastotallyunaffectedbyanypoorlaw.They   hadlongbeenaccustomedtomakingprivatearrangementsdealing h  withtheiragedparents--whichobviouslyfailedtoreducemuch 0  thelevelofresentmentitgenerated.Onewitness,rather H  shocked,describedthepeasants'attitudetowardtheirparents:  "[Thefamilymembersare]harshonthedyingastheyarehardon  themselves.[They]arenotembarrassedtosayinhishearing P thatheisdyingandwillkickthebucketanytime.Hiswifeand h hischildrenmutterbitterwordsaboutwastedtime.Heisa 0 burdenandhefeelsit.";X   310      ׀TheFrenchhistorianBonnemere  describedtheattitudesfromothersthatanoldmanin1850s p ruralFranceendured: 8 Ѐ8  [He]carriesthewretchednessofhislastdayswithhim  fromcottagetocottage,unwelcome,illreceived,a  strangerinhischildren'shouse.Atlasthedies X ...butitwellforhimtomakehaste,forgreedis  p there,andgreednervesthearmofhiddenparricide.<   311      ׀8   Snellironicallyrecordsfamilyrelationshipsstrainedfor x! similarreasonswhentheEnglishparishauthoritiesintervened: @" 8  Itwasreportedthat:'Manysonscontributetosupport  $ ofagedparentsonlywhenforcedbylaw';thatchildren !% mightmoveawayfromthearea'toevadeclaim';that `"& 'Quarrelsfrequentlyarisebetweenchildrenasregards (#x' givingthehelp';orthatthe'agedpreferapittance #@( fromtheparish(regardedastheirdue)tocompulsory $ )  maintenancebychildren;compulsionmakessuchaidvery % * bitter'.=   312      ׀    TheattitudereflectedinthelastclausewasduetohowthePoor @ Law,OldorNew,madesomebodyelsepayfortheaged'supkeep. X Theratepayerswereforcedtosupportthenonproductive,unlike   incountrieswithoutapoorlaw,suchasFrance,Ireland,or  Scotland.BecausetheNewPoorLawtightenedthescrewson `  reliefsavailability,adultchildrenwereincreasinglyforcedto ( x supporttheiragedparents,thusmakingthequalityoffamily  @ lifeoftheEnglishlaborerssufferfromthesameproblemsthe    Frenchpeasantryhadlongfaced,whosupportedtheirelderly    directlywithoutanythirdpartiesinbetween. H   @HowNotBeingIndependentandSelfSufficientCouldImprove (  FamilyLife     Conspicuously,theslavefamilyintheAmericanSouth 0  avoidedinternalfamilyconflictsaboutsupportingtheirelderly. H  Becausetheslavefamilywasnotfinanciallyselfsufficient,but  wassubordinatedtotheslaveholdersinterestsinproduction,  theseconflictswereeliminated.Bondsmendidnotundergothe P pressuresofthefamilypovertylifecycle,whichwere h concomitantwiththeburdensoffreedomandindependence.All 0 theslaves,childrenandelderlyincluded,atefromacommonpot,  sotospeak,sincenone(typically)hadtosupportthemselves p directly.Sincethemasterandmistressstoodbetweenthe 8 productiveadultsononesideandthechildrenandretiredold P slavesontheotherastheprotectorsandsupportersofalltheir  humanchattels'interestsandneeds,theslavesresentments  mostlyfocusedontheirownersandoverseers,notagainstthe X unproductiveintheirmidst.Afterall,byitsverynature,  p slaverydiscouragedselfmotivatedhardworkbyeveryslavesince 8 theamountofworkdoneusuallyhadlittleeffectonhowmuch   anyoneownedorearned,thusplacingapremiumoneveryonebeing x! aslazyasthelashallowed.Upholdingthemselvesasthe @" supportersoftheslaves'childrenandelderly,theslaveholders,  X# becausetheyownedtheland,labor,animals,andcrops,became  $ theintermediariesbetweentheproductiveandnonproductive !% slaves.Theslavesperceivedanyshortagesoffood,shelter,and `"& clothingasthestingymasteroroverseersfault; (#x' correspondingly,theysawnoneamongtheirownfamiliesasa #@( financialdrain.Sincetheslavefamilylackedtheburdensof $ ) freedom,itsmembersdidnothavetodependoneachanotheras % * much,becausetheplantation'sworkprocessorganizedanddidfor H&!+ itsslavessomuchofwhatfreefamilieshadtodoontheirown. '`", Overallslavefamilyinstabilityremainedmuchhigherthanfree '(#- familiesdespitethisreductioninintergenerational (#. disharmony,whichwasacuriousbyproductofthemastersmaking h)$/ allhisslaveseconomicallydependentonhim,becausethe 0*%0 peculiarinstitutionstillproducedpowerfulcentrifugalforces  thatforciblybrokeupslavefamiliesforthereasonsdescribed x above.Theprivationsthatresultfromtheouterworld's @ hostilityandindifferencecandrivefamiliestostaytogether; X theeasethatcomesfromotherinstitutionsperformingfunctions   forthefamilythatitcoulddoindependently,suchaschildcare  andcooking,canencouragefamiliestodriftapart. `    TheWeberGillisthesishasitsownimplicationsforthe  @ slavefamily,despiteitsoriginsinanalyzinggeneralEuropean    conditions:IflowerclassfamilylifeinEuropewas"nasty,    brutish,andshort,"couldhaveitbeenthesameamongthe H   slaves?Anumberofdifferencesobviouslyarisehere,including `  culturaltraditionsderivedfromAfrica(e.g.,anemphasisonthe (  extendedfamily),andhowthesystemofslaveryitselfdirectly   attackedtheslavefamilyinthenameoftheprofitsthat h  slaveholdersderivedfromlabormobilityandflexibilitywhen 0  dividingitsmembersup.Theconflictsbetweentheenslavedand H  masterstrumpedanyamongslavefamilymembersthemselves  wheneveranyfinancialormaterialmotivationsarose,since  masterscontrolledhowmuchanyoftheirslavesreceived,outside P oftheftandsomeoutsideearningsforoffhourswork.Dubois's h extremelypessimisticportrayalofslavefamilylifevaries 0 sharplyfromGillisandWeber'sdescriptionsoflowerclass  Europeanfamilylife,despiteallbelievealowqualityoffamily p relationsprevailed.Depictingthedepthstowhichtheslave 8 familycouldplummet,Duboishereexaggeratedtheplightof P averagefieldhandsonplantationswithoutresidentmasters:  "Thehomesofthefieldhandswerefilthyhovelswherethey  slept.Therewasnofamilylife,nomeals,nomarriages,no X decency,onlyanendlessroundoftoilandawilddebauchat  p Christmastime."Sincethemasterormistresscouldcountermand 8 anyoftheslavefathersdesires,helackedauthorityinthe   home,makinghimeasilysink"toapositionofmaleguestinthe x! house,withoutrespectorresponsibility."Theslavemotherwas @" alsoabsent,butfordifferentreasons:Shewasafulltime  X# fieldhandordomesticservantwholackedtimetocareforher  $ childrenwell.Whenshewassexuallyusedbythemaster,his !% sons,ortheoverseer,herhusbandstillcouldnotprotecther. `"& Shecouldbesuddenlyandarbitrarilyseparatedbyhisorher (#x' masterfromhim.Giventhesedismalrealities,Duboissummedup #@( theslavefamilyscondition:"Suchafamilywasnotanorganism $ ) atbest;and,initsworstaspect,itwasafortuitous % * agglomerationofatoms.">   313      ׀ H&!+   Despitesomesimilarities,differentcausesproducedclearly '(#- differenteffectsbetweenwhatDuboisdescribesandwhat  Gilliss,Webers,orHuppertsdepictforthefamilyunitsthey x portray.InthecaseoftheAfricanAmericanslaves,the @ master'spowertodivideslavefamiliesinordertopromotehis X selfinterestandtosubordinatethemtoprofitproducingwork   processesproducessharplydifferentstressesfromwhatlaborers  orpeasantsendured.Incontrast,inhavingtostruggleto `  maintainsomedegreeoffinancialsolvencyandindependenceabove ( x themarginofsubsistence,peasantsoftenresentedtheburdens  @ imposedbynonproductivefamilymemberssuchastheelderlyor    youngchildren.Thekindsofalienationthetwogroupswereapt    tosufferfromvariedaswell.Theslaveswerepronetosensea H   rootlessnesscharacterizedbythefeelingthattheybelongedto `  noplaceorsetofpeople,besidestotheirmastersand (  mistresses.ButtheFrenchpeasants'senseofanomielikelyhad   oppositecauses:Manyfeltconstrictedinandtootieddownby h  major,lifechangingdecisions,suchasmarriage,intheirlocal 0  villages.Theyhadtodealwithandsupportfamilymembersthat H  theyhadlittledesiretohelp.Althoughbecausemastersand  mistresseslargelydeterminedtheirslavesoccupationandplace  ofresidence,slavessufferedfromthiskindofalienationas P well,butwithintheirfamilies,differentfactorsoperated. h MostslaveshadfarmorefreedomtochooseamatethanFrench 0 peasantsdid,withtheirarrangedmarriagesorhighlylimited  choiceswithintheirnativevillages.Hence,althoughGillisand p Weber'sthesisplausiblypointstolowerclassEuropeanshavinga 8 lowqualityoffamilylife,theirtheorycannotbeeasily P transferredtoAmericanslavesbecausetheyfacedverydifferent  societalpressures.  @TheLimitstoApplyingtheGillisWeberThesistotheEnglish  p Case 8   Sothen,whataretheimplicationsoftheGillisWeber x! thesisforthequalityoftheEnglishlaborers'familylife?It @" onlypartiallyfitsbecausethelaborershadmorefreedomto  X# choosewhotheymarried,oftenliketheslaves.Theirfamilies  $ routinelylackedthefinancialintereststhat,amongFrench !% peasants,encouragedarrangedmarriagesornarroweddramatically `"& thepoolofpotentialspouses.Aswageearnersordependentson (#x' parishreliefduringtheSpeenhamlanderaoffamilyallowances, #@( theyhadnoneedtowaituntiltheirparentsdiedtomarry.To $ ) theextentproletarianizationspreadbecauseofdomestic % * industrysdevelopmentorsubsistencefarmingsdecline,this H&!+ processhadtheadvantageoffreeingadultchildrentomarry '`", beforetheirparentsdiedorretiredsothefamilyfarmor '(#- businesscouldbeturnedovertothem.Furthermore,enclosure (#. andthepoorlawbothtendedtolowerthelaborers'average h)$/ marriageagebecausetheylargelyremovedthelaborersneedto 0*%0  buildupanesteggofsavingswhileworkingas(unmarried)farm *H&1 servantsbeforebecoming(married)daylaborers.?   314      ׀Thepressures   offamilieshavingtosurviveindependently,exceptingany x charityorparishrelief,stillpromotedamongthem @ uncompassionateresponsestowardsdependentelderlyparentsor X youngchildren.InalamentmadetoSomerville,notethetorn   feelingsoneWiltshiremanfeltoverthedeathofhisson:  8  Wehadanotherboy,buthediedtwoweeksaback;as ( x fineaboyasyoucouldwishtoseehewur,andasmuch  @ thoughtonbyhismotherandI;butweben'tsorryhe    begone.Ihopeshebehappyinheaven.Heatea    smartdeal;andmanyatime,likeallonus,wentwith H   ahungrybelly.Ah!wemayloveourchildrenneverso `  much,buttheybebettergone;onehungrybellymakesa (  differencewherethereben'tenoughtoeat.@    315          Althoughfeelingsadnessoverhissonsdeath,thisfatheralso 0  feltrelievedbytheremovaloftheburdenofbuyingfoodforhis H  sonwhenhisfamilyscrapedsocloseatthemarginsof  subsistence.Thefatherearnedonlyeightshillingsaweekto  supportwhatbeforewasafamilyoffive.Slaveswouldhaveno P suchmixedfeelingsoverachild'sdeath,becausetheyhadno h needtosupportdirectlythatchildinafinanciallyseparate, 0 selfsupportingfamily.Instead,alltheirchildrenwere  communallycaredforunderthe(nominal)slaveholdersaegisas p partoftheplantation's(orfarm's)functions.Slavesfeltno 8 financialburdenfromhavingalargefamilybecausetheywereall P automaticallyfedpartoftheplantation'sstandardrationsand  theiroffspringreceivedcrudedaycarewhiletheadultsworked  inthefields.Fewslavesworriedaboutthepressuresthatthe X familypovertylifecycledescribesbecausetheydidnotsupport  p theiroffspringdirectly.ButthefactorsWeberandGillis 8 spotlightthatloweredthequalityoffamilylifeforFrench   peasants(andothers)didaffecttheEnglishfarmworkers,butto x! alesserextent,becausealthoughtheydidattemptto @" independentlysupportthemselves,theirmarriagerelationships  X# likelywerebetter,beingmorebasedonlovematchesorpersonal  $ compatibility,becausetheirfamilieslackedseriousproperty !% interests. `"& @SomeEvidenceBearingontheQualityofFarmworkers'FamilyLife #@(   Itiseasytoshowthatthisorthatlaborer'sfamily % * apparentlyhadstrongties.Theirresistanceagainstbeingsplit H&!+ upwhenplacedinaworkhouse,eitherbysexwhenallwereplaced '`", inone,orwhenjustpartofafamilymightgoin,couldsummon '(#- allthepassionsofthehumanspirit,muchlikethearchetypal  slaveauctionscene.Havingbeenorderedtoentertheworkhouse x withhiswife,oneagedlaborercomparedittosunderingwhatGod @ hadplacedtogether"thatwemayliveapartandmeetdeathinour X oldageeachalone,"inordermerelytodeterothersfrom   applyingforrelief.Inoneterriblytearfulscene,one  Wiltshirelaborertoldhisfamilytheywerejustaboutoutof `  food,sotogetanybreadoneofhischildren(allofthembeing ( x underageten)wouldhavetogointotheworkhouse.Twobegged  @ nottobesent.Theirmothersaidanyofthemwouldhavetheir    heartsbrokeniftheywent.Theoldestgirlsaid,"Oh,don't    sendme,Ibewillingtoeatlessbreadnottogo,andBillysays H   hebethesame;father,wewillnotcryforbreadwhenwebe `  hungrynomore,sobe'susben'tsenttotheunion."Seeing (  theirdeterminationtostaytogetheratsuchahighcost,the   fathercouldonlyhugandkissthem.A   316      ׀Thestrengthofthe h  laborersfamilyrelationshipscanalsobedemonstratedless 0  dramatically.Arch'swifedesiredplaintivelythathestayand H  workaroundtheirhomemore,insteadoftrampingabouttoearn  muchbetterwagesfaraway.Inthisorthatagedcouple,as  Hudsonnoted,whenthewifeorhusbanddies,theothersoon P followsherorhimtothegraveyard.Laborers'wivesweresaid h todislikecottageswithasecondstorybecausetheycouldnot 0 watchtheirchildrenoranoldrelativeaswell,whichimplies  notallelderlyrelativeswereillcaredfor.B    317      ׀Thelaborers p familylifehardlycanbecharacterizedasbeingonlygrimand 8 devoidofaffection. P   Nevertheless,thelaborers'familylifealsohadadark  side.Thesexuallysegregatedmalecultureofthepuband X beerhouse,includingthedrinkingbouts,wastedwages,and  p idlenessthatsoirkedmiddleclasscritics,washardlyconducive 8 tomakinghappyhouseholds.True,itiseasytoexaggeratehow   commontheseproblemswere.Theroleofthearistocracy,gentry, x! andfarmersincreatingthelaborerseconomicallyhopeless @" positionintheirpostenclosure,highunderandunemployment  X# ruralworldcouldalsobemistakenlyoverlooked.Butstillthe  $ ultimatelyselfchosenilleffectsofthetavernonmaritaland !% filialrelationsareundeniable.Theninsomecases,husbands `"& abandonedtheirwivesandchildrentobesupportedbytheparish. (#x' Snellfound289casesoffamilydesertionoutof4,961settlement #@( examinations,whichoccurredwhenthelocalparishauthorities $ ) consideredorderingaremovalorwhentheyinvestigatedarelief % * applicant'sparishofsettlement.Fivepercentofthe H&!+ examinationsmadeundertheOldPoorLaw(inthe17001834 '`", period)revealedcasesofdesertion.Theyalmostalwaysfeatured  thehusbandastheoneguiltyofabandoninghisfamily,often x whileservingasasoldierormemberofthemilitia.Thenumber @ ofabandonmentsroseto10.5percentofthoseexaminedunderthe X NewPoorLaw(18351880).Thisincreaseislikelytheproductof   achangeintheapplicantpool:Insteadofshowingmorefamily  breakupsoccurredoverall,thenewlawdeterredallbutthemost `  desperatefromapplyingforrelief.Middleagedwomenwithtwo ( x orthreechildrentosupportandnohusbandtoassistthemwere  @ moreapttobeattheirlastextremity,andwerelesslikelyto    letthepost1834regimedeterthemfromapplyingforrelief,    thanintactfamiliesthatincludedahusbandtemporarilyoutof H   work.Whileillegitimacywassomethingofaproblem(Tess `  Durbeyfieldhadherreallifecounterparts),itwasneither (  commonnorasproblematicsince(unlikecontemporaryinnercity   America)normallythefatherandmotherdidmarryaftertheir h  childsbirth.Indeed,theworkingandlowerclassesdeemedthe 0  abilityofawomantobecomepregnantbeforemarriagetobea H  positivesign,asproofofherfertility.(Ofcourse,themen  seldomblamedthemselveswhensuchproofwaslacking!)Onewoman  expressedhermate'sattitudethus:"Myhusbandactedontheold P sayingabouthere,'Nochild,nowife',andIhadoneaforeIwas h married."Cohabitationbeforemarriagewasnotrare.Although 0 thepracticeproducedsomeinstabilityinlaborers'families,  becausethemenmightabandonthewomentheyimpregnated,others p intheirvillagepressuredsuchmentodothehonorablethingin 8 adishonorablesituation.TheEnglishagriculturalworkers P behaviorherewastypicalforwesternEurope.C   318      ׀TheNewPoor  Law'sbastardyenactmentattemptedtodiscouragethiscustom,  whichseemedtohavesomeeffectatleastinPetworthUnion:The X numberofillegitimatebirthsfellfromnineteentotenfrom1834  p to1836.Dx   319      ׀Themasculinebeerhouseculture,themodestnumberof 8 desertions,andthehazardsofbearingchildrenbeforemarriage   clearlybetraythattheEnglishlaborer'sfamilydidhave x! problems.Butonlypossiblyexceptingthefirstlisteddidthese @" problemsdiffermuchfromwhatelsewhereprevailedinmuchof  X# Europe.Thestabilityoflaborersfamiliesdefinitelyfar  $ exceededthatofAmericanslaves.Nevertheless,thisevidence !% helpssupporttheGillisWeberthesisconcerninghowlowthe  levelsofaffectioncouldplungeforworkersfamilylife,even x thoughtheEnglishlaborers'casehereappearstobebetter @ overallthantheFrenchpeasantry's. X @WhytheSlaveFamilyWasFundamentallyWorseOffthantheLaborer  Family `    DespitetheEnglishfarmworker'sfamilyhaditsshareof  @ instabilityanditsownversionofresentmentsbetweenthe    productiveandnonproductive,itsrelationshipswerestillin    muchbetterrepairthantheslavefamily's.Theslaveholders H   createdthedifference,byprioritizingtheirneedsfora `  flexiblelaborsupplywhilepursuingprofitoverthequalityof (  theirslaves'familyrelationships.EnglishmenandEnglishwomen   simplyneverhadtoendurefamilybreakupasadirectsanctionby h  theiremployersorasanimmediateresultofthedeathor 0  bankruptcyofsomefarmerforwhichtheyworked.Theydidface, H  ofcourse,thesamechallengestostayingcommittedtotheir  familyrelationshipsthatfreepeopleeverywherehad.True,the  parishauthorities(i.e.,thelocalgovernment)interferedsome P throughapprenticingchildrenincasesof"parental h irresponsibility."E   320      ׀Thelocal powersthatbealsocouldsplit 0 upthefamiliesoftheunemployedwhoappliedfor indoorrelief  undertheNewPoorLawbeforetheyenteredtheworkhouse.But p theseactsofinterventionhardlyapproachedwhatslaveholders 8 coulddoprivatelywithouttheapprovalofothers.Mastersand P mistressesroutinely,ifnotalways,treatedslavefamily  relationshipscavalierly.Thelackoflegalrecognitionofslave  marriagesthenencouragedthebondsmentotreattheirfamilyties X lightlyaswell.Laborersneverhadtosufferthepainof  p involuntarypermanentseparationofasonordaughter,brotheror 8 sister,motherorfather,auntoruncle,etc.,fromthembecause   ofanemployingfarmerorlandlordsarbitrarywhims.Certain x! wholeproblemsthatcouldrentapartaenslavedblackfamilyin @" theAmericanSouththelaborersneverhadtoexperience,suchas  X# sexualassaultsbytheiremployersandlandlordsforwhichthey  $ hadnolegalrecourseagainst,whichwasmiscegenationscore !% problem.Arrangedmarriages(i.e.,thosemastersforcedontheir `"& subordinates),althoughuncommonamongtheslaves,werenon (#x' existentamonglaborers.Thelaborersneverhadtodealwiththe #@( majorissuesthatgenerallyweakenedslavefamilylife,suchas $ ) "livingabroad"beingaroutinewayoflifecausingliteral % * distancewithinmanyslavefamilies,thefather'sroleas H&!+ providerbeingmadelargelysuperfluousbecausetheslaveholders '`", providedautomaticrationsfortheirslaves,themother'srole '(#- beingunderminedbyfundamentallyinvoluntaryworkinthefields (#. requiringtheuseofcrudemasterprovideddaycare,andthe h)$/ youngestchildrenbeingraisedlargelyinthedaytimebysomewhat 0*%0 olderchildrenandnottheirparentsundertheguidanceofoneor  moreoldwomenontheplantations.F   321      ׀Nowthefamilyeconomy x amongthelaborerswasgravelyweakenedtowardstheendofthe @ eighteenthcenturyandthebeginningofthenineteenthas X enclosuregenerallywipedouttheirdirectaccesstothemeansof   production.Butamongtheslavesthisinstitutionhardlyexisted  outsidethetasksystemareas,sincehusbandsandwivesrarely `  workedwitheachothertosupportdirectlytheirfamily ( x independently.SodespitetheproblemsinEnglishlaborers  @ familylife,whichincreasedduringtheriseofenclosureandthe    declineofservice(whichhadpromotedtheaccumulationof    savings),whichbothencouragedtheirresponsible,beerhouse H   cultureamongthemeninareaswithoutallotments,theslaves `  faredfarworsebecausetheslaveholderscould,inordertoserve (  theirownmaterialinterests,directlyinterveneandbreakupthe   slavefamilyintoscatteredindividuals. h  @ddWhytheLaborersHadaHigherOverallQualityofLifeThanthe H  Slaves    AlthougharguablyAfricanAmericanslaveshadamaterial P standardoflivingequalorgreaterthanEnglishlaborersin h variousareas,theformersqualityoflifewasmuchlower.Now 0 Olmstedwouldhavedeniedthisconclusion.Havingtraveledand  madeinquiriesintotheconditionsofthelowerandworking p classesinBritain,Germany,France,andBelgium,aswellas 8 America,Olmstedhasaviewpointthatcannotbecasually P dismissed(myemphasis):"Andasrespectshigherthingsthanthe  necessitiesoflife--intheir[theEuropeanlowerclasses']  intellectual,moral,andsocialcondition,withsomeexceptions X onlargefarmsandlargeestatesinEngland,badasisthatof  p themassofEuropeanlabourers,themanisabruteoradevil 8 who,withmyinformation,wouldpreferthatoftheAmerican   slave."G@   322      ׀Butwhenjudgingbythequalityoflifecriteriaused x! above,evenconsideringthelowplaceHodgesanktoinmanyparts @" ofSouthernEngland,evenwhenontheselargefarmsandestates,  X# hestillwasundeniablybetteroffthantheslavesinmanyways,  $ asHarrietJacobsbelieved.Inparticular,theirfamily !% relationshipswerenotconstantlydisruptedanddestroyedby `"& theirsuperiors'pursuitofprofit.Theyhadfreedomsandrights (#x' underthelawwhichnoslavehad,suchastheabilitytotestify #@( incourtagainsttheirsocialsuperiors.Sincetheyhadsuperior $ ) accesstogainingtheabilitytoread,write,anddobasic  arithmetic,thefarmworkerslowintellectuallevelstill x surpassedtheslaves.Exceptinginafewliberalstatessuchas @ Kentucky,nobodycouldlegallyteachaslavehowtoread.By X contrast,especiallyasthenineteenthcenturypassed,the   Englishgovernmentmademajoreffortstotrytoeducateallthe  laborers,eventhoughthestandardswereoftenlowandslack. `  Andearlieron,anumberofindependentandchurchaffiliated ( x schoolsoperatedinthecountryside,thusgivingthelaborersa  @ muchhigherrateofliteracyeveninthelateeighteenthcentury    thanruralslaveshad.AlthoughtheEnglishelitesometimeseyed    verysuspiciouslytheideaofeducatingthemasses,theynever H   tookharsh,punitivelegalmeasuresagainstpromotingliteracy `  amongtheirsubordinateclass,unliketheSouthernslaveholders. (  @ddTheProblemsofComparingtheSlaves'andLaborers'Qualityof h  Religious 0  @.Experience H    Comparisonsbetweenthelaborersandslavesaboutthe  qualityoftheirreligiousexperiencearedifficultbecauseof P someoftheextraneousfactorsinvolved.Undeniably,the h laborershadmorefreedomtopracticethefaithoftheirchoice. 0 Atleast,theydidnotendurethepunitivemeasuressome  slaveholdersturnedagainsttheirslaves,suchascompletely p barringthemfromleavingtheirplantation(orfarm)toattend 8 somereligiousservice,orwhippingsfordaringtopracticethis P orthatceremonyoftheChristianreligion.Ofcourse,some  laborerspaidapriceforchoosingNonconformity,suchbeing  deniedcharitybythelocalparsonorblacklistingbylocal X farmersaffiliatedwiththeEstablishedChurch.Buteventhen,  p ifthelaborerwastrulydeterminedtoworshipGodinamanner 8 dictatedbyhisconscience,hestillhadthe(costly)optionof   movingfromhishomeparish--afreedomtheslaveslacked.The x! growthofMethodismandotherNonconformistsectsinEnglandin @" theeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturiesdemonstratedthat  X# thepressurestheEstablishedChurchcouldexertthroughthe  $ localgentry,farmers,andclergyweretooweaktoalwaysprevent !% membersofthelowerandworkingclassfromdefectingfromits `"& foldeveninruralareas.Butclearlyreligionplayeda (#x' proportionatelygreaterroleintheslaveslivesthaninthe #@( laborerssincethelatterhadmoreorganizedsocialoutletsinto $ ) civilsocietythantheformer,suchasthepub,benefitclubs, % * friendlysocieties,evenperhapsaunion.Manylaborerswere H&!+ indifferenttoreligiousconcerns,butreligiousapathyrarely '`", characterizedtheslavesgenerally,eventhoughtheChristianity '(#- theypracticedwasratherquestionable.H   323      ׀Thesocialsideofthe (#. slavesreligiouspracticesprobablyoftentotallyswampedthe h)$/ selfdenyinganddoctrinalsideoftheirnominalconvictions. 0*%0 HowmuchdidsuchactivitiesasshoutingfortheLord,ring  dances,andevenmuchcallandresponsesingingreallyattemptto x honorandworshipGod?Howmuchweretheysimplyanemotional @ releasewhileparticipatinginaninterestingsocialactivity? X Oneantebellumwhiteministersaidslaveslackedasenseof   repentancefromsinorfaithinChrist.Whileclaimingtohave  allsortsofvisionsordreamsfromtheLord,theywerevery `  superstitiousandignorantofChristianitysmostbasictenets.I   324      ׀ ( x Nothelpingmattersany,theirownerssystematicallyharnessed  @ Christianityfortheirownworkdisciplineandsocialcontrol    objectivesbyoveremphasizingtheBible'scallofobedienceto    secularauthoritieswhileroutinelyandconvenientlyoverlooking H   theirChristianobligationstotheslaves.AlthoughHodgelikely `  waslittlebetterinformeddoctrinallythanmanybondsmen,even (  theEstablishedChurchsChristianitywaslessbadlybentto   servethegoverningclass'sgoalsthanwhattheslavesreceived. h  Nonconformitysometimesalsoprovidedausefulcorrectiveonthis 0  pointtotheEstablishedChurch'sbiases.Thelaborersalsohad H  morefreedomtoparticipateactivelyintheorganizationalside  oftheirfaith(suchasinthecollectionofmoneyandthe  arrangingofmeetings)whenpartofaNonconformistgroup,a P freedomtheslaveslargelylackedevenwhentheyhadtheirown h blackpreachersandcouldmeetseparatelyfromwhites.Andwhen 0 oneoftheirownstoodinthepulpit,oftenwhiteobserver(s)  watched,forcinghimtoselfcensorhispreachinginawaywhich p NonconformistministersoreventheChurch'sclergy(fromtheir 8 richbenefactors)avoided.Thoseslaveswhowerefreeto P practicesomekindofreligionmayhavegottenmoresociallyfrom  itandhaveasenseofparticipationinitthanaveragelaborers,  whoofteneitherwereindifferentandstayedhomeorattended X servicesoftheChurchandmostlyjustlistened.But,especially  p whentheycouldreadtheBible,thelaborersinaNonconformist 8 sectlikelyhadamuchmoreinformedandfreelypracticedfaith   thanmostslaveshad.Thelaborersinthesegroupsdeveloped x! moreorganizationalskills,whichhadpracticaleffectswhen @" puttingtogetherfriendlysocietiesandunionstoresist  X# systemicallythepowerfulintheirsociety.Hence,becauseof  $ Hodgesgreaterreligiousfreedom,hehadmayhavegottenmore !% outofhisreligiousconvictionsatleastwhenpartofa `"& Nonconformistgroupthanthestereotypical(andseeming) Sambo, (#x' whoenduredproportionatelymorerulingclassdistortionsinthe #@( religionhereceivedandmorecensorshipandrestrictionsonhis $ ) ownreligiousactivities,butwholikelygotmoreemotionallyand % * sociallyfrommeetings(whencomposedmostlyofhisowngroup) H&!+ thanthelaborersattendingtheEstablishedChurch. '`", @TTHowElderlySlavesCouldHaveBeenBetterOffThanElderly (#. Farmworkers h)$/  0*%0   Turningtothesubjectofthequalityoflifeforthe  elderly,theslavesasagroupmighthavebeenbetteroffthan x thelaborers,grantedcertainlimitationsandqualifications.To @ theextentelderlylaborerslandedintheworkhouseundertheNew X PoorLaw(post1834),separatingthemfromfriendsandfamilyin   theirsunsetyearsthroughconfinement,andtothedegreeto  whichelderlyslaveslivedouttheirlastyearsamongtheirown `  relativesandfriendsfromearlieryears,thenarguablythe ( x slaveswerebetteroff.Afterall,bothgroupssufferedsimilar  @ limitationsontheirfreedom,sincetheinmatesofworkhouses    wereconfinedtotheirpremises,andelderlyslavesontheir    plantationsorfarmshadtostaywhenlackingpasses,liketheir H   youngercounterparts.However,theOldPoorLawstreatmentof `  elderlylaborers,andevensometimesundertheNew(suchasin (  PetworthUnionasshownabove),throughtheirbeinggrantedsmall   pensionsasoutdoorrelief,wouldhavehadmorefavorable h  conditionsthanslavesofthesameage.Theelderlyslavesalso 0  facedalikelygreaterriskofabandonmentorneglectbytheir H  mastersandmistresses,notwithstandinganypaternalistic  propagandatothecontrary,thantheEnglishlaborersdidunder  theOldPoorLawatleast.Bygivingslaveownersvirtually P unlimitedauthoritytodealwiththeir troublesomepropertyas h theyfeltfit,especiallyinpracticeinsparselypopulated, 0 semifrontierareaswherethelawwasweakandthemobwas  strong,theallegedguaranteesofsecurityslaverypromisedfor p retiredslaveswereunenforceable.Totheextenttheelderly 8 slaveshadbeenseparatedearlierinlifefromchildren, P siblings,spouses,and/orfriendsmeantthatretiredslavesmay  bestillbesurroundedbystrangersormereacquaintanceseven  whentheirownmasterhadnotsoldoff(ormoved)theaged X themselvesearlierinlife.Sograntedtheforegoingexclusions  p andexceptions,theagedfarmworkerwasnormallytreatedbetter 8 thantheelderlyslave,exceptduringacertainperiod(c.1835   to1865)whenarguablytheaverageolderslavesconditions x! surpassedtheaverageworkhouseconfinedelderlylaborers. @" @HowtheSlaves'MoreCarefreeChildhoodWasNotNecessarilya  $ BetterOne !%   Asforthetreatmentofchildren,thedifferencesbetween (#x' theslavesandtheagriculturalworkersmightbesmall,depending #@( onwhatvaluessomeonechooseswhenvisualizingthepropergoals $ ) ofchildhoodandthecorrectorganizationoffamilylife.Before % * the1850sorso,becauseofthefrequentlyhighunemployment H&!+ ratesevenforadultmalelaborersthathelpeddrivewomenoutof '`", thefarmlaborforceinsouthernEngland,theoffspringof '(#- laborersmayhavestayedhomeexceptduringsuchpeakseasonsas (#. plantingand/orharvest.Butatleasttowardsthemiddleofthe h)$/ nineteenthcentury(fromthe1850sespecially),thelaborerss 0*%0 childrenlikelywenttoworkearlierthanslavessoffspring. *H&1 ThisgeneralizationwouldholdatleastinsouthernEnglandwhere +'2 lowwagesprevailedand/orwherethegangsystemoperatedin ,'3 combinationwiththecultivationofrootcropsthatchildren(and  women)couldeasilyweedanddigup.Hodgemayhavegonetowork x atageeightinsuchareas,whiletheyoungslavemightnotbein @ thefieldsuntilagetwelveonaverage.Ontheotherhand,the X laborersoffspringhadamuchgreateraccesstoeducation,and   benefitedmuchmorefromdirectadultsupervision,especiallyby  theirparents,comparedtotheslavesschildren.Thequalityof `  daycareyoungslavechildrengavetothetoddlersandbabies ( x assignedtothemformuchofthedayunderthesupervisionofone  @ ormoreoldwomenonplantationsrarelycouldequalwhatguidance    camefromthepassionandeffortthatamother(orfather)could    musterfortheirownfleshandblood.Laborers'offspringalso H   oftengainedafewyearsofbasicelementaryeducation,atleast `  asthenineteenthcenturyprogressedandthegovernmentbecame (  moreseriousabouttryingtoeducateallEnglishchildren.Even   onthesubjectofworkitself,certainyoungslavesmaynothave h  benefitedfromgetting(say)fourmoreyearsofplaytimethan 0  laborers'children.Thelikelylowlaborintensityofthetasks H  farmersassignedchildren,suchasbirdscaringforsomeweeks  partoftheyear,hardlyequaled(say)ayoungcottonpiecers  grueling,fulltime,yeararoundscheduleofseventyhoursaweek P whilerunningaroundsomanyspindlesinatextilemill. h Kemble'scriticismofyoungslavesloungingandrollingaboutthe 0 groundwhiletheirmothersworkedinthefieldsshouldnotbe  automaticallydismissedasmerereactionarymiddleclass p commentary.(Ofcourse,asamotherherself,shewouldnaturally 8 identifywiththeburdenstheslavemothersboreunaidedby P theirchildren).Sincetheseyoungslavesmaynotlegallygetan  educationwhennotinthefields,theyhavetospendtheir  childhoodslargelyunproductively.AtleastwhenyoungHodgewas X puttowork,suchasduringharvesttogetherwithhisfamily,he  p helpedtosupporthimself,andmaybeevenothersinhisfamily 8 withanincomethathisparentssorelyneeded.Whenconsidering   achild'sobligationtosupporthimselforothersinhisfamily x! whenhisparentscannotcarrythefullloadalone(suchasduring @" thelowpointofthefamilypovertycycle),itbecomesharder  X# stilltocondemnsuchrelativelycasualchildlabor.Soalthough  $ youngslavesmayhavehadamorecarefreechildhoodageseightto !% twelvethanyoungfarmworkers(assumingthehighunemployment `"& ratesofmuchoftheperiodunderstudyintheSouthdidnotkeep (#x' themoutoftheworkforceuntiltheywereolder),thelatterwere #@( morelikelythantheformertobenefitfromaneducation,have $ ) moreparentalsupervision,andhelphimselforhisfamilymore % * throughperformingproductivewagework. H&!+   Theheaviestandmostobviousweightagainsttheslaves '(#- qualityoflifecamefromtheirfamilyrelationshipsbeing (#. conditionalontheirownerswhimsandemotionalstates,and h)$/ remainingprovisionaluponthesoundnessoftheirownershealth 0*%0 andfinancialconditions.Furthermore,plantationslaves *H&1 especiallyhadfunctionsnormallydonebyfamiliesindividually +'2 insteadcollectivelydonebyothersaspartofthework ,'3 organization,suchasweekdaydaytimechildcareand(sometimes)  foodpreparation.Thecasualwayslaveownerstreatedthe x bondsmen'sfamilyrelationships,legallyandinpractice,by @ examplealsoencouragedtheslavesthemselvestotreattheirown X familytieslightly.Theirattemptstoevadesomeofthemost   humiliatingaspectsoftheslaveholders'systemofwork  disciplinethrough"livingabroad"haditsowncostsby `  increasingthepossibilitiesofinvoluntaryseparationthrough ( x havingmultipleownersandbyremovingthefatherfromhis  @ children'slivesformuchofthedayorweek.Bycontrast,the    Englishlaborer'sfamilywouldhaveapproximatedstandardfree    Europeannormssinceitsintrarelationshipswerenotmadea H   secondaryprioritytotheindividualmembers'roleasfactorsof `  production.True,tosomedegreeafarmercouldmanipulatethe (  familytiesofhislaborersforhisownpurposes.Hecould   requirethechildrenofafamilytoworkforhim,bythreatening h  hewouldfiretheirfatherotherwise.Buthesimplycouldnot 0  threatentodissolvethelaborer'sfamilyaspunishmentfor H  failingtofollowhiswishes.Hecouldtrytoblacklistthe  laborer,andattempttoinflictthedilemmaofmigrationor  possiblestarvationonalaborer(ifhisfellowfarmerslocally P heldupacommonfront),whichwastheultimatepenaltyhecould h bringtobear.Whileanemployercouldthreatenrecalcitrant 0 laborerswiththeworkhouse(whichcouldsplitupfamilies),this  punishmentwasonlyavailabletotheextentthelaborersfelt p compelledtoapplyforaidundertheNewPoorLaw.Asfreemen, 8 theycouldstillmigrate(i.e., runaway).Andthedivisions P inflictedbytheworkhouseweremuchrarer,involvedmuchshorter  distances,andweremuchmoretemporarythanwhattheslaves  typicallyendured.AlthoughtheWeberGillisthesis,evenwhen X mitigatedtofitEnglishconditions,indicatesthelaborers'  p familylifewasnotexactlyidyllic,stilltheslavesconditions 8 weremuchworsebecausetheirfamilyrelationshipswere   expendablewhentheyinterferedwiththeirownerspursuitof x! profit. @"   Acomparisonofthequalityoflifefortheslavesand  $ farmworkersrevealsthattheslavesundeniablyenduredmuchworse !% conditionsthanthefarmworkers,unlikethemuchsmaller `"& differencesintheirstandardsofliving.Theslaveholders (#x' casualandcallousedtreatmentofslavefamilybonds,asshownby #@( splittinguphusbandsandwives,mothers,fathers,andchildren, $ ) throughwills,gifts,sales,andmigration,byitselfprovesthis % * clearly.Evenwhentheevidenceismorecontroverted,suchas H&!+ howslavesagedeighttotwelvegenerallyworkedlessthantheir '`", Englishcounterparts(atleastinthepost1850periodasthe '(#- labormarkettightened)andelderlyslavespossiblyweretreated (#. betterinretirementthanoldworkhouseconfinedlaborers, h)$/ requiresanumberofaddedconditionsandqualificationsforthe 0*%0 slavesqualityoflifetobedeemedmoredesirablethanthe *H&1 laborers.InanumberofwaysyoungHodgewasarguablybetter +'2 off,bybenefitingfrommoreparentalandadultsupervision ,'3 duringweekdays,gainingsomebareboneseducation,andhaving  eventoworkitself.Hemayhaveneeded,forexample,tohelp x supporthimselfand/orothersinhisfamily,andfarmworkfor @ childrenwasnowhereasintenseandburdensomeaswhatmanyin X themillssuffered.Asforcomparativereligiousexperience,the   laborershadmorefreedomtopracticetheirbeliefswithout  coercion;thoseinNonconformistsectsfurthermorebenefitedfrom `  participatinginafaiththatbuilttheirorganizationaland ( x mentalskills.Buttheslavesoftenpouredmuchmoreemotional  @ energyintochurchactivitiesbecausetheyhadfewersocial    outletsthanthemanyagriculturalworkerswhoindifferently    stayedathomeorpassivelyattendedtheEstablishedChurch's H   services.Theslavesallowedtogotomeetingswhichletthem `  freelyexpresstheircustomsandritualswithoutbeingrestrained (  byamajorwhitepresencemayhavegottenmoreoutofservicesat   leastsociallythanlaborersinthelasttwocategories.So h  althoughsomeindividualpointscouldbedisputed,theslaves 0  stillweredefinitelyworseoffthantheagriculturallaborersin H  theirqualityoflife.  @TheHazardsofHistoricalAnalysisthatUsestheValuesofThose P inthePast h   Thequalityoflifeanalysismadeaboveclearlytakes  certainassumptionsforgranted.Whatvaluesshouldahistorian p usewhenjudgingsomeone'squalityoflife?Snellmaintains 8 thatitismoresensibletoevaluatebythepoor'sownstandards P ratherthanusingthehistorians,especiallythosewhoemphasize  realwageincreasesandnutritionalintake,whoimplicitly  believemanismerelyhomoeconomicus.Elsewhereheobservesthe X hazardsofapplyingthehistorian'sownvaluesincontradiction  p orignoranceofthelowerclasssvaluesinthepast:"For 8 example,theimplicationsforthequalityoflifeoffamily   breakup(ifitbecamemoreprevalent)shoulddependonan x! assessmentoftheattitudesandcontrolthepoorthemselveshad @" overthis--ratherthanahistorian'sviewonthesanctityor  X# dispensabilityofmarriedlife."K   325      ׀Althoughvaluable,this  $ approachhasitslimits.Considerthefreedslavesafter !% emancipationwhochosetoemulatethewhites'sexualdivisionof `"& laborandsolargelyendedheavyfieldworkbyadultblack (#x' females.Presumablyhistoriansemployingcontemporaryfeminist #@( constructscouldnotnecessarilyevaluatepositivelywhatthe $ ) freedmenandfreedwomendidafterfreedomcame.Snellsapproach % * wouldforestallanyhistoriansfromcriticallyanalyzingsome H&!+ pastlowerclass'values.LX   326      ׀Obviously,hereagaintheoldmorass '`", overtheobjectivityandabsolutenessofanymoralcodeorsetof  valuesconfrontshistorians,withSnell'sviewsultimately x tendingtowardsakindofculturalrelativismvisavisthe @ valuesofsomepastlowerclassratherthanthoseofsomeobscure X tribeanthropologistshavediscoveredinthejunglesofNew   GuineaortheAmazon.Obviously,itisratherfutileandbeyond  thescopeofthisworktosettlecompletelysuchabroad `  philosophicalquestionhere.Plainlyhowever,nobodyshould ( x automaticallyacceptasmoralwhateveranygroupofpeopledoby  @ traditionpresentlyorinthepast,otherwise(say)legalized    segregation,slavery,infanticide,suttee,footbinding,or    femalegenitalmutilationcouldnolongerbecondemned.Tothe H   extenthistoriansmaybelieveinsomegivenmoralabsoluteor `  imperativevalues(suchas,say,aprohibitionofgenocideorthe (  equalityofthesexestovariousdegrees),theyoughttouse   theirown(objectivelybased)valueswhenexaminingthe h  conditionsorqualityoflifeofsomepastlowerclassgroupas 0  well.Above,mostofthevaluesimplicitlyusedtojudgeand H  comparethequalityoflifeoftheslavesandlaborersare  assumedtobefundamentallyuniversalsuchthatmostcontemporary  Westernerswouldagree(ideally)withwhatthelaborersand P slavesthemselvesdidvalue.Thosevaluesincludestabilityin h familyrelationships,freedomofassociationwithotherswithout 0 coerciveseparationsbythirdpartiesmainlymotivatedbyprofit,  asenseofaltruismtowardstheelderlyandyoung,freedomof p conscienceandpracticeinreligiousactivities,andthe 8 avoidanceofwhatencouragesasenseofrootlessness,alienation, P andanomieamongpeople.Othervaluesimplicitlyusedaboveare  morecontroversial,suchasthoseinvolvedinevaluatinghow  beneficialorharmfulwasthe(often)casual,intermittentlabor X ofchildrenageseighttotwelveasopposedtogivingthemmere  p idlefreetimewithnothingelsesuchaseducationtofillitto 8 themandtheirfamilies.Regardlessofwhatvalueshistorians   usetomakequalityoflifeandstandardoflivingcomparisons, x! orwhethertheybelievevaluesareabsoluteorrelativetosome @" cultureorgroup,theiridentityshouldbemadeexplicit,as  X# Snelldoesinhiswork.Theyshouldnotimplicitlybesmuggled  $ in,asthoseinclinedtoapurelymaterialviewofmankind's !% needs(e.g.,caloricintakeandrealwagechanges)oftendo.For `"& mandoesnotlivebybreadalone. (#x'   Undeniably,thecomparisonsmadeaboveinevitablyfallinto $ ) somekindofreductionismbecausesomanyvariationsfromwhat % * couldbecalled"average"happenedinthepastrealworldsofthe H&!+ slavesandlaborers.Changesalsocontinuallyoccurred,which '`", increasethedifficultiesofgenerallydescribingconditionsin '(#- anylongtimeperiod.Forexample,thematerialstandardof (#. livingaswellasthequalityoflifefortheslavesgenerally  improvedintheperiodbeingsurveyed(17501865)ashousingfor x moresettledareasimprovedandharsherpunishmentssuchas @ brandingdiedaway.Bycontrast,itsteadilygrewworsefor X southernEnglishagriculturalworkersbecauseofenclosure,the   declineofservice,risingunderandunemployment,andtheNew  PoorLaw'sharshnessfrom1750untilabout1850.Afterthemid `  centurypoint,thelaborers'conditionsbegantoimproveasa ( x resultofthespreadofallotmentsandthetighteningoflocal  @ labormarketsthatmadethe(brief)successesofArch'sunion    possibleintheearly1870s.Althoughdrawingsuchlinesis    inevitablyhazardous,quitepossiblytherisingaveragestandard H   oflivingforslavesapproachedandsurpassedthatofthe `  (southern)farmworkersduringtheperiodoftheFrenchWarsdue (  tothefiscalburdensofthosewarsandthestepupinenclosures   towardstheirend.Changesandvariationsinthisgeneral h  picturemustbekeptinmind,suchastheregionaldifferences 0  thatgavethenorthernEnglishfarmworkersahigherqualityof H  lifeand(especially)standardoflivingthantheirsouthern  counterparts,andgrantedtheslavesoftheBorderStatesbetter  treatmentthanthoseoftheDeepSouth.Althoughgeneralizations P andevaluationsaboutwhatwastypicalandatypicalaretheheart h andsoulofsocialhistory,historiansshouldalwaysbewaryof 0 committingoverkillsingrindingoutreductionistconclusions  concerning"theaveragewhatever"inthepastwhileforgetting p therichdiversityofhistoricalphenomena.Occasionalbows 8 towardatleastrecognizingregionalvariations,asdoneabove, P helpstoavoidthispitfall.Hence,whileweneedafocuson  whatis"average"and"typical"toavoidgettinglostinamaze  ofdisparateconcretesandisolateddetails,wealsomustseek X somebalancetoavoidreductionismthatsoeagerlypursues the  p averagethatallelseissacrificedinthathunt. 8 4.THESEXUALDIVISIONOFLABOR:ACOMPARATIVEANALYSIS x! @DDTheSexualDivisionofLabor:AfricanAmericanSlaves  X#   Itmustalwaysberememberedthatwhitemastersand !% mistressesdeterminedthesexualdivisionoflaboramongAmerican `"& slaves,notthelatterthemselves.Drivenintothefieldsalong (#x' withtheirmen,blackwomenduringtheir(generally)dawntodusk #@( workdayshadtheirchildrencaredforbyaprimitivedaycare $ ) system.Slaveholdersimposedthissysteminordertoincrease % * thelaborparticipationrateoftheirhumancapitalintasksthat H&!+ directlyincreasedagriculturalproductionandprofits. '`", Inevitably,theirchoicedecreasedtheslaveslevelofhousehold '(#- laborthatprovidedreal,ifeconomicallyunmeasurableandrather (#. intangible,comforts.Afterall,howcouldaneconomistdoing h)$/ Keynesiannationalincomeaccounting(oranyoneelse)properly 0*%0 quantifythepositivesocialeffectsofbettercookedand *H&1 preparedmeals,bettermendedclothing,or(especially)theclear +'2 benefitsofhavingmothersspendmoretimewiththeirownyoung ,'3 children?Sincethesemattersdidnotdirectlyimprovethe  bottomlinefiguresofslaveholders'accountbooks,theychoseto x reducehowmuchhouseworkslavewomendid.Becausegenerally @ fieldworkwasdeemedunacceptableforwhitewomen,includingeven X indenturedservants,todoregularly,buttodriveblackslave   womenintothefieldswasparforthecourse,thispracticemay  havehadaracistmotivationalso.M   327      ׀ThecolonyofVirginia `  recognizedslavewomen'sdirectroleinagriculturalproduction ( x bycountingthemwhenfiguringthetithe,butitexcludedthe  @ whitewomen.AsGundersenconcludes: Blackwomenwere    consideredabasicpartoftheagriculturallaborforceinaway    thatwhitewomenwerenot."N    328      ׀Soslaveownersforciblyimposeda H   weakenedformofthesexualdivisionoflaborupontheir `  bondsmen,whichhadthecuriousconsequenceofcreatingacrude (  approximationofsexualequality,especiallyamongthefield   hands. h  @TTKembleonaStricterSexualDivisionofLabor'sAdvantages H    ThroughouttheSouth,slaveownersexpectedblackwomento  workinthefields.Whennotingthatmenandwomenhadto P performthesamesizeoftaskassignmentsbeforethecurrent h overseerarrivedtomanageherhusband'sestates,Kemble 0 sarcasticallycommented:"Thiswasanobleadmissionoffemale  equality,wasitnot?"Sheapprovedofhisreductioninthe p amountofworkallottedtothewomenascomparedtothemen,but 8 shestilldislikedmotherswithfiveortenchildrenhavingtodo P asmuchworkaswomenwithnone.Kemblefelthavingtodoboth  houseworkaswellasregularfieldlaborwasanachingburden.  Althoughblamingthe"filthy,wretched"conditionofthechildren X and"negligent,ignorant,wretched"mothersuponslaveryin  p general,shemaintainedasharpersexualdivisionoflaborwould 8 benecessarytochangetheirplight:   8  Itishopelesstoattempttoreformtheirhabitsor @" improvetheirconditionwhilethewomenarecondemned  X# tofieldlabor;norisitpossibletooverestimatethe  $ badmoraleffectofthesystemasregardsthewomen !% entailingthisenforcedseparationfromtheirchildren, `"& andneglectofallthecaresanddutiesofmother, (#x' nurse,andevenhousewife,whichareallmergedinthe #@( merephysicaltoilofahumanhoeingmachine.$ )   ThensheexplainsthecaseofNed,theengineer/mechanicwho H&!+ tendedtotheenginesinthericeislandplantation'ssteammill '`", forshellingrice.Hiswifeshealthhadlargelybeenruinedby '(#- acombinationofheavyfieldworkandchildbearing.Asa  result,shenowspentmostofhertimeintheestate'smiserable x "hospital."WhatthiswomanenduredKemblecomparedtothe @ lifestyleandstandardoflivingthataNorthernartisanswife X had.Suchafreemanwouldearnenoughsohiswifewouldonly   havetodohousework.Ifhiswifebecameaninvalid,helikely  wouldbeabletohireorgetsomeoutsidehelpforher.Q   329      ׀Kemble `  clearlybelievedbothfreedomandasharperdivisionoflabor ( x betweenthesexeswouldhavebenefitedtheslavewomen.  @   Kemble'sattitudesonawoman'sroleintheworldofwork    requiresomecloserexamination.Althoughshewasanactressby H   professionandcertainlynotpersonallystrictpractitionerof `  theVictorianideologyoftheseparatespheresherself,then (  contemporarymiddleclasssensibilitiesonthesubjectstill   stronglyinfluencedher.Shealsohadatthiswritingtwovery h  youngchildrenofherown;theburdenofcaringforthemwould 0  haveencouragedhertowantherhusbandsfinancialsupport.She H  surelyprojectedherownpersonalsituationontotheslave  motherswhohadfarmorechildrenthanshehad,yetalsohadto  worklongdaysforverylittlereturnoutsidethehome.She P foundthethoughtsofhavingtodothesameherselfsimply h appalling.Afterall,thejobsmostoftheseslavewomenhad 0 hardlypromotedwhattodaymightbecalled"selfactualization,"  eveniftheyhadbeenpaidwagesforthem.Mostpeoplewould p findbecominga"humanhoeingmachine"tobeintrinsically 8 unappealing.She,asamiddleclasswoman,couldbenefitfrom P thepositivesideoftheseparatespheres,atleastwhilebeing  burdenedwithyoungchildrenandnotpracticingherprofession.  Dillnotesthatmiddleclasswomenwhoplacedapremiumonfamily X stabilitycouldbenefitfromit--whichwomenwithyoungchildren  p areespeciallyapttofindworththetradeoffsrequired: 8 8  Notwithstandingthepersonalconstraintsplacedon x! women'sdevelopment,thenotionofseparatespheres @" promotedthegrowthandstabilityoffamilylifeamong  X# thewhitemiddleclassandbecamethebasisforthe  $ workingclassmen'seffortstoachieveafamilywage, !% sothattheycouldkeeptheirwivesathome.Also, `"& womengainedadistinctsphereofauthorityand (#x' expertisethatyieldedthemspecialrecognition.RX   330      #@(   Besidestherealitythatfemalefieldhandslaves enjoyeda % * basicsexualequalitythatresultedfromasystemofcoercionand H&!+ exploitation,Kemble'sownpersonalsituationasamothercaring '`", foryoungchildrenlikelyinspiredhertotakeaninsistentstand '(#- againsthavingwomenworklonghourswhiletheirolderpreteen (#. childrenloungedaboutinidleness.  @(JobsFemaleSlavesHad @   Slavewomenroutinelyperformedtasksinthefieldthat   whitewomeneitherneverdid,oronlydidwhentheirhusbands  weredeadorabsentforalongtime.Olmstedwitnessedascene `  whereslavewomenspreadmanurefrombasketscarriedontheir ( x heads,withonefillingherapronwithitbeforemovingit.The  @ abilityofsomeslavewomenwhoplowedusingdoubleteams    particularlyimpressedhim.Althoughhe"watchedwithsome    interestforanyindicationthattheirsexunfittedthemforthe H   occupation,"hefound"theytwitchedtheirploughsaroundonthe `  headland,jerk[ed]theirreins,andyell[ed]totheirmules, (  withapparentease,energy,andrapidity."Mrs.Ellis,aslave   whoescapedfromDelaware,testified:"Ididagreatdealof h  heavyoutdoorwork,--suchasdrivingteam,haulingmanure,etc." 0  Northrupdescribedfour"largeandstout"lumberwomenwhowere H  "excellentchoppers"and"wereequaltoanyman"atpilinglogs.  InhisareaofLouisiana,womenwould"plough,drag,driveteam,  clearwildlands,workonthehighway,andsoforth." P Furthermore,"someplanters,owninglargecottonandsugar h plantations,havenoneotherthanthelaborofslavewomen." 0 Althoughthetendencywastohavewomenhoeandmenplow,"the  exceptionsto[this]ruleweresonumerousastomakeamockery p ofit."Soslavewomenoftendidheavyworklikethemen,even 8 ifproportionatelyfewerdidsuchtasksorasmuchofthemwhen P theywerepregnantorsoonaftergivingbirth.S   331          Togetamorespecificpictureofwhichjobsslaveowners X assignedtomen,women,orboth,Barrow'sdiaryrepaysanalysis.  p Sinceheownedandmanagedalargeplantation,hisoperations 8 featuredmorespecializationthansmallfarmswithjustahandful   ofslaveswouldhave.Inordertokeepsomeslavesbusyondays x! whenitrainedorotherconditionsidledthem,hehadthewomen @" spincotton.Thiswasoneofhismostcommondiarynotations  X# besidesmentionsabouttheweather,certainspecificfield  $ operations,andnotesconcerninghiscrops'conditions.T@   332      ׀Inan !% occupationthat(earlier)intheeighteenthcenturyAmerica `"& symbolizedfemininity(i.e., spinsters,)Barrowchoseneverto (#x' placemenatworkatit,sufferingthemtobesometimesidle #@( insteadof(inthenameoffillinghiswallet)makingthemen  alsodoit.U   333      ׀Ononedayofveryheavyrain,May5,1845,he x wrotewithobviousannoyance:"Womenspinning--Mendoing @ nothing."V    334      ׀Healsogavewomentasksthatwereunfeminineby X earlyVictorianstandardsbesideswhattheydidinregularfield   workbyhoeingorpickingcotton.Hemadethemhaulhay,build  fences,rolllogs,clearland,evenworkonthedam.Wx   335      ׀Atsome `  ofthesetasksmenhelpedordidatothertimes,suchaswhenall ( x handsrolledlogsora"fewmen"assistedthewomen.Besides  @ regularfieldwork,themensoddjobsincludedworkingonthe    roads,gettingtimber,choppingandsawingwood,repairing    chimneys,gettingrails,andpressingcottonintobalesto H   prepareitforshipment.X   336      ׀ThescatteredtasksBarrowassigned `  toslavesofbothgendersincludedmakingfences,clearingland (  (althoughthistendedtobeamaletask),and"trashingcotton,"   whichinvolvedremovingextraneousmatteroutofpickedcotton.Y   337      ׀ h  The"sucklers,"meaningnursingmothersformedintoagangfor 0  variousoddjobs,performedsuchlighttasksasplantingpeas, H  trashingcotton,replantingcorn,andspinningcotton.Z    338      ׀  Althoughforregulartaskssuchashoeingorpickingcotton  Barrowassignedbothsexestothem,hedefinitelystilldrewsome P linesbetweenmenandwomenforvariousoddjobs. h   Sinceenslavedmenandwomenoftendidsimilarjobs,howdid  thistendencyaffecttheirmarriagerelationships?Asnoted p above,theinstitutionofslaveryseriouslyweakenedthe 8 husband'srole.Unlikemeninthesurroundingfreesociety P characterizedbypatriarchalpractices,theslavehusbandhad  littleabilitytocontrolhiswifethroughowningsomepartof  themeansofproductionorthroughbeingthemainwageworkerin X hisfamily,placinghiswifeinaneconomicallydependent  p position.Hiswifeworkeddirectlyforhermasterormistress, 8 receivingacertainstandardrationforherselfandherchildren   regardlessofwhetherornotherhusbandlivedonthesame x! plantationorfarmasshedid.Shereceivedthesamerationfor  herselfregardlessofwhethershewasunmarried,divorced,or x widowed.Financialnecessityandtheburdensofpregnancyand @ bearingchildrensimplywerenotimportantfactorsindriving X slavewomenintothearmsoftheirhusbands,keepingthem   togetherasmarital"glue."Arelativelyequalsexualdivision  oflaborcausedmentotreattheirwivesmorelikeequals,asa `  coworkerinlifeunderidealcircumstances.Evenafterheand ( x hiswifehadescapedslavery,JohnLittletookforgrantedthe  @ heavylaborhiswifedidbesideshiminCanada:"Mywifeworked    rightalongwithme:Ididnotrealizeitthen,forwewere    raisedslaves,thewomenaccustomedtowork,andundoubtedlythe H   samespiritcomeswithushere."Sotogethertheychoppedtrees, `  loggedtrunks,andclearedthelandgenerallyinOntario's (  wilderness.Hiswifegainedselfrespectfromherabilitiesin   doingsuchwork:"Igottobequitehardy--quiteusedtowater h  andbushwhacking;sothatbythetimeIgottoCanada,Icould 0  handleanaxe,orhoe,oranything.Ifeltproudtobeableto H  doit--tohelpgetclearedup,sothatwecouldhaveahome,and  plentytoliveon."Clearly,evenaftertheLittlesgained  freedom,thehabitsgainedfromslaverysweaksexualdivisionof P laborpromotedequalitywithintheirrelationship.Thisfreed h couplescommentssupportWhite'sspeculation:"Sinceneither 0 slavemennorwomenhadaccessto,orcontrolover,theproducts  oftheirlabor,parityinthefieldmayhaveencouraged p equalitarianismintheslavequarters."[   339       8 @ExceptionstotheSlavesWeakDivisionofLabor    Thepicturedrawnaboveofaweaksexualdivisionoflabor X amongAmericanslavesdrawnaboveneedssomeimportant  p qualifications.Althoughthefieldhandsanddomesticservants 8 hadfairlyequalnumbersofmenandwomenamongboth,theranks   ofdriversandartisanswerealmostexclusivelyfilledbymen.\X   340      ׀ x! Slavewomenalsodidmostoftheirownhousework,inpartbecause @" of"marryingabroad.Thiswidespreadpracticeputthehusband  X# andwifeondifferentfarmsorplantationsbecausetheyhad  $ differentowners.Thehusbandendedupoftenendeduptreating !% whereheworkedduringthedayorweekasavirtualbarracks,not `"& ashistruehome."Home"waswherehevisitedhiswifeand (#x' childrenatnightoronweekends.Asaresult,whiletheir #@( husbandsweregone,thefullburdenofcooking,cleaning, $ ) washing,andfeedingchildrenbyabsolutenecessityfellontheir % * wives.Evenwhenpresent,hemayhavedonelittlehousework--a H&!+ phenomenonfamiliartomanycontemporarywomenenduringtheirown  "secondshift"ofhousework.Becauseoftheirlongworkdays, x slavemothersoftengavelittleattentiontohouseworkorchild @ rearing.BookerT.Washingtonrecalledthathismothernormally X hadlittletimetohelpherchildrenduringtheday:"She   snatchedafewmomentsforourcareintheearlymorningbefore  herworkbegan,andatnightaftertheday'sworkwasdone." `  Alsobecauseoftheburdensofpregnancy,therecoveryprocess ( x afterdelivery,andtheneedtonursetheirchildren,slavewomen  @ may,forsomeshortgivenperiod,havebeengivendifferent,    lightertasksorevenexcludedfromworkaltogether.Planter    Barrow'sgangof"sucklers"reflectedthispractice.OnKembles H   husband'sriceislandestate,anumberoftheslavewomen `  petitionedtohavethetimetheycouldavoidhoeingthefields (  afterbirthincreasedfromthreeweekstofour.Mary,oneof   theseslaves,mentionedKemble'sbabiesandher"carefully h  tended,delicatelynursed,andtenderlywatchedconfinementand 0  convalescence"whileentreatinghertohavelessexhaustinglabor H  assignedtothemthemonthaftergivingbirth.Although  evidentlytheirpetitionsforincreasedmaternityleavewent  nowhere,theystilldemonstratethepracticesreality. P Inevitablyitplacedwomeninadifferentlaborrolefromtheir h husbandsatleastbriefly.Ofcourse,asWhiteandJohnsonnote, 0 notallmasterslessenedtheburdensofpregnantwomen.Some  womendidgainpositionsofprestige,injobslargelyor p exclusivelylimitedtotheirgender,suchasmidwife,skilled 8 seamstress,cook,and/or"mammy"indomesticservice.]   341      ׀So P althoughthesexualdivisionoflaborwasgenerallyweakamong  theslavesbecausemostwerefieldhandsor(unspecialized)  domesticservants,amuchsharperspecializationcharacterized X thehigherechelonjobs,andthespecialfemaleburdensarising  p fromreproductioncausedatleastsometemporarydistinctionsto 8 appearamongaverageslaves.   @ %PlantationDayCareRevisited @"   Rudimentaldaycareand,sometimes,communalcooking  $ socializedfunctionsonplantationsthatslavefamiliesotherwise !% wouldhavedoneindividually.Asaresult,theirownersboosted `"& thelaborforceparticipationratefromafreeaverageofabout (#x'  onethirdtoabouttwothirdsthrough(especially)forcingwomen #@( andolderchildrenintothefields.^   342      ׀Byhavingoneormoreold   womenlookafterthechildrenwhoreallytookcareofthebabies x andtoddlersduringworkhours,themasterclassgreatlynarrowed @ thedifferencesbetweentheworkofwomenandmen._    343      ׀These X childrencarriedthebabiestotheirmotherstonursethem,when   theydidnotgetthemontheirown.`   344      ׀Olmstedknewonefairly  enlightenedmasterinLouisianawhogavenursingmotherstwo `  hourswiththeirbabiesatnoon,andletthemgetoffworkone ( x hourearlierintheevening.Thesemotherscarriedaheavyload  @ intoilingalldaythengettingtheirchildrenafterwards.Once    aslaveonacottonseaislandestate,freedmanBenjaminDe    Lesliedescribedtheburdenthiswayoflifeimposedonhis H   mother:"Uschillun[were]lef'widergranny.Mammy'dcomein `  atdark,barefeetwetwiddesweatwhutrundownallday.... (  Reckonfolksterdaydon'knowmuch'boutwu'k."a   345      ׀Masters   greatlyincreasedthehoursoffieldwork(ordomesticservice) h  andcorrespondinglyreducedtheamountofleisuretime, 0  education,andhouseworktheirfemaleslaveswouldhavehadif H  theyhadbeenfree.Asaresult,theygotmoreworkandthus  agriculturalproductionfromtheaverageslavethroughgreatly  weakeningthesexualdivisionoflabor.Butshippingoutmore P cottonbales(orbarrelsofmolasses)cameatthecostof h underminingtheslavefamily'sstabilitybyreducingthe 0 importanceofthefather'sroleandbyassigningchildrearingto  somewhatolderchildrenthemselvesinacommunalsetting,as p discussedpreviously. 8   Forceandexploitationwerethefoundationforthedegraded  equalityofthesexesthatgenerallyprevailedunderslavery.As  Daviswrote:"Theunbridledcrueltyofthislevelingprocess X wherebytheblackwomanwasforcedintoequalitywiththeblack  p manrequiresfurtherexplanation.Shesharedinthedeformed 8 equalityofequaloppression."Afterfreedomcame,black   familiessoonadoptedgenerallythewhites'sexualdivisionof x! labor.b    346      ׀Sometodaymightcriticizetheirchoices,butatleast @" whiteswerenotcoercingthemtochooseotherwise.Certainnon  quantifiableaspectsofthequalityoflifeforthesefamilies x improvedthroughsuchadecision,whichallowedformore @ houseworkofahigherquality,parentalsupervisionofchildren, X andadditionaltimeforchildrenorevenadultstogetan   education.Fundamentaldecisionsaffectingthequalityoflife  suchasthesexualdivisionoflaborshouldbedecidedbythose `  personallyaffected,notoutsidersusingforcetobringabout ( x particularresultsfortheirowneconomicbenefit.  @ @TheSexualDivisionofLabor:EnglishAgriculturalWorkers      Amajordifferencebetweenthesexualdivisionoflabor `  betweenAmericanslavesandEnglishfarmworkerswasthe (  transformationofthelatter'sduringthetimeperiodbeing   surveyed(c.17501875).Bycontrast,sincedrivingwomeninto h  thefieldswaswellestablishedevenincolonialtimes,here 0  littlechangedduringthenineteenthcenturyforthebondsmen. H  IntheEnglishcasefromthelateeighteenthcenturyonintothe  nineteenth,asmaleunemploymentroseasduetoenclosureand  populationgrowth,farmlaboringwomengenerallywerepushedout P ofthelaborforce,atleastinthesoutheasternarableareasof h England.TheparishofSelattyninShropshirereturneda 0 questionnaireforthe1834PoorLawReportstating:"Womenand  Childrenarenotnowsomuchemployedasformerly,because p labouringmenaresoplentiful,andtheirlaboursocheap."The 8 parishauthorities,facingamajorprobleminfindingworkeven P formarriedmen,rankedemployingwomenmuchlowersincethey  couldalwaysbe(conveniently)seenashomemakersprimarily,  havingabuiltinjobreadymadetokeepthembusyandoutof X trouble.Bycontrast,unemployedandunderemployedmenwere  p consideredmuchmoredangerousandtroublesome.Theyidledtheir 8 timeawayinbeerhousesandpubs,gotdrunk,hadfights,andwent   poachingforgametofeedtheirfamilies.Theirroleinsociety x! whenwithoutwageworktodowasmuchmoreanomalousand @" purposelessthanthatofwomen,whoseabilitytobearchildrento  X# continuethespeciesgavethemmoreinbuiltmeaningtotheir  $ lives.Theirinbornaggressivetendencies,sincetheyledeasily !% tovariouscrimes,weremadetoorderforincreasingthepetty `"& sessions'docketsize.Sobeyondanyofthestandardprejudices (#x' againstwomenhavingcertainjobs--attitudeswhichwere #@( significantlyweakerinthelateeighteenthcenturythaninthe $ ) VictorianperiodanywayasSnellexplains--thelocalparish % * powersthatbehadtheirreasonsforprioritizingtheemployment H&!+ ofmen.c    347       '`", Ї@((Women'sWorkinArableAreasatHarvestTimeIncreasedLaterin  theCentury x   Fromthe1850son,thenumberofwomenemployedfulltimeor X forlongperiodsinfieldlaborapparentlyincreasedinarable   areasduringharvestorotherseasonalpeaksintheyearly  agriculturalcycle.Theywerehiredmorethenbecauseasthe `  sizeofEngland'sharvestsgrew,mechanizationhadnotkeptapace ( x tohelpmuchinbringingthecropsin.d   348      ׀Asmanylocallabor  @ marketstightenedinthethirdquarterofthenineteenthcentury    onwardsasageneralruraldepopulationthroughmigration    occurred,womenincreasinglyreenteredthefieldsduringharvest. H   Oftentheirworkwassubsumedaspartofthefamilyeconomy,when `  thewholefamily,husband,wife,andchildren,harvestedgrain (  togetherunderapieceworkagreementwithalocalfarmer.Even   theancientpracticeofgleaning,whichwomenandchildrenhad h  alwaysdominated,continuedlongintothenineteenthcentury.eH    349      ׀ 0  SnellandMorgansdifferencesinoutlookonwomen's H  participationinthelaborforcelieintheformer'semphasison  the17001850periodandonthesouthwherewomenhadbecome  increasinglyscarceinthefields,whilethelatterdealswith P 18401900,anddealswithEnglandmoregenerally.f   350      ׀ h   The1867ReportonWomenandChildreninAgriculture  reflectsthechangesMorganbringstolight.TheReportpaintsa p diversepictureofhowmuchwomenwereemployedinfieldwork. 8 Insomeareas,noneworkedinthefield,forothers,they P appearedsometimes,whileinsomeplaces,theyroutinely  worked.g   351      ׀Womencustomarilylaboredinthefieldswhere x competitionforworkerswasstrong,suchastheindustrialnorth. @ InnorthernNorthumberland,women,normallyunmarriedadults, X were"bound"inwhatwascalled"bondage"(i.e.,undercontract).   Thesewomendidheavyfarmworkforlocalfarmerswhilestill  livingattheirparents'homes.Onesamplefarminthisareahad `  eightmen,eightwomen,andthree"lads"asthe regularstaff. ( x InsouthernNorthumberland,marriedwomenoftenworked,earning  @ onepoundaweek.h    352      ׀AsPatricknoted,thegangsystem's    perceivedmoralscandalsandexploitationintheFenslargely    sparkedthewritingofthe186768Report.Underthissystem, H   gangmastersemployedwomenandchildreningroupsto `  (especially)plant,weed,andharvestrootcropsbecausenot (  enoughlaborerslivednearby.Roundingupgroupsoftento   fortywomenandchildrenfromanearbyvillage,thegangmasters h  ledthemtorelativelydistantfarmstowork.IntheHumberWold 0  area,thewivesofsteadilyemployedmalelaborersavoidedfield H  work,butthewivesirregularlyemployed"catchwork"laborers  andtheirchildrenworkedinordertomakeupforlostground  financially.Herewomenandchildrencommonlyharvested P potatoes.InYorkshire,farmersmadetacitagreementswithmale h laborersthat,asaconditionofemployment,theirwivesand 0 childrenalsohadtobeplacedintheirservice.These  agreementsfailedtoguaranteethemsteadyemployment,butthey p meantthis"auxiliarylabor"wasnotallowedtogoshopping 8 aroundforhigherwageselsewherenearbyduringthepeakharvest P and/orhaymakingseasons.Inthesouth,femaleworkerswere  stillscarce,atleastasyeararoundlaborers.Northampton  reportedonly190femalelaborersoutofagroupof8,975. X Jeffries,whomainlybasedhisperceptionsofEnglishagriculture  p onwhathesawin1870sWiltshire,maintainedthatfemalefield 8 workhaddeclined,especiallyforthewintermonths,evenifa   numberstillworkedinthesummerandspring.i`    353      ׀Clearly,many x! womenstilldidfieldworkinthethirdquarterofthenineteenth @" century,especiallyinnorthernEnglandandduringseasonal  X# peaks.  @ TheFemaleDominanceofDairyWorkDeclines @   Womenhadlongdominateddairywork.Becauseofthedemand   fordairymaids,femalelaboringemploymentandtheirwageshad  fallenlittleinpastoralareasinthesouthwestofEngland `  duringthe17801840period,asSnellnotes.j   354      ׀Skilled, ( x experienceddairymaidsandthefarmers'wiveswhosupervisedthe  @ maidsand/ortookontheirworkthemselvesbroughtinacash    incomethathelpedpaytherent.Adairyfarmsmistressmight    supervisetwototwentymaids,witheachmaidtendingtencowsin H   turn,workingfrombeforedawnintothelateevening.Theyalso `  hadasignificantamountofindependencefromdirectmale (  supervisionsincetheirmenfolkoftenknewlittleaboutthe   processofmakingcheesefrommilk.Indeed,asmallfarmerwith h  themisfortuneofhavingonlysonsandnodaughtersmightbe 0  forcedintoraisinglivestockandabandoningdairying!Butthen, H  inthelatereighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies,men  interestedinimprovingmethodsandthusprofitabilityinvaded  thisfemalepreserve.Theysawdairywomenasarchconservatives P unconcernedwithinnovationandprogressintheircraft.Male h managersandcheesefactors,wishingtoservethemarketmore 0 efficientlybyapplyingascientificapproachtodairyingin  generalandcheesemakinginparticular,graduallybegantoshed p lightonwhathadbeenlargelyafemalemystery.Asaresult, 8 womenhereincreasinglylostcontroloftheirolddomain.Many P farmers'wives,suchasoneJeffriesdescribes,abandonedthis  lineofworkwhenalternativespresentedthemselves,becauseit  requiredlonghoursandmuchhardwork.Interestinglyenough, X themovebyfarmers'wivesintotheparlorsandhousework  p strictlyconsideredhappenedbeforetheVictorianideologyabout 8 theseparatespheresheldsway.Machineryassistedinthis   transition,whichallowedfarmerstousefewerdairymaids x! overall,andlessskilledpersonneltosupervisethetasks @" involved.Hence,alargelyfemalesanctuarywithinthe  X# agriculturalworkforcefellincreasinglyunderdirectmale  $ dominationinthenineteenthcentury,eventhoughdairymaidswere !% stillhiredasliveinfarmservantsbylargerfarmerswhentheir `"& ownwives'anddaughters'laborwasinsufficient,assumingtheir (#x' femalefamilymembershadnotabandoneddairyingthemselves.kX   355       #@( @HowtheSeparateSpheres'ViewonSexRolesInfluencedthe1867 % * 68Report H&!+ Ї  Inthe186768ReportonEmploymentinAgriculture,the  potentialnegativeeffectsoffieldlaboronwomen'srolesas x wivesandmothersisamajorissue.Manyinvolvedwithpreparing @ theReportsawtheworldofworkforwomenandpropersexroles X throughthelensoftheseparatespheres.Oneofthefourmain   questionstheReportinvestigatedconcernedwhetherornotwomen  shouldworkanditspossibledamagetotheirmoralsortheir `  performanceofdomesticduties.TheCommissionerseven ( x consideredthepolicyproposalofmakingtheemploymentofgirls  @ undertheageofsixteenillegal.InYorkshire,aspecialschool    wascreatedtotraingirlsinhouseholddutiessuchas    laundering,cooking,andwashing.Itwassaidtobegoodfor H   drawingthetastesofyounggirls"awayfromthelicenseoffield `  work"todomesticserviceand"futuredutiesinlife."Female (  fieldlaborwassaidoftentocausewomenlaborerstokeeptheir   cottageslesstidilyandtoneglecttheirfamilies.Theyalso, h  itwassaid,gaveopiatestotheirchildrenathometoquietthem 0  [shadesofEngels'depictionofManchester!],andevenhired"an H  oldwoman"tocareforthem.Aworkingwifesmessycottagewas  evenblamedforhelpingdriveherhusbandtothelocalpublic  houseandintoitsnoxiousinfluences.Bycontrast,singlewomen P heldin"bondage"(i.e.,undercontract)innorthern h Northumberlandreceivedamuchmorepositiveportrayal.Their 0 heavyfieldlaborwassimplynotednottobeharmfulmorally,  meaning,injurioustoperformingwhatwasdeemedthepropersex p roleswhentheymarriedlater.FromNottinghamandLincolnshire 8 cameasimilarreportaboutfemalefieldwork'snoneffectson P theirrolesaswivesandmothers.Themoralproblemseenhere  concernedthewomenandoldergirlscorruptingtheyounger  ones--presumablythroughbawdytalkandsoforth--whichmeantthe X solutionwasage,notsexual,segregation.TherectorofStilton  p chargedthatgangworkmadegirls"rude,roughandlawless,"thus 8 makingthemunfitfor"domesticdutiesand[which]consequently   disqualifie[d]themfortheirfuturepositionofwivesand x! mothers."Otherslodgedsimilarcomplaints,addingthatfield @" workdevelopeda"loveforunhealthyliberty"inthesegirls,who  X# saidtheylikeditsfreedomcomparedtodomesticservices.With  $ differentcountiesofEnglandbeinginvestigatedforthenegative !% effectsfieldworkhadonthesexrolesofwomenwhoperformed `"& it,theReport'sconsiderationofwhetherandhowmuchto (#x' restricttheemploymentofgirlsdependednotmerelyonthe #@( genericissueofhowmuchchildlaborexploitedchildrenandkept $ ) themoutofschool,butalsoonitsperceptionofthespecific % * negativeeffectsongirls'futurerolesaswivesandmothers.l   356       H&!+ Ї@ddWhyDidLaboringWomenIncreasinglyFallOutoftheFieldWork  Force? x   Didwomenthemselvesinitiatethechangesinthesexual X divisionoflabor?Ordidmiddleclassmoresonthesubjectof   femininityseepdowntothelaborers,whetherfrommenorwomen,  suchasthroughlaborers'daughtersbeinghiredasdomestic `  servants?Thedesiresofmanyfarmersand/ortheirwivestomove ( x upscalerelatetothisissue.Manypursuedmiddleclasscultural  @ attainments,andsoughttoseparatethemselvesmoreclearlyfrom    thelaborersbothinstatusandinphysicalproximity,suchasby    exchangingliveinservantsfordaylaborers.Somervillenoted H   throughhistravelsandconversationsthathehadthat: `  8  Thefarmhousesandfarmers'familiesaremuchfiner   thantwenty,andthirty,andfortyyearsago;somuch h  morerefined,withricherfurniture,and"accomplished" 0  manners,thattheunmarriedlabourersarenolonger H  permittedtolivewithinthefarmhouse,noreatatthe  farmer'stable,norstepwithinthefarmer'sdoor.   Cobbettcomplainedaboutfarmersputtingongentlemanlyairsand h having(inaparticularcase)"worstofall...aparlour! 0 Aye,andacarpetandbellpulltoo!"Totheextentwomen  believedinexpressingtheirfemininitybylearningFrench, p playingthepiano,readingliterature,etc.,infarmhouse 8 parlors,andbyabandoningdirty,backbreakingworktohiredmen, P theideasbehindtheattemptsoffarmers'wivestoembourgoisify  themselvestrickleddowntothelaborersthroughthedomestic  servantstheyhired.Onthisgeneraltheme,Jeffriesasks: X 8  Hasnotsomeoftheoldstubbornspiritofearnestwork 8 andcarefulprudencegonewiththeadventofthepiano   andtheoilpainting?Whilewearingthedressofa x! lady,thewifecannottuckuphersleevesandseeto @" thebutter,orevenfeedthepoultry,whicharedownat  X# thepenacross'anastydirtyfield.'m@   357      ׀ $   Aftertheservantsgotmarriedthemselves,theyoftentriedto `"& emulatesomeofwhattheirformermasterandmistressdid,tothe (#x' extenttheirpocketbooksmayhaveallowed.Simplyput,didwomen  begantowithdrawthemselvesfromfieldworkbeforetheideology x oftheseparatespheresheldstrongsway,orwereVictorian @ middleclassideasaboutthesexrolesthemaincauseforthe X change?Whichdrovethechangesinsexrolesmoreatthistime,   thesuperstructureofsocietyortheforcesandrelationsof  production? `    Asdescribedbothbelowandabove,therisingmale  @ unemploymentrateinmanylocalrurallabormarketsinthesouth    ofEnglandinthelateeighteenthcenturywasamajorreasonfor    womenleavingthefields.Thisdevelopmenttookplacebeforethe H   middleclasssensibilitiesoftheVictorianerahadachanceto `  operateonthelaborersorevenmanyofthefarmers.The (  Victorianperiodmerelysawthischangecompleted,whichhad   begunduetoeconomicrationalizationinsoutheasternarable h  districts.AsSnellplausiblyargues: 0  8  Butinsofarasthey[moralsentimentsantagonisticto  womenworking]cannotreadilybedatedfrombefore  1800,attheveryearliest,theirsignificanceseems P heavilyundercutbytheevidencethatthemajorsexual h divisionoflabourbeganatleastfiftyyearsbefore 0 such'middleclass'attitudestowardstherolesof  womencanhavehadinfluence.n   358      ׀p   ThedairywomenofCheshire,unwillingtogiveuptheirwork, P rejectedtheideasofJ.ChalmersMorton(c.1870)onthe  subject.Theydeniedtheirworkwas"drudgery,"sayingthatthe  qualitythatcouldcomefromhomemadecheesewasworththeir X continuedeffortsasagainsthisadvocacyofapplyingfactory  p methods.Theirdecliningcontroloverthedairyindustrywas 8 obviouslynottheirnotion.Ontheotherhand,theideasofa   woman's"properplace"mayhaveencouragedatleastsomewomento x! withdrawfromthelaborforceandberelegatedincreasinglyto @" doinghouseworkordomesticserviceonly.The1867Reporton  X# EmploymentinAgriculturefoundinLincolnshireandNottingham  $ thatthegirlswerelessinclinedtodofieldworkthemselves. !% Inthesetwocounties,aboveagetwelveorthirteen,theywere `"& notfoundinthefieldsinsomeareas.Ontheotherhand, (#x' althoughJeffriesbelievedthatthenumberofwomenfieldworkers #@( hadgreatlydeclined(inthegeneralareaofWiltshireinthe  1870s),still"theredoesnotappeartobeanyrepugnanceon x theirparttofieldwork."o   359      ׀Theweightoftheevidencepoints @ towardslateeighteenth/earlynineteenthcenturychangesinspired X bytheeconomicsofenclosure,poorrelief,andpopulationgrowth   inpushingwomenoutofthelaborforcebecauseofarisingmale  unemploymentrateinsteadofwomenactivelyacceptingthe `  Victorianideaoffemininityandvoluntarilywithdrawing ( x themselvesfromthepaidlaborforce,orpassivelygoingalong  @ withtheirhusbands'oremployers'ideasthatwomenideally    shouldbesupportedbytheirhusbandsandmainlydohousework.    @AllotmentsPartiallyRestoretheFamilyEconomy `    Thespreadofallotmentsduringthenineteenthcentury,ina   smallway,broughtorkeptwomenintheagriculturallaborforce. h  Enclosureandmanyfamilies'heavydependenceonthefather's 0  wagesforsupporthadlargelydestroyedinsouthernarableareas H  thefamilyeconomy.Butitwaspartiallyrestoredthrough  husbands,wives,andchildrenallworkingontheirsmallplotsof  landasafamily,thoughnotnecessarilyallatthesametimeof P theday.PerhapsthefathertendedtheplotonSundaysorsome h dayhewasofffromwork;themotherandherchildrenmighttill 0 itduringsparetimeonregularweekdays,notjustSundays.  Sometimeseventhreegenerationsofafamilyworkedtogether. p Oftenwomenandchildren,whowouldhavebeenidleotherwise, 8 cultivatedtheplots,whilethemenworkedfulltimeforfarmers. P ButinBedfordshireevenlateinthecentury(1893),thewomen  didnotworkontheallotmentsbecausetheyhadbeenusedto  earningsignificantlymoremoneythroughsuchdomesticindustries X asstrawplaitingandlacemaking.Sincetheseindustrieshad  p largelycollapsedbythen,thewomenclearlyhadfailedtoadjust 8 fullytothenewconditions.p   360      ׀Moreimportantly,thefamily   economyhadpersistedbecausefamilymembersharvestedgrain x! together,asmentionedabove,asdifferentmemberstookon @" differenttasks.Nevertheless,allotmentsplayedarolein  X# keepingwomenintheagriculturalworkforce,albeitnotfor  $ wages. !% @QualityofLifeIssuesandtheSexualDivisionofLabor (#x' ̀TowardstheendofAnnalsoftheLabouringPoor,Snell $ ) exploresthedownsideoftheincreasedsexualdivisionoflabor % * andthedeclineofthefamilyeconomyinfavorofcentralized  productioninfactoriesandworkshops.Withthefathertaken x fromhometoworkelsewhere,andthemotherconfinedincreasingly @ tononwagepaidhouseworkandchildrearing,thehomebecameless X importanteconomically.Increasingly,thefamilybecame"aunit   ofprimarysocialisationandrecreativeconvenience."His  analysisofThomasHardy'snovelsfocusesonhowasharpsexual `  divisionoflaborcreatesemotionaldistancebetweenahusband ( x andwife,thuscausingthemtosharenoworktogether,butonly  @ pleasures.Asaresult,acouplefailtolearnwelleachother's    realcharacter.Althoughtheupperandmiddleclasseslargely    hadhadadistinctsexualdivisionoflaborforcenturies,this H   relationshipnowspreadamongtheworkingandlaboringclasses, `  insuchoccupationsasartisans,farmworkers,andunskilledcity (  workers,duringthelatereighteenthandnineteenthcenturies.q   361      ׀     Snell'sanalysisaboutthepitfallsofasharpdivisionof 0  laborinunderminingtheworkingclassfamilyscohesionstrongly H  differsfromotherssayingaweakdivisionoflaborproducedthe  familyillsprevailingamongtheAmericanslaves.Thelegacyof  slaveryinthisregarddecadeslaterbecameespecially P controversialbecauseoftheMoynihanreport'sdiscussionofthe h socialproblemscausedbymatriarchyandillegitimacyinthe 0 1960'sblackfamily.Inparticular,enslavementsometimesnearly  reducedslavefathertoamerestud,becauseofthewaythe p masterstoodbetweentheslavesandthemeansofproductionas 8 theslavesprovider,insteadofslavefamiliesindependentlyand P directlysupportingthemselves.Throughthepracticeof  "marryingabroad,"theslavehusbandandwifedeliberatelychose  toworkapartfromoneanotherinordertoavoid(especially)the X terriblesceneswhereonehadtowatchorevenhelptoinflicta  p whippingorpunishmentontheother.Sincetheslavehusband 8 oftencametovisithiswifejustonweekends,thisarrangement   wasanextremecaseofmarriedcouplescomingtogetheronlyto x! sharepleasuresinlife,andnottheworkthatsupportedthemand @" theirchildren.Theslaveholdersdiddestroythefamilyeconomy  X# amongtheslaves,exceptingthoseintasksystemareaswho  $ assiduouslytendedtheiranimalsandplotsofland,sincethe !% familymembersdidnotworktogetherasaneconomicunitof `"& production.Butinaddition,slavefamiliesdidnoteven (#x' directlysupportthemselvesbecausetheslaveownersissued #@( standardrationstoallthehumanchattelsontheirplantations $ ) andfarms.Evenifthehusbandandwifedidliveonthesame  plantation,theywereoftenseparatedduringthedaybyworking x indifferentgangssegregatedbysexand/orcultivatingfunction @ (suchasplowingversushoeing).Furthermore,unlikeacoupleor X familyworkingtogetherindomesticindustryintheirownhome,   theycouldnotsettheirownworkhoursorhaveflexibilityin  takingbreaksthatwouldallowthemtofreelyinteracttogether. `  Ofcourse,someofthedifferencesbetweenwhatSnellseesamong ( x theEnglishfarmworkersorartisansandothersobserveinthe  @ slavefamilycomefromthespecialfeaturesofslaverythatmade    themaster'sauthoritytheultimateandcontrollingforceinthe    slavesphysicallives,notthesexualdivisionoflaboritself. H   Nevertheless,whileSnellarguesthatasharpsexualdivisionof `  laborproducesalienationbetweenthesexesbecausethehusband (  andwifedonotspendenough"quantitytime"duringworkhours   withoneanother,othershaveblamedaweaksexualdivisionof h  laborinpartforweakeningtheslavefamilybecausethefather's 0  roleismadelargelysuperfluousrelativetothemothers. H  @  TheDivisionofLabor:BlessingorCurse?    Snell'scritiqueoftheVictoriansexualdivisionoflabor h isasubsetofattacksmade(suchasbyMarx)againstthe 0 alienationthatcentralizedfactoryproductioncreatedthrough  thespecializationofjobsandtheimpersonalcashnexusbetween p employerandemployee.Thompson'sdiscussionoftheconceptof 8 timeandwork,andtheswitchoverfromataskorientationtoa P timeorientation,isreallyanattackonthedivisionoflabor:  8  Matureindustrialsocietiesofallvarietiesaremarked X bytimethriftandbyacleardemarcationbetween  p "work"and"life"....Butifthepurposivenotation 8 oftimeusebecomeslesscompulsive,thenmenmight   havetorelearnsomeoftheartsoflivinglostinthe x! industrialrevolution:howtofilltheintersticesof @" theirdayswithenriched,moreleisurely,personaland  X# socialrelations;howtobreakdownoncemorethe  $ barriersbetweenworkandlife.!%   The"cleardemarcation"appearsbecauseonegoestoaseparate (#x' workplacefromhome,worksthereforsomanyhours,andthen #@( returnshometo"enjoylife,"i.e.,leisuretimewithones $ ) familywhichislargelyunderone'sowncontrol.Thedivisionof % * labor,whichoriginallywaspartofthefoundationforearly H&!+ civilizationsdevelopment,presentsabasictradeofftosociety '`", asawhole:Workersbenefitfromtheincreasedproductivityand '(#- shorterworkdaysanintricatedivisionoflaboryields,butmay (#. suffermindstultifying,narrowtaskstendingmachineryor h)$/ pushingpaperworkinabureaucracy,thuscausingincreased 0*%0 alienation.Ofcourse,muchofthemanuallaborinartisans' *H&1 workshopsorthefieldswashardlyexcitingorselffulfilling +'2 either!AsM.DorothyGeorgecomments: Itseemsunlikelythat ,'3 theaverageweaver,toilinghourafterhourthrowingtheshuttle  backwardsandforwardsonworkwhichwasmonotonousand x exhausting,hadthereactionswhichwouldsatisfyamodern @ enthusiastforpeasantarts.P   362      ׀(Somepeoplealsomaypersonally X preferworktobeatadifferentlocationfromhome:Itallows   themtoescapefromit!)Tosendthefatherofthefamilyoutto  work,toearnortoseektoearnthe"familywage"Englishlabor `  unionistsdesired,whileexclusivelyrelegatingthemotherto ( x houseworkandchildcareduringhisabsence,increased  @ productivity,butalsoweakenedthefeelingsofaffectionor    familytiesbetweenthecoupleinquestion.Tohavetheir    childrengotoschool(ordaycare)furtherbrokeupthefamily H   economy,fortheygainedknowledgeandpossiblyalienvaluesthat `  neitherthemothernorfatheragreedwith,whilespendingmany (  hoursoutofeitherparentscare.SnellandThompsonproperly   seetheproblemswithanincreaseddivisionoflabor,whether h  sexualoramongthoseatacentralplaceofproductionsuchasa 0  factory,butitsadvantagesneedconsiderationalso.Eventually, H  atleast,increasedspecializationledtohigherproductivity,  higherwages,andshorterhours.Theworkweekhasfallenfrom  (say)75hoursto40overaperiodof150yearswhilerealwages P havesharplyrisen.TodaymostpeopleinWesternnationsenjoya h highstandardoflivingsofarabovethesubsistencelevelthat 0 eventheirloweststratumaremoreoverweightthanthoseofthe  middleorupperclassesabovethem.Wouldthesepeople p voluntarilygiveupsuchgreatmaterialadvantagesforthe 8 perceivedimprovementsinfamilyrelationships(orallegedlyless P workplacealienation)thatwouldbebroughtbyareturnto  subsistencefarming,literalcottageindustries,andmass  educationsabolition?Althoughmanydohavethefinancial X resourcestobuylandandengageinindividualexperimentsof  p simplifyingtheirlivesinaThoreauianmanner,fewchoosetodo 8 it.(Noteveryonecouldchoosethisoption.Becausesubsistence   farminganddomesticindustryhavesuchalowproductivity, x! probablyabout80percentoftheWesternworld'spresent @" populationwouldbecomesuperfluous,andahemrequire  X# elimination).Snell'sanalysisalsotakesforgrantedthehigh  $ qualityofthelowerclassesfamilyrelationshipsinwestern !% Europeinthepreindustrialpast,aclaimwhichWeberandGillis `"& seriouslyquestion.Soalthoughanincreaseddivisionoflabor (#x' hasitsdrawbacks,itsbenefitsmustbeaddedtothebalances #@( beforeidealizingtheadvantagesofdomesticindustryand  subsistencefarmingforfamilyandmarriagerelationships. x   Theissueofthesharpeningsexualdivisionoflaborduring X industrializationneedssomeexaminationinthiscontext.Even   thelikesofDillcouldseeitsbenefits,atleastformiddle  classwomenwhosetimeandenergieswerefreedforcharitable, `  religious,andpoliticalactivities.Kembleobviouslyconcurred. ( x ViewingAmericanslaveryfromthevantagepointofaVictorian  @ middleclassEnglishwoman,shefoundsimplyintolerablethe    thoughtofenduringdailysometenormorehoursoffieldworkon    topofcaringforyoungchildrenandhousework.Ofcourse,the H   separatesphereschiefdrawbackasanorganizingprinciplefor `  societystemmedfromitstheoreticallypigeonholingnarrowlythe (  talentsofhalfofthehumanraceintoaspecificsetoftasks   (housework,childcare,etc.)whentheirindividualabilitiesand h  talentsoftencouldhavebeenmorefullydevelopedoutsidethe 0  homeinvariouscareers.Byplacingseriouslimitsonindividual H  women'schoicesinlife,especiallyforthosewhocouldnotor  wouldnotmarry,thisideologyconstrainedtheirpersonal  autonomybysocialcustom,privatediscrimination,andlaws P againstentryintospecificprofessionsandjobs.Butforthose h womenmoreattunedtothelifeofahomemaker,theseparate 0 spherespresentedsomeadvantages,sincethey(theoretically)  forcedmentobemorestableintheirworkhabitsandprotective p oftheirwives.Forthesereasons,manysawtheprincipal 8 problemwiththeslavefamily'srelationshipsasthemanslack P ofarealfunctionbesidessiringoffspring,thusenablinghimto  bemoreirresponsibleabouthisdutiestowardshiswifeand  children.Theslavefather'sderelictionofdutydirectly X resultedfromtheslaveholdersfurnishingautomaticallyrations  p offood,clothing,andsheltertoanenslavedwifeandchildren 8 withoutanyrealregardforhis(orher)levelofworkeffort.   Nowadays,contemporaryWesternsocietyhasbeendissolvingthe x! separatespheressinceits(semi)capitalisteconomytends @" towardslaborshortageduringboomsandwar,thusencouraging  X# womentoworkoutsidethehome.Womenthenfarmoutmanyofthe  $ childcareandhouseworkresponsibilitiestoothers(assuming !% theydonotcomehometofacetheinfamous"secondshift"while `"& theirhusbandsloungeabout,doingalmostnothing).s   363      ׀This (#x' changemeanscontemporarysocietyhassharplymovedawayfromthe #@( Victorianmodelonsexroles,andtowardsthoseoncefoundon $ ) Southernplantations.Exceptingmainlythosepresentlydependent % * ongovernmentaltransferpayments,becauseeachfamilystillhas H&!+ tosupportitselfdirectlybyitsownefforts,thenegative '`", effectsfrommoreandrogenoussexrolesonthequalityoffamily '(#- lifetodayaremuchlowertheywereontheslaves,althoughthe  resultsfromhavingless"quantitytime"togetherstillremain. x Afterall,tohavebothmenandwomenworkingoutsidethehome @ doesnotsolvetheproblemSnelldescribes,unlesstheyhappento X worktogetherforthesameemployerorinafamilybusinessasa   partnership.  @WhoWasBetterOffDependsontheValuesOneHas ( x   ClearlytheplantationslaveandmidVictorianlaborer    pitchedtheircampsatspotsneartheoppositeextremesofthe    divisionoflaborsgeneralcontinuum.Thebestpositionfor H   societalwellbeingliessomewhereinthemiddlebetweenthese `  twoextremes.Enoughdifferentiationbetweenthesexesshould (  remainforpeopletobenefitfromthecomplementaryroles   possibleandtogiveindividualsthroughsocietysomebasic h  guidancetotheiridentity,whichreducestheamountof 0  confusion,alienation,andanomietheymayfeelotherwise.But H  enoughsimilarity(orsocialtoleranceforsimilarity)should  existtoallowindividualmenandwomentomakefreelytheirown  choicesbasedonindividualtalentsandinterests.Theslaves P themselvessimplyhadnoabilitytomakesuchchoicesbefore h emancipation.Butsoonafterfreedomcame,theychosetoemulate 0 thefreewhitesociety'sdivisionoflaborasinfluencedbythe  ideologyoftheseparatespheres.UsingSnell'sbasicapproach, p underwhichthepoorsjudgmentofwhatvaluesmattertothem 8 mosttrumpswhat(say)amoderndayprofessionaleconomistthinks P theyshouldhavevalued,thisoutcomeshowstheyevaluated  negativelythesexualdivisionoflaborimposedonthembytheir  owners.Althoughnotasartificiallyimposed,Englishfemale X laborerswereincreasinglypushedoutofthelaborforceinthe  p lateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies.Asappliedto 8 thefarmworkers,theVictorianmodeloftheseparatespheres   takesonthefeelofamalemakeworkprogram.Thelocal x! parishesconvenientlycouldjustassumedwomenwouldfind @" somethingtodoathome,whileseekingsomewaytokeepmenout  X# ofthebeerhousesandhunting(re:poaching)grounds.But  $ illustratinghowdifferentitsvaluesare,contemporaryWestern !% societyhasfreelychosenasexualdivisionoflaborthat `"& resemblesaSouthernplantationsmorethanVictorianEnglands. (#x' Todeterminewhichmodelprovidesahigherqualityoflife #@( dependsinturnuponhotlycontestedvaluesandhowintrinsically $ ) differentisthebiological(andpsychological)natureofmenand % * women.TheSearsEEOCcaseillustrateshowoldfashioned H&!+ patriarchalistscanusetotheirownadvantagetheinhouse '`", debatesbetween"equality"and"difference"feminists.t   364      ׀Tothe '(#- extentoutsidersforceawayoflifeuponsomegroup--here,  mastersimposingacertainsexualdivisionoflaboramong x Americanslaves--itsqualityoflifeislowerthanwhereitwas @ freelychosen.Otherwise,asthisterrainissocontroversial X presently,eachpersonafterexaminingtheevidence--historical,   scientific,andanthropological!naturallyendsupchoosing,  basedonhisorhervalues,themodelormidpointbetweenthe `  twoextremesthatwouldsupposedlymakeforthebestsociety. ( x Whowasbetteroffbetweentheslavesandfarmworkersconcerning  @ thesexualdivisionoflabordependsonwhatvalueshistorians    andothersapplywhenjudgingapeoplespastwayoflife.    5.CONTROLLINGSUBORDINATECLASSES--HOWITWASDONE `  @TheCentralRealityofWorkandtheElite'sNeedsforControlling   ItsWorkers h    Todayandinthepast,thecentralrealityofmostadults' H  livesisthesetoftasksandactivitiesthatmakeupthemeans  bywhichtheyearnaliving.Especiallyinthepreindustrial  andearlyindustrialpast,peoplebackthencomparedtotodayin P thedevelopedworldlivedshorterlives,workedmorehoursdaily h andweekly,andworkedmoreyearsbeforeretiring,assumingthat 0 wasevenpossiblebeforetheydied.InthecaseoftheAfrican  AmericanslavesandEnglishagriculturalworkers,theirdaily p taskswerefairlysimilaralthoughtheynormallytendeddifferent 8 crops.Bothgroupsbenefitedfromanyandallthereputed P intrinsicadvantagesofdoingfarmworkinsteadoffactoryor  shopwork,suchasfromlaboringinfreshairoutsideattasks  thatweremeaningfulandunderstandableinthecontextofthe X overallproductionprocess.Thissectiondoesnotdealwiththe  p specifictechniquesortasksoftheslavesorfarmworkersin 8 fieldsorhomes,butwith"management's"attemptstocontrol   them.Aftercoveringtwobasicaspectsofworkingconditions, x! concerningthenumberofworkhoursanddaysofffromthejob, @" howtheelitescontrolledtheirsubordinateclassesisdescribed  X# below.Theformerneededthelaborpowerofthelatter,but  $ (usually)wanteditonthebestpossibleterms,compensatingit !% aslittleaspossiblewithoutsparkingrevolts,strikes,or `"& uprisingsthatwouldbeexpensivetoquell.Howtheslavesand (#x' farmworkersresistedtheirrespectivedominantclassesmaybe #@( occasionallytoucheduponinthissection,butthatismainly $ ) dealtwithinthenext. % *   Themethodsofcontrollingtheslavesandlaborers '`", inevitablydiffered.Sincethelatterwerelegallyfree,they '(#- couldquitandmoveelsewhere(exceptingthesettlementlaws' (#. restrictions).Butsincetheslaveswerenot,corporal h)$/ punishmentwasoftennecessarilyemployedtocompellabor,with  additionalaidtoworkdisciplineprovidedbythefearofthe x auctionblock.TheEnglisheliteusedmoreindirect,collective @ legalmeasuressuchasenclosureandthepoorlawstoextract X laborpowerfromthefarmworkers.Sinceindividualmastersand   mistressesownedandcontrolledtheslavesbothonandthejob  andoff,managingthemtendedtobecorrespondinglymoredirect `  andindividualized,asillustratedbythepasssystem,afterthe ( x slavecodeshadsetthebasiclegalframeworkinplace.The  @ Englishruralelites,incontrast,hadcountedonatiltedfree    markettobringthemlabor.Theyriggedthelawofsupplyand    demandforlabortofavorthemselves,suchasbyusingenclosure H   andthesettlementlawstoensureareadysupplyoflaborersfor `  thepeaksummerseasoninarableagriculture.Thelaborersthen (  semifreelychosetoworkforthisorthatindividuallocal   farmerorlandowner.Butslaveryrequiredastrictersystemof h  control,sincethebondsmenhadnofreedomtochoosetoworkfor 0  differentmastersormistresseslegally,buthadtoworkfor H  thosethatownedorrentedthem.(Someslaveswerepermittedto   moonlightforpayonSundays,butcompensationforthat  practiceexistedbypermission,notbyright).Sinceslaveshad P littleornointrinsicselfinteresttoworkfortheir h "employers,"theirownershadtousemuchmorecoerciontokeep 0 theminlinecomparedtowhattheirEnglishequalsexertedonthe  farmworkers.Becausetheslavesweretheirproperty, p slaveholdershadfarmorelegalrighttoinflictpainandto 8 damagethebodiesoftheir troublesomeproperty.Theyalsohad P thelegalpowertointerfereinandcontroltheirhumanchattels  offworklives.Therealityofpaternalismisexaminedbelow,  sincebothelitesusedthissocialordersideologytojustify X theirascendency,throughproclaimingtheexistenceofamutual  p reciprocalsystemofaltruismunderlaytheirruleoverthe 8 subordinateclasses.Itisdecidedlydubiousthattheseelites   establishedideologicalhegemonyoverthelaborersandslaves x! throughpaternalismorsomeothermeans.Sinceboththesework @" forcesmainlyorcompletelyworkedforothers,andnotdirectly  X# forthemselvesasinsubsistenceagriculture(orartisansin  $ theirownshops),theelite'smachinationsforcontrollingthem !% clearlysuffusedtheirworklives. `"& Ѐ (#x' @| | !DawntoDusk:WorkHoursforSlaves #@(   Firstofall,twooftheconditionsofworkitselfshouldbe % * examinedbeforeanalyzingtheelite'sattemptstoenforce H&!+ compliance.Howlongdidtheslavesworkeachday?Theirtime '`", atworktendedtofillallavailabledaylighthours.Slaves '(#- rarelysleptpastdawn,althoughmorepaternalisticmasters (#. deviatedfromthisstandard.Theirlifestylesharplydiffered h)$/ fromthatformanypoorwhitesaroundthem.Thelatterhad 0*%0 relativelyleisurelydayssincetheycouldgetbythrough *H&1 hunting,fishing,and/orsomesubsistenceagriculture.Most +'2 slavesgotupatthecrackofdawnorearlier.Theoverseer'sor ,'3 master'sbellorhornarousedthemandwarnedthemthattheyhad  littletimeleftinthequartersbeforetheirpresencewas x requiredinthefields.JohnWarrentoldDrewhehadtogetup @ atfouro'clockontheMississippiplantationhelivedat.He X hadjustfifteenminutestoeatbreakfastinthefieldbefore   workbegan.Similarly,DickSmith,onceaslaveinLouisiana,  toldArmstronghegotupatfouro'clockinsummer,fiveo'clock `  inwinter,whenthelatterwastwohoursbeforesunrise. ( x FreedmanTinesKendricksofGeorgiarememberedhowthemeanold  @ mistresswouldbeup"'Way'foreday...holleringloudenough    fortobehearedtwomiles,'rousingtheniggersoutfortogit    inthefieldever'forelight."FreedwomanJennyProctor H   recalledthathermotherasacookhadathreeo'clockrising `  time.Olmsted'sexperienceconfirmedtheseaccountsaboutthe (  slavesgettingupearly.Oncehehadtofeedhisownhorseata   placehestayedinLouisiana,sincealltheslaveshadleft h  beforedaybreak.Anothertime,hefoundtheslavesalreadyat 0  workafterheawokeatfouro'clockfollowinganawfulnight's H  sleepduringwhichinsectsrepeatedlyattackedhiminasmall  planter'shouseinMississippi.u   365      ׀Bondsmenclearlyroutinely  startedfieldlaboratdawnifnotearlier. P @UsingForcetoGettheSlavesintotheFieldsintheMorning 0   Sincetheslavesdidnotdirectlybenefitfromwork,but p normallygotfedandclothedthesameregardlessoftheir 8 productivitylevels,mastersandoverseershadtoenforce P strictlythestartingtimeforwork.Theyofteninflicted  whippingsonthedawdling.AsDouglassrecalled,althoughthe  bondsmenmighthavebeendoinghouseworkorcookinglatethe X nightbefore,theyhadbetterhearthehorninthemorningat  p dawn.Otherwise,theconsequenceswereoftendire:"Iftheyare 8 notawakenedbythesenseofhearing,theyarebythesenseof   feeling;noagenorsexfindsanyfavor."Theoverseer,withthe x! DickensiannameofMr.Severe,stoodarmed,readyandwaiting @" witha"largehickorystickandheavycowskin,"foranyonenot  X# immediatelyheadingoffforthefieldsaftermorningreveille.  $ Naturally,theoverseerorhandsonmasterarosewhenhisslaves !% did,asfreedman"OldManNed"ofNorthCarolinarecalledabout `"& hisowner.Havingdispensedwithoverseers,BennetBarrowby (#x' 1845hadturnedoverdailyoperationstohisblackdriver.One #@( dayhedecidedtogetupwithhisslavesatdaybreak,which $ ) produced(tohim)impressiveresults:"BeganatdayLight % * Overseering--CoffeeatdayLightout'till12--negroesworked  hardertodaythantheyhavedoneinatLeast5years."Onthe x otherhand,whenhisslavesgotuplateoneday,hepartially @ blamedhimself:"HandsmadeaBadbeginningthismorninggot X outLatePloughs&c.BeganoverseeringinEarnest,neglectmy   businessalltheyearperswuadeditinjuredmyhealth--negros  verymuchoutofGeer."Butthiskindofmistakewasuncommon, `  astheslavenarrativesbearwitness.Onesignofaharshmaster ( x wasthathemadehisslavesgetupveryearlydailyinorderto  @ maximizetheworkeffortextractedfromthem.Escapedslave    HenryBanksdescribedhowoneofhisVirginianmastersdealtwith    slaveswhoroseupslowerthanthesuninthemorning:"Let H   daybreakcatchmeinthehouse,insteadofcurryingthehorses, `  thatwasasgoodforafloggingasanythingelse."HenryGowens (  sufferedunderacrueloverseerinAlabama.Afterreceiving"a   firstrateEnglishwatchtokeephistimeandblowthehornby," h  heorderedtheslavestoeatnothingbeforetwelvenoon.After 0  blowingthehorntwohoursbeforedaybreak,hesaidheexpected H  everyoneupandatworkonehourlateratthesecondhorn  blowing.Hethreatened:"IfIfindanyofyoulaggingback  afterthelasthornblows,Ishallwhipyouuptothespotwhere P theworkistobedone."J.W.Terrill,onceaslaveinTexas, h rememberedthattheoverseerawokethehandsatthreeo'clock. 0 Iftheygotuplate,hetiedthemtoatreeatnightwithnothing  toeat,andlatergavethemthirtyninelashesfromalong,wide p belt.ThetestimonyofAaronSidles,whoforyearstraveledup 8 anddowntheMississippiasasteamboatssteward,showshow P generallyforcewasusedneardaybreakontheslaves.Thefirst  thinginthemorningheheardwerethebellsrungtoawakenthe  slavesonfarmsorplantationsoneithersideoftheriver."The X nextthing,beforeitwaslightenoughtosee,Iheardthecrack  p oftheoverseer'swhip,andthecriesoftheslaves,'Oh!pray, 8 Mas'r!Oh!pray,Mas'r!'EverymorningIhearditfromboth   sidesoftheriver."v   366      ׀Clearly,mastersandoverseershadto x! applyorthreatentoapplyalotofphysicalforcetogetthe @" slavesontaskaroundorbeforesunrise,unliketheEnglish  X# landownersandfarmers,whoreliedmainlyonthelaborers  $ proddingthemselvestogettoworkontimeinthemorningsince !% theycouldbefiredorhavetheirpaydockedforbeinglate. `"& Ѐ (#x'   Themostextremesemistandardhoursslaveshadtoendure #@( wasduringgrindingseasononsugarplantations.Slavesheremay $ ) havebeenworkedtodeathliterally.Havingbeenaslavein % * Alabama,Catofelthehadbeenwelltreated,butknewthat: H&!+ "Some[of]theniggershatedsyrupmakingtime,'causewhenthey  hadtoworktillmidnightmakingsyrup,it'sfouro'clockup, x justthesame.Sunuptosundownwasforfieldniggers."Olmsted @ foundaLouisianasugarplanterwhoseslavesworkedthetwoto X threemonthgrindingseasonaroundtheclock.Theyworkedin   relays,eachonforeighteenhoursandoffsix,whichkeptthree  fourthsofthemconstantlyatwork.IncontrasttoCato's `  testimony,theslavesonthisplantationactuallyevidentlyliked ( x grindingseason,sinceagarruloushouseslavescomments  @ corroboratedthemaster'stestimony.Olmstedquestioned    carefullyatlengththisslavewithouthisappearingguardedor    defensive.Theselonghoursweremademoretolerablebygiving H   themlotsoffoodandcoffeeandbyencouragingthem,"asmuchas `  possible,tomakeakindoffrolicofit."Despitethisattempt (  topaintahumanfaceonobviousexploitation,Olmstedstill   observed:"Nofarm,andinnofactory,ormine,evenwhendouble h  wagesarepaidfornightwork,didIeverhearofmenorwomen 0  workingregularlyeighteenhoursaday.Ifeverdone,itisonly H  whensomeaccidentmakesitespeciallydesirableforafewdays."  Despite(some?)sugarplanterstriedtomaketheseschedules  bearable,somehowevenenjoyable,theystillcouldwellhave P extractedadeadlytoll.OnegroupofLouisianasugarplanters h admittedthatworkingslavestodeathandreplacingthemevery 0 sevenyearswasmoreprofitablethandrivingthemlesshard,and  "maintain[ing]themindiminishedefficiencyforanindefinite p lengthoftime."w   367      ׀Extremeconditionstaxedthebondsmen's 8 health,evenwhentheycouldbepersuadedtotolerateorenjoy P longhourswhichlastedforonlytwoorthreemonthsandonly  aftertheprecedingslackperiodhadgiventhemextrarest.  @ FinishingWorkfortheDay--SomeVariations  p   Theendoftheslavesworkdayvariedmuchmorethanits   start.Thetasksystemareas,mainlyinthelowlandcoastal x! regionsofGeorgiaandSouthCarolina,allowedtheslavesto @" finishworkingfortheirmasterforthedayassoonasthey  X# completedtheirsetassignment("task").Thismayexplainwhy  $ theslavesweredonebythreethirtyintheafternoononKemble's !% husband'scottonseaislandestate.Onhisriceislandestate, `"& theworkdaywaslongerandthelabormorephysicallydraining. (#x' Herethebondsmenworkedfromdaybreaktosixintheevening,but #@( theyhadtimeoffforlunchatnoon.Butmoretypically,slaves $ ) workeduntilsunset.Mr.Freeland,astraightforwardaverage % * masterofMaryland,workedhisslaveshard,butDouglassthanked H&!+ himfordoingsoonlybetweensunriseandsunset.GeorgeJohnson '`", ofVirginiaworkedfromsunrise"andquitworkbetweensundown '(#- anddark.""Aunt"TildaofMississippitoldArmstrongthatshe (#. workedfrom"dedaylighttonoontime"andafterlunch,"wu'k[ed] h)$/ tilldesungodownan'deoverseerwhoop:'Allin!Day's  done!'an'backtodecabinsergain."However,manyslaves x workedfarlongerhours.Olmstedknewtwoplantationsin @ Mississippithatrouseduptheirbondsmenatthreethirtyinthe X morning,andtheyfrequentlyworkeduntilnineatnight.   Appalledthatherchildrenwerestillenslaved,MaryYoungerknew  theystilllaboredlateatnightdespitestartingworkbefore `  daylight.WilliamBrown,onceaVirginianslave,hadworked ( x sometimesaslateastenatnightinsomeseasons.Becausethe  @ slaveswouldfeedhishorseattheplacehespentthenightat,    Olmstedfoundtheygenerallyworkeduntilnightfallafteralready    appearedinthefieldswhenhefirstlookedoutearlyinthe H   morning.OnaplantationnearNatchez,sincethehandsworked `  untilninethirtyintheeveningaftergettingupataboutfive (  inthemorningduringsummer,thehoegangmembersworkedabout   sixteenhoursinaday.Theplowgangworkedlessbecausetheir h  breakwasabouttwohourslongversus(perhaps)ahalfhourfor 0  thehoegang.OnoneplantationinVirginia,however,theyonly H  workedelevenhoursadaybecauseofatwohourbreakatnoon,  whichcorrespondedtothebettertreatmentforwhichBorderSlave  Stateswereknown.Althoughundeniablevariationsinwhathours P slavesworkedappearedamongdifferentplantationsandfarms, h SutchandRansomhavecalculatedquantitativelythattheaverage 0 slave(male,female,andchild)workedapproximately1622  percentmorethantheaveragefreelaborer,NorthandSouth. p Thisfigurewasbasedonacomparisonofhowmanyhoursslaves 8 workedin1860withthoseofthefreedmenin1870.Genovese,as P wellasFogelandEngerman,aretoooptimisticwhensayingfree  workers,especiallywhenwivesandchildrenareincluded,  normallyworkedasmanyand/ormorehoursthantheslaves.x   368       X @ "HoursofWork--AgriculturalWorkers 8   Whentheywereemployed,theEnglishagriculturallaborers x! andslavesoftenworkedremarkablysimilarhours.Inbothcases, @" thedawntodusknatureofagriculturalworkduringplanting,  X# growing,andharvestingseasondrovetheirdailyschedules.  $ Carters,foggers(cowfeeders),andmilkershadtotendtotheir !% animalssevendaysaweek,arrivingearlyinthemorningand `"& laterintheafternoonoreveningtofeedthem.Shepherds (#x' accompanyingflocksinthefieldswereeffectively"oncall"for #@( twentyfourhoursadaybecausetheyhadtowatchovertheflock $ ) atnight,especiallyduringlambingseason.Theirjobwastask  oriented,nottimeoriented,sotheymaybeworkingwhenothers x laborerssleptandrelaxingwhileothersworked.AsJeffries @ notedaboutshepherds:"Hissheeprulehislife,andhehas X littletodowiththeartificialdivisionsoftime."During   harvestseasonthelaborers'hoursgrewlongandlate.Butin  winter,especiallyinarableareas,evenwhentheywerenot `  underemployedorunemployed,theyworkedshorthours:Theywould ( x leavethefieldsbyfiveo'clockatnightfall.y   369      ׀Sincetheir  @ employershadtopaythemforeachhourordaytheyworked,the    laborersremainedonthejobonlyasneeded,exceptingfarm    servantsunderaoneyear(orless)contract.Incontrast,since H   mastersandmistresseshadtofeed,clothe,andotherwisemeet `  theneedsoftheirbondsmenregardlessoftheiroutput,theyhad (  acontinualincentivetoworktheirhumanchattelsasmanyhours   aspossible.Everymomentafarmworkerslackedoffcosthisor h  heremployeralso,butonlyforamutuallyagreeduponset 0  period,suchasaday,week,ormonth.Whenaslaveholder H  purchasedaslave,hehadboughtallatonceallofthatslave's  potentiallaborforalifetime:So,arguably,timewasawasting  everymomentthatslavewasidle,exceptformeetingtheminimum P physicalrequirementsofsleep,mealperiods,etc.Althoughon h papertheslavesandfarmworkersseemtoworkdailyaboutasmany 0 hoursbecauseofagriculturallaborsintrinsicdiurnalnature,  theformeroftenworkedfewermanyhoursoverallinagivenyear p thanthelatter,whichwasattributabletowinter(andgeneral) 8 unemployment. P @TTWereWorkdaysShorterfortheFarmworkersthantheSlaves?    Theagriculturalworkersattimesworkeddawntodusklike  p theslaves.Asayoungmaninamowinggangduringharvest,Arch 8 workedfromfiveinthemorningtosevenatnight.Batchelorin   1808notedhowthehoursduringharvestgrewlonger,"extend[ing] x! ...fromsunrisetosunset,orwhencarryingthecorn,aslong @" asthedaylightpermits."Somervilleencounteredthree  X# Wiltshirecarters,whoallgotupatfourinthemorningto  $ attendtotheirhorses.Twoofthemarrivedhomefordinnerat !% seveno'clock,andtheotherleftthestableatabouthalfpast `"& seven.Butnormalhourswereshorterthanthese.Somelaborers (#x' signedanallotmentagreementthatprohibitedthemfromtending #@( theirplotsoflandbetweensixinthemorningandevening $ ) withoutfirstaskingtheirmaster's(farmer's)permission. % * Duringthesehourstheypresumablyworkedelsewherewhen H&!+ employed.Inconfirmationofthissurmise,Batchelordescribeda  Bedfordshirefarmworkerstypicalhours:"Daylabourersare x expectedtoworkaslongasthelightissufficientinthe @ winter:andfromsixo'clockinthemorningtillsixatnight,in X summer.Ofthisnearlyanhourandahalfareconsumedin   meals."z   370      ׀Forthe186768ReportonEmploymentinAgriculture,  CulleyreportedfornortheasternBuckinghamandBedfordshirethat `  thehoursofworkwerenormallysixinthemorningtosixinthe ( x eveninginsummer,andfromdawntoduskinwinter,withoneand  @ ahalfortwohoursoffformeals.InmostofBuckingham,the    hoursofworkweresixtofive,withoneandahalfhoursoff.{   371      ׀    BasingitupontheresponsesofOxfordshirefarmerstoasurvey, H   AndrewDoylepublishedin1881alistoftypicalworkinghours `  forlaborers.Manyworkedfromseventofive,sixtosix,or (  ninehoursaltogether,exceptingharvestorhaymakingseasons.   Someworkedeighthoursorlessintotal.J   372      ׀Asthenineteenth h  centurypasseditsmidpointonintothelate1860s,many 0  laborersincreasinglywantedamorecarefullydefinedworkday,in H  placeofthelooseconceptofworkingdawntodusk.Thisdesire  reflectsatransitionfromtaskorientationtotimeorientation,  whichthefarmworkersusedadvantageouslywhenbargainingwith P employers.Afterhavingdefinedtheworkdaymorestrictly,the h laborerscouldthenreceiveovertimepayiftheyexceedednormal 0 hoursduringharvestorsomeotherpeakperiod.    Thefiguresmentionedaboveshowthelaborersoftenstopped 8 workearlierthanmanyslavesinnontasksystemareas,atleast P thoseOlmstedhadseenintheDeepSouth.Interestinglyenough,  thedifferenceinlatitudemade"dawntodusk"varybetween  EnglandandthesubtropicalSouth.Thefarthernorthonegoes, X theshorterthedaylightperiodsareinwinterandthelongerin  p summer.Oneagriculturalworkerwhoworkedtwelvehoursadayin 8 summer,toldSommervilethatheworked"aslongasIhavelight   toseeinwinter."Sinceduskapproachedbyaboutfourthirty, x! andnearlyfulldarknessarrivedbyfive,foraboutthreemonths @"  laborersaveragedonlyabouteightandahalfhoursofworkper  X# day.}   373      ׀Exceptingharvestandhaymaking,theagricultural   workers'workdaydidnotexpandtofillallavailabledaylight x hoursduringthesummer.Theslavesthennormallyworkedpast @ sixintheevening.England'scolderclimateandshortergrowing X seasonalsolimitedtheamountofagriculturalworkpossiblefor   thelaborerscomparedtotheslaves.~    374      ׀Forexample,wheat  harvestinginEnglandnormallywasfinishedbylateSeptember, `  buttheprocessofpicking,cleaning,andpackingcottonmight ( x begininlateAugustandcontinueintoDecember.Evenwiththe  @ additionofhandthreshing,whichwasincreasinglysuperseded    duringthenineteenthcenturydespitetheintimidating    retrogressionprovokedbytheSwingriots,seasonalpatterns H   affectedgrainharvestinginEnglisharableareasmorethanthe `  AmericanSouthsstereotypicalcorn/cotton/hogagriculture.The (  laborerswereconsideredtoworkonlyeightorninehoursbecause   oneandahalformorehoursformealsbeingfactoredin.Many h  slaveslackedthisbenefithaveduringtheirworkday,whomay 0  havehadonefairlyshortbreakof(perhaps)onehalfhouror H  moretoeatnearnoon,thoughsomehaduptotwohoursoff.x   375      ׀  Certainly,thelaborers'oneandahalfhour'sworthofbreaks  seemedtobemuchmorewidespreadthantheslaveshavinga P similarperiodoff.ThesereasonspointtotheaverageSouthern h slavehavingarelativelylongerworkdaythantheaverage 0 farmworkeronayeararoundbasis,whenexcludingworkon  allotmentsandgardens.    376       p @TheLengthoftheWorkweekandDaysOff--Slaves P   Sincetheownerofslavespossessedalltheirfuturetimein  theirlives,andathisdiscretiondeterminedhowmuchofitwas X tobetakenupinwork,healwayshadanincentivetomakeslaves  p workasmanydaysaspossible.Especiallyincountryoflargely  unsettledwildernesswhichpositivelyachedforhumanlaborto x transformitintoproductivefarmlandfromaprofitseeking @ viewpoint,theslaveholdersnormallyhadnoendoftasksfor X theirbondsmentoperform.Underthesecircumstances,thatso   manyslaveshadSundaysoffandsometimespartorallof  SaturdaysintheantebellumSouthmaybealittlesurprising. `  Hereslaveholders'paternalismdidbearsomepracticalfruit, ( x sincemanybelievedSundayswerereservedforchurchattendance  @ andrestfromwork,andappliedthistotheirslaves.Otherdays    offincludedtheChristmasNewYearholidayseasonand(muchmore    rarely)otherholidayssuchastheFourthofJuly.Theweather H   andthegrowingseasonplayedaroleingivingdaysoff.Arainy `  dayoftencanceledallfieldworkforallorpartoftheday. (  Sometimes,duetothestateofthegrowingcropsandthe   effectivenessofthehoeingthatkilledtheweeds,therewas h  littleworktodoonsomesummerdays.Sobesidesthe"official" 0  daysoffsuchasSundaysorChristmas,someslavesgototherdays H  offaswell.  @ SlavesNormallyDidNotWorkonSundays P   NormallyslavesgotSundaysoff.Perhapsthenumberof 0 slaveswhoreceivedallorpartofSaturdayoffwassomewhat  greaterthanthenumberofthosewhowereforcedtoworkon p Sundaysroutinely.Ontheonehand,therearethecaseswhere 8 theslavesgotthewholeweekendoff.FreedwomanMomHester P Hunterrememberedthat:"Myoldmissuswasadearoldsoul,and  shewouldseetoitthatallherniggerswashandironandcook  onSaturday'causesheneverallownoworkgwineonroundwhere X shewaswhenSundaycome,bethatsheknow'boutit."Giles  p Smith,onceaslaveinAlabama,recalled:"Usalwayshave 8 SaturdayafternoonandSundayoff.""Aunt"Florida,bornaslave   ononeofJeffersonDavis'plantationsinMississippi,saidthat x! alldaySaturdaywasgiventotheslavesasadayoff,aswellas @" Sunday.HisHurricaneandBrierfieldplantationsweretheonly  X# onessheknewofwherethemastergaveoffthismuchtimeeach  $ weektotheslaves.JosephSanford,aonetimeKentuckyslave, !% toldDrewtheoverseerhismasterhiredgavehisslaveshalfof `"& Saturdaysoff.Hisownerdislikedthispractice,buthadto (#x' tolerateitforthetimebeingsincehehadagreedtogivethe #@( overseerafreehandinmanagement.Ontheotherhand,casesof $ ) slavesinvoluntarilylaboringonSundaysoccur,showingthe % * supposedlypaternalisticSouthernslaveholderswereoftenas H&!+ profitmotivatedasanyNorthernindustrialistormerchant. '`", Thesecaseswerenotlimitedtosugarplantationsingrinding '(#- season,Northrupmaintained,butwascommonlyimposedduringthe (#. heightofthecottonpickingseason.IsaacWilliams,oncea h)$/ slaveinVirginia,plannedtorunawaybutwashandcuffedbyhis 0*%0 masterbeforeheranaway.Whenthisoccurred,hetoldhim:"I *H&1 havedoneallIcouldforyou,nightandday,evencartingwood +'2 onSundaymorning,--andthisiswhatIgetforit."JohnHolmes ,'3 knewofonemasterwithtwoorthreefarmswhodidnotgive  Sundaysoff.Heforcedhisslavestomovefromonefarmto x anotheronSundaystobereadyforworkMondays.JohnWarren, @ onceaslaveinTennesseeandMississippi,washappyhedidnot X "havenowtodriveawagonSundaystohaulcottonbales."   377      ׀     IncolonialSouthCarolina,slavesoftenhadtoworkon `  Sunday,eitherdirectlyfortheirmaster,ornecessarilyonplots ( x forthefoodtheyate.Gallayhasmaintainedthatduetothe  @ riseofpaternalismpromotedbyWhitefieldandtheGreat    Awakeninginthelate1730sand1740s,andwiththefirstreally    widespreadandseriousattemptstoconverttheslavesto H   Christianity,theyincreasinglyreceivedSundaysoffinorderto `  attendchurch.Certainly,bythetimeofthelastgeneration (  beforetheCivilWar,Sundaysofffromforcedlaborhadbecome   standardintheSouth,asabundanttestimonydemonstrates.   378      ׀ h  However,slavesworkingvoluntarilyforpayonSundayswasfairly 0  common,aswellasthosewhotendedtheirplotsoflandtoraise H  foodforthemselvesorforsale.`    379      ׀Suchlaborwasnot  necessarily"voluntary"inthatthestandardrationsoffoodor  clothingdidnotgenerallycovernecessaryhouseholditems,as P Northrupdescribed: h 8  [Aslave]isfurnishedwithneitherknife,norfork,  nordish,norkettle,noranyotherthingintheshape p ofcrockery,orfurnitureofanynatureor 8 description....Toaskthemasterforaknife,or P skillet,oranysmallconvenienceofthekind,wouldbe  answeredwithakick,orlaughedatasajoke.  Whatevernecessaryarticleofthisnatureisfoundina X cabinhasbeenpurchasedwithSundaymoney.However  p injurioustothemorals,itiscertainlyablessingto 8 thephysicalconditionoftheslave,tobepermittedto   breaktheSabbath.Otherwise,therewouldbenowayto x! providehimselfwithanyutensils,whichseemtobe @"  indispensabletohimwhoiscompelledtobehisown  X# cook.   380          Bynotgivingtheirbondsmennecessaryhouseholditems,masters @ andmistressescoulddrivethemtoworkforthemonSundaysfor X paysincethe"standardrations"werenotenoughtoreallyget   by.SowhileSunday(orlatenight)paidlaborcouldbecalled  "voluntary,"inthattheslaveswerenotwhippedfornotshowing `  up,theyoftenvirtuallyhadtodoitinordertopreparefood, ( x sit,andsleepintheircabinsatalevelhigherthananimalsin  @ lairsornests.AlthoughfullyforcedSundaylaborwasuncommon    forslavesintheAmericanSouthinthethirtyyearsbeforethe    CivilWar,slaveholdershadloweredthecompensationgivenfor H   mostofthetimeslavesworkedsomuchintheirfavorthatwhen `  theslavescametothem"voluntarily"toworkfornecessities (  theywouldhavebeenabletobuyhadtheynotbeenslaves,paying   slavesforSundayworkstillmanifestedadistorted"freemarket" h  forlabor. 0  @ "HolidaystheSlavesDidNotWorkon    Whilesometimesslavesreceivedotherholidaysoff,suchas P theFourthofJuly,almostuniversalwasthecustomofgiving h slavessomepartoftheChristmastoNewYear'sseasonofffrom 0 work.X   381      ׀Thebondsmenmightbegivenpresents,money,orafancy  dinnerbytheirmasterormistressatthistime.PlanterBarrow p gavehisslaves$500in1839and$700in1840atChristmastime. 8 In1841hegavethemanumberofarticleshehadboughtforthem P inNewOrleans.However,in1842duetoapooreconomy,hegave  themlotsoffoodanddrinkduringthisseason,butnomoneyor  manufactureditems.Thelengthofthisbreakvariedgreatly. X Barrowgavehisslaves12daysoffduringthe18401841holiday  p season,whileothermasterswereoftenmuchmorestingy.Jenny 8 Proctordescribedhowonhermaster'sestateinAlabamaChristmas   lastedaslongasthetreethatburnedinthemaster'sfireplace. x! Takingadvantageofthiscustom,theslavesspentthewholeyear @" lookingfor,andthenhadburned,thebiggestsweetgumtreethey  X# couldfind,inordertomaketheholidayseasonlastlonger.  $ Whentheycouldnotfindone,andhadtouseoak,theyonlyhad !% threedaysoffonaverage.Themasteralsohadhiswayof `"& retaliatingagainsthisslavestakingadvantageofthiscustom: (#x' "OldMasterhesurepileonthempineknots,gittingthat #@( Christmasoversowecouldgitbacktowork."Douglassandthe $ ) slavesthatheknewreceivedsixdaysoff,basicallyallthetime % * betweenChristmasandNewYear'sDay.HarrietJacobssaidthe H&!+ slaveswhoweretoberentedwerehiredonNewYear'sDay,and  reportedtoworkthenextday.TheythenworkeduntilChristmas x Eve,andhadthenextsevendaysinDecemberoffbeforebeginning @ thecycleanewiftheywerehiredoutagain.Sowhilethecustom X ofallowingtheslavestocelebrateChristmaswasvirtually   universalintheSouth,thelengthofthetimetheyhadoff  duringthisalreadyseasonallyslowperiodoftheagricultural `  calendarvariedconsiderablyupontheindividualslaveholderin ( x question--Northrupmentionsthree,four,five,andsixdays.   382        @ @UnplannedDaysOffDuetoWeatherortheStateoftheCrops      Slavesreceivedalsoreceiveddaysoffbecauseofnatural `  eventsrelatedtotheweatherandthestateofgrowingcrops.   383      ׀ (  EventheChristmasbreaktookadvantageofthis,sincemost   plantationshadlittleregularworktodooutsideofthose h  growingsugar.BylateDecember,normallytheharvestingwas 0  completeandthecropprocessedandpackedforshipment.Masters H  andmistressescouldeasilygivetheirbondsmenaweekoffthen.  Anothereventthatcausedslavestohaveunscheduleddaysoff,at  leastfromfieldwork,wererainydays.BaseduponBennet P Barrow'sdiaryitbecomesobviousthathisslaveswereroutinely h pulledfromtendingthecropsonrainydays,andputtowork(if 0 female)atspinningoften,whilethemen(atleastsometimes)got  awaywithdoinglittleornothing,asnotedabove(p.199).@   384      ׀ p Thenwhenthecropshadalreadybeenwelltendedduringthe 8 summer,andsimplyneededsometimetogrowbeforefurtherwork P wasnecessary,Barrowgavehisslavesdaysoff.ForAugust1,  1838,hecommented:"Hoeingoldabove4sickverrylittlework  todo."In1840,afteronFriday,May15,his"hoehands[had] X verrylightwork,"hegavehis"negros[a]Hollidayafter10ok"  p onthenextday,aSaturday.OnJune11ofthissameyear,he 8 noted:"Pleasantmorning,Hoehandswaitingforworkfor6days   past,workedpieceofnewgroundcottenfourthtime'scraped'" x! OnJune15,1841,hesaidthathe"shallstophoestonight'till @" itrains."InanentryforJune8,1838,hecommented:"This  X# timelastyearwasoutofworkowingtothedryspring."For  $ June8,9and10of1837,hewrote:"Noworkinthefield.... !% stopedworkuntillitrains...gavethehandstoday."The `"& lastofthesethreedayswasaSaturday.OnSaturday,May21, (#x' 1842,withhisslaveshaving"finishedhoeingcornbyoneoclock"  his"negros[hada]hollidaysince."Evidently,whennotmuch x workneededtobedoneonthecrops,hetendedtogivethempart @ orallofSaturdayoff,suchasthehalfdayhegaveoffforMay X 23,1840orthewholedayforSaturday,May29,1841.After   notinghis"crop[was]infineorder"acoupledaysearlier,he  gavehisslavesSaturday,June16,1838off.ForSaturday,June `  23,1838,hewrote:"Intendedgivingallhandstoday--butfound ( x 30acresnothalfworked."Similarly,Kembleobservedthatthe  @ handsgotdonebyaratherearlythreethirtyintheafternoon,    onaseaislandplantationthatgrewcottonlikeBarrow's,and    commented:"Thechieflaborinthecottonfields,however,is H   bothearlierandlaterintheseason.Atpresenttheyhave `  littletodobutletthecropgrow."   385      ׀Hence,theslavesmay (  havegottenallorpartofSaturdayofforreceivedshorterdays   thansunrisetosunsetinsummerwhenthecropsdidnotneedmuch h  furthercultivatingtokilltheweeds. 0    Despitetheincentivesfortheirownerstomaximizethe  amountofworkextractedfromtheirbondsmen,theyclearlydid  notnecessarilydrivethemtothelimitsofendurance.Nodoubt, P thisresultinpartwasduetohowthedeathrateofslaveswould h haveincreasedastheirmastersandmistressesdrovethemfor 0 longerhours.Ifslaveownerswereidealhomoeconomicusprofit  maximizers,theywouldmaketheirslavesworkasmanyhoursas p theycould,solongasprofitsproducedbytheincrementalwork 8 didnotexceedthecostsofsicknessesanddeathscausedbythe P additionalhoursoflaborimposed.Asitwas,certainsocial  institutions,suchasthechurch'steachingsaboutceasingfrom  workonSundaysandhavingslavesattendservicesonthatday, X alwaystendedtorestrainthebulkofmastersandmistressesfrom  p probingthelimitsoftheirhumanchattels'endurance.Adegree 8 ofpracticalpaternalism,perhapsasmuchdrivenbyselfinterest   aspersonalreligiousconviction,wasresponsibleforthis. x! WhileslavessuchasDouglasssawmuchreligioushypocrisyinthe @" Southabouttheirtreatment,Gallaystillhasarguedthat  X# Christianity,intheformoftherevivalsoftheGreatAwakening  $ ofthemideighteenthcentury,wastheprincipalsourceofthe !% paternalisticethicindealingwiththeslaves,whichwasoften `"& expressedbypracticeslikehavingSundaysoff.Thedaysofffor (#x' Christmas,NewYear's,etc.alsofellintothiscategory. #@( Naturalevents,suchasbadweatherorhavingtowaitforthe $ ) cropstogrowfurther,alsoplacedadamperonslaveholders % * seekingthemaketheirslavesworkasmuchastheycould.So H&!+ althoughtheslavesworkedverylonghours,especiallyinnewly '`", settledregionsintheDeepSouth,thesurroundingwhitesociety '(#- hadcertainpracticesfromtheirsocialinstitutionsandalso (#. experiencednaturalphenomenathatrestrainedthemfromdriving h)$/ theirslavestothemaximumextentpossibleevenwiththebuilt  infinancialincentiveinvolved. x @P P TheDaysofWorkforAgriculturalWorkers X   MostEnglishagriculturalworkerssufferedfromtheopposite  problemtheslavesdid:Theyhadtoomanydaysoff,nottoofew. `  Farmworkers,atleastmostofthoseinsouthernEngland,suffered ( x fromchronicunderemploymentandunemploymentthroughoutmostof  @ theperiodexaminedhere,especiallyfromabout1780to1850.    Theyneededmorework,notless.Americanslavessufferedthe    oppositeproblemofworkingtoomuch,especiallyintheDeep H   SouthawayfromthelongsettledAtlanticSeaboardwhere `  paternalismandalackofastrongprofitmakingdrive (  characterizedproportionatelymoreslaveholders.HadtheEnglish   laborersbeenabletoekeoutalivingoffthelocalcommons,or h  usinganallotment,theywouldhavesufferedmuchlessfrom 0  unemployment.Asitwas,withtheenclosuremovementbeingso H  stronginthe17901820period,andallotmentsonlyseriouslyand  morecommonlybecomingavailableonlyafter(say)1850,  agriculturalworkersbecamealmostexclusivelydependenton P wages,andespeciallythoseofthemaleheadofhousehold. h UnlikemanypoorwhitesintheAmericanSouth,whothrough 0 hunting,fishing,andsomecasualagriculture,couldmeettheir  mostbasicneedsgenerallywithoutmuchroutine,methodical p labor,thisbackupoptiondisappearedformostEnglish 8 farmworkersbytheendoftheFrenchWars.Furthermore,withthe P declineofservicefortheunmarriedinSouthernEngland,  especiallyinarableareasinthesoutheast,youngfarmworkers  hadtoendurethestrongseasonalvariationsthatcharacterize X arableagricultureasmuchastheirdaylaboringelders.  p Dependenceonparishrelieffortheentirewinterseasonwasa 8 commonfateintheseareas.Thefinancialincentivesofthe   farmersordirectlyemployinglandownersweretheoppositeofthe x! slaveholders'inthisregard:Sincetheformeronlypaidtheir @" workerswhentheyworked,theyhadanincentivetominimizethe  X# amountofworktheydidinordertominimizetheirwagebills.  $ Incontrast,sincetheslaveholdersbypurchasingslaveshad !% boughttheoreticallyalloftheirfutureworkpotentials,andhad `"& tofeedandclothethemregardlessofhowmuchtheyworked,their (#x' incentivewastomakethemworkasmuchaspossible.Forthe #@( Englishfarmerrelyingondaylaborers,wageswereatotally $ ) variablecost,solongashehirednofarmservantsforafixed % * periodandignoredtheratesgoingupasthenumberofpoor H&!+ increased,butfortheslaveowner,thecostsofslaveownership '`", weremostlyfixed,betweentheinitialpurchasepriceandthe '(#- automaticrationstheslaveswereentitledto.Thefarmers, (#. takingadvantageofthereservearmyoftheunemployed,tendedto h)$/ employlaborersonlyastheyneededthem,evenonadaytodayor 0*%0 weektoweekbasis,fomentinginsecurityamongthefarmworkersas *H&1 awhole.Somervilleencounteredin1845anaptanalogyone +'2 Wiltshirefarmerusedtoexplainhowhetreatedhismen: ,'3 Ї8  Oninquiry[concerningaspeakeratananticornlaw  meetingusingtheterm"pittingpotatoes"]Ifoundthis x torefertoafarmerwhohadsaidthathedidwithhis @ labourersashedidwithhispotatoes:hedidnotkeep X allthepotatoesoutforuseeveryday;andhedidnot,   likesomefarmers,trytofindworkforthemenallthe  yearround.Whenhedidnotneedthemheputthemin `  theworkhouseuntiltheywereneeded.   386      ( x   Anydiscussionofthenumberofdaysfarmworkerslaboredhasto    beconsideredagainstagrimbackdropofthedeclineofservice,    theenclosuremovement,chronicunderemployment,seasonal H   unemploymentinarableareas,makeworkactivities,andthe `  commonexperienceoftakingparishrelief,includingstaysinthe (  workhouse.   @ThoseLaborersWhoHadtoWorkSundays,andThoseWhoDidNot 0      Asnotedabove,thelaborerswhotendedanimalsnecessarily  facedsevendayworkweeks,suchascartersandshepherds(p. P 218).Whiletheyhadtoworkeveryday,theselaborersdid h benefitfromhavingregularworkyeararound,whichwaswhythose 0 livinginpastoralareassufferedfromlessseasonalunemployment  thanthoseinarableareas,sincetheneedsoflivestockforfood p andothercareweredailyaffairs.CalebBawcombetoldHudson 8 whyshepherdshadtoworkeveryday: P 8  Somedidsaytomethattheycouldn'tabideshepherding  becauseoftheSundaywork.ButIalwayssaid,Someone X mustdoit;theymusthavefoodinwinterandwaterin  p summer,andmustbelookedafter,anditcan'tbeworse 8 formetodoit.    Forregularlyemployedfieldlaborers,Saturdayworkwas @" expected,butnoneforSundays.Theydidnotlikeworkingextra  X# hoursofovertimepastthecustomaryquittingtimeonSaturdays.  $ JeffriesdescribesthesituationofoneFarmerGeorgewho,while !% leadingacrewhaymaking,madeanunpopulardecisionlateon `"& Saturdaythatrequiredextraovertimeworkfromhismen. (#x' 8  Themengrumblewhentheyhear[hisdecision];perhaps $ ) ayearagotheywouldhaveopenlymutinied,andrefused % * toworkbeyondtheusualhour.But,thoughwagesare H&!+ stillhigh,thelabourersfeelthattheyarenotso '`", muchthemastersastheywere--theygrumble,butobey.'(#-   JeffrieselsewherenotesthathalfdaysonSaturdaysweremore h)$/ oftenobservedinanurbansettingthanaruralone.Inthe 0*%0 country,thosetendingtheanimalsdidnotgetoffmuchsooner  thantheywouldhaveotherwise,norwereahalfdayandafull x dayverydifferentduringwintermonths.Bearnotedin1893that @ thenumberofmenworkingonSundaysonaBedfordshirefarmwas X onefourthtoonehalfofthosenormallyemployed,withonethird   beingrarelyexceeded.Thenumberofhoursworkedbythemon  thisdaywasfourtosix,changingwiththejobandseasonofthe `  year.Asalways,thosetendinganimalsarethebusiestona ( x Sunday:"Cowmen,whohavetomilktwiceaday,areoccupied  @ longestonSunday,takingallseasonsoftheyearintoaccount."    FarmservantsdidnonecessaryworkonSundays,performingonly    suchtasksascaringfortheanimals.Strikingly,evenduring H   harvesttime,fieldworkersoftendidnotworkSundays.Arch `  notedthathisunion'sbranchsecretarieshadtotrytocatch (  fieldlaborerswhentheycamehomebrieflyonweekendsduring   harvesttime:"Inhayandinharvesttimethemenwouldoftenbe h  awayfromtheirhomesforfive,six,andsevenweeks,comingback 0  lateontheSaturdaynight,andleavingagaineitherlateon H  SundaynightonearlyonMondaymorning."   387      ׀Clearly,the  laborerswhoseserviceswerenotabsolutelynecessaryonSundays  werenotexpectedtoworkthatday,suchasfieldworkersduring P most(orall!)oftheyear,butthosetendinganimalshadtobe h presenteverydayforatleastafewhours,includingSundays. 0   ManylaborersstillmayhaveworkedonSundays,likeslaves p whohadthedayoffnominally.Insteadofworkingforsomeone 8 else,theyworkedforthemselvesontheirallotments,iftheyhad P one.Duringwinter,theydidnotworkontheirallotments  becausenothinggrewonthemthen.Butfortherestoftheyear  laborersworkedonthemduringdaystheyhadoffwhennot X employed.Onemanwholetoutallotmentsplacedinthetermsof  p theleaseanumberofrestrictions,oneofwhichprohibited 8 Sundaywork.JeffriesportraysHodgeasmerelystrollingdownto   hisallotmenttoseehowthecropswerecomingonSundays,but x! notactuallyworkingonit.   388      ׀Obviously,inanumberofcases @" withoutsuchrestrictions,Sundayworkbyafarmworkerorhis  X# familyontheirallotmentmusthavebeencommon.Thelaborer  $ thendidnothaveSundaysoffanymorethantheslaveswhoworked !% thesamedaytogetthemoneytobuybasickitchenutensilsor  necessaryclothing. x @SeasonalandOtherChangesintheWorkweek,andTheirEffectson X Unemployment     Liketheslaves,farmworkerslostdaysofworktodueto `  rainortheweatheringeneral.RobertLong,whofarmed280 ( x acresinBedfordshire,foundinearlyJulyin1866thatallthe  @ rainkepthimfromgettingonwiththehay.Onlyastheweather    permittedcouldtheyworkwiththeturnipsononepartofthe    farm.Hehadhisteamsdo"oddjobscartingoutdungandcarting H   ingraveltotheyards,andalsototheNewCloserutsthathave `  beenmadelargerlatelysincetheweatherhasbeensoshowery." (  Althoughabanalevent,especiallyintheEnglishclimate,   rainfallcouldsignificantlyaffectafarmworker'sfamilybudget. h  TheCommissiononEmploymentinAgriculturenotedthatthe 0  nominalwageratesperweekexceededwhatthelaborerswerepaid H  inactualityoftenbecauseanumberhadirregularworkhabitsor  lostdaysduetotherain.Theseasonalfluctuationsdueto  winter,especiallyinarableareas,sharplyaffectedhowmuch P laborwasneeded.EveninDurhaminnorthernEngland,oncethe h potatoesweregathered,workceaseduntilspring.Someofthe 0 desperationfuelingtheSwingriotswas,accordingtoHudson,  because"itwascustomary,especiallyonthesmallfarms,toget p ridofthemenaftertheharvest[suchasinOctoberorNovember] 8 andleavethemtoexistthebestwaytheycouldduringthebitter P wintermonths."Otherdayswerelostbecauseofachronic  surplusoflaborersseekingemploymentinmanyareasinsouthern  England.The"ploughman"Somervillesetuptodebateaguardian X andotherssaidinWilton,Wiltshireonethirdofthepopulation  p wasnormallywithoutwork,anotherthirdhaditonlythreedaysa 8 week,andonlyonethirdwasemployedcontinuouslyyeararound.   InaproblemfoundelsewhereinEnglandaswell,therewasinthe x! HumberWoldareain186768onegroupwascomposedofsteadily @" employedmen,whileanotherwereirregularlyemployed"catch  X# work"laborers,whohadnofixedemployer.Thelatter'swives  $ andchildrenworkedingangsinordertokeepupfinancially. !% Interestingly,instrongcontrasttohowmanyslavesmightfake `"& illnesstogetadayoffsincetheylostlittlebydoingso,the (#x' laborers'lossofsomedaysduetosicknesswasseenasonemore #@( factorthataffectedtheirearningsnegatively.   389      ׀Evenwiththe $ ) poorrateshikedduetolayoffsoflaborers,atleastin"open" % * parisheswheretheextralaborerslivedinthesameparishasthe H&!+ ratepayers,employersoftenjudgeditfinanciallyexpedientto '`", layoffmanylaborersinthewintermonthsjusttohirethemback '(#- inspring.Unlikethecaseforslaves,whosemastershadan  incentivetomakethemworkasmuchaspossiblebecausethe x substantiallyfixedcostsofmaintainingaslavewerelargelythe @ samewhethertheyworkedzerohoursorseventy,thefarmersand X landownersofEnglandhadanincentivetohavelaborersworkas   littleaspossibleabovewhatwasjudgedprofitableand/or  necessaryformaintainingagriculturalproduction.The `  differencebetweenthetwoworkforcescamefromwhoborethe ( x costsofidleness,creatingveryincentivesforthesetwoelites  @ whendealingwiththeirrespectiveworkforces.InEngland,the    laborerslostfinancially,nottheiremployers,whileforthe    slaveowners,everyidledaylostofcompulsorylaborcostthem, H   nottheirslaves,whohadtobefedregardlessoftheweather. `  Ѐ (    Theslavesclearlyworkedmorehoursperdayandperweek   thantheagriculturalworkersnormally.Thefarmworkersdidnot h  necessarilybenefitfromthisdifference,formuchofitwasdue 0  tounderemploymentandunemployment.Unliketheslaves,whowere H  atleasttheoreticallyguaranteedacertainamountoffoodand  clothingregardlessofhowmuchtheyworked,sincethe  agriculturalworkerswereattemptingtoindependentlysupport P theirfamilies,alackofworkcouldhavedireeffectsontheir h financialandevenphysicalconditions.Furthermore,the 0 frustrationanduneasecausedbychronicunderemploymentand  unemploymenterodedawaythelaborers'feelingsofindependence, p especiallyastheysooftenhadtoresorttoparishreliefin 8 wintertimeinarableareas.Modernmicroeconomictheory,which P seesthenumberofhoursfilledbyworkasapurelynegative  activitythatiswillinglytradedoffforadditionalhoursof  leisureinalaborsupplycurve,overlookshowaperson's X identity,especiallyformeninVictoriansociety,largely  p consistedofwhatjoboroccupationtheyhad.Whentheylacked 8 work,especiallyforperiodsofmonthsonend,thischewedaway   attheirselfrespect,andencouragednonproductiveactivities x! suchasidlingawayhoursinpubsandvariouscrimes(atleast @" fromtheupperclass'sviewpoint)suchaspoaching.Inthecase  X# oftheslaves,theyalmostneverhadaprobleminbeingsupplied  $ enoughwork,especiallyinafrontierwildernessareathat !% characterizedsomuchoftheSouthevenin1860.Theirproblem `"& wastheexactopposite:Theirmastersandmistresseswereaptto (#x' workthemfortoomanyhours,sometimestothelimitsof #@( enduranceandpast.Thesituationoftheslavesandfarmworkers $ ) variedbecausetheirrespectiveelites'profitmotivesmanifested % * themselvesindifferentways.Withthedeclineofservice,the H&!+ employersoffarmworkersminimizedtheircostsbyemployingthem '`", aslittleaspossiblesincetheyhadtopaythemeachtimethey '(#- worked.Fortheslaves,theirownershadpurchasedinadvance (#. alltheirpotentialworkefforts,sotomaximizeprofitsthey h)$/ wouldhavethemworkasmuchaspossible.Ofcourse,this 0*%0 summaryignoreshowpaternalisminoneformoranothermight *H&1 restrainfarmersfromhiringlaborersonadaybydaybasisonly, +'2 andslaveholdersfrommakingtheirslavesworksixteenhourdays ,'3 sixorsevendaysaweek.Nevertheless,bothgroupsofworkers  wereoppressedbytheirrespectiverulingclasses,butonegroup x wascontrolledthroughalackofwork,whiletheotherwas @ controlledbyhavingtoomuchimposedonit. X @How"Voluntarily"DidSlavesWork?TheNecessityofCoercionand  Supervision `    "Slavery"definesarelationshipthatinvolvesthewillof  @ theownerofaslavehavingfundamentallytotaldejurecontrol    overanotherhumanbeing'slife.Thewillofthemasteror    mistresstheoreticallyshouldbecomeidenticaltothewillofthe H   slave.Theslaveistogiveupallselfinterestthatconflicts `  withthewillofhisorherowner.Heorshetreatstheslave's (  lifenotasanendinitself,butasameanstotheslaveholder's   ownendsinlife.Inpointoffact,thisgoalwasnever h  practicallyattained,becausethehumanspiritorhumannature 0  doesnotnaturallysubmitcompletelytosomeoneelse,especially H  whentheselfinterestofthesubordinatedpersonnormally  directlyconflictswithfollowingthecommandsofthemaster.  Theslavewantstoworkaslittleaspossible,yetreceivenot P onlythestandardrations,butstealsomemoreontheslyfrom h themaster'sstores.Theslavenaturallydesirestobefreefrom 0 theabsolutelybindingwillofhismaster,yetlegallyistiedto  himforlifeoruntilsale.Henaturallyresentshowhislife's p fateisdeterminedbyhismaster,withnocourtofappealagainst 8 hisdecisions,exceptperhapsinrare,extremecasesof P mistreatment.Theamountofselfinterestthatbindsmostslaves  totheirownersissmall,exceptingthosewhomayhave"soldout"  andbenefitfromworkingtoenforcethemaster'srules,suchas X drivers,orthosewhobyhavinglongstanding,multigenerational  p personalandintimatecontactwiththewhitefamilythatowned 8 themandbyenjoyingbetterphysicalcomfortssometimescameto   identifywith"theirwhitefolks,"suchascertaindomestic x! servantslikemammiesorvalets.Continualstruggle @" characterizedtherelationshipsbetweenthefieldhandsandmany  X# domesticservantsontheonehand,andtheslaveholdersandtheir  $ hiredlackeys,theoverseers,ontheother.Kembleoncelistened !% toherhusband'soverseerwhowas"complainingofthesham `"& sicknessesoftheslaves,anddetailingthemostdisgusting (#x' strugglewhichisgoingonthewholetime,ontheonehandto #@( inflict,andontheothertoevadeoppressionandinjustice." $ ) Slaverywasa"stateofperpetualwar,"consistingnormallyof % * lowintensity"daytodayresistance,"punctuatedbyoccasional H&!+ revolts,pitchedbattles,andexecutions.   390      ׀ '`", Ї  Thecentralobjectiveofmastersandmistresseswasto  maximizetheirslaves'workeffortwithaminimalinvestmentin x time,money,andforcetoextractit.Whilepaternalistic @ mastersandmistressesmayhavedeniedthetypicalprofit X maximizinggoalthattheysaidcharacterizedtheNorthern   merchantorindustrialist,stillmostslaveholderspursued  similargoals,outsideofsomewhohadlivedonthesamelandand `  hadownedthesamefamiliesofblacksforgenerationsalongthe ( x EasternSeaboard,oftenuponsoiloflargelyexhaustedfertility.  @ Slaveholdersconfrontedamajorprobleminpursuingthis    objective:Themeasuresundertakenthatmadetheirblackwork    forcesmoreeasilycontrolledoftensimultaneouslyinjured H   damagedtheircapabilitytoworkaseffectivelyorproductively. `  Theywishedtokeeptheirslavesfromtakingcareofthemselves, (  yetnotdestroytheirabilitytocarryouttheirdailytoil.    391      ׀   AsBarrowcommentedinhis"RulesofHighlandPlantation": h  8  YoumustprovideforhimYourselfandbythatmeans H  creatinhimahabitofperfectdependenceon  you--allowitouncetobeunderstoodbyanegrothathe  istoprovideforhimself,andyouthatmomentgivehim P anundeniableclaimonyouforaportionofhistimeto h makethisprovision,andshouldyoufromnecessity,or 0 anyothercause,encroachuponhistime--disappointment  anddiscontentareseriouslyfelt.   392      ׀p   Anobviousexampleofthepracticalcostsinkeepingslavesin P linewasfromdenyingthemaneducationinmostpartsofthe  South.Keepingasubordinateclassignorantmakesitmucheasier  tocontrol,yetalsohampersitsabilitytolaboraseffectively X forthedominantclass.Onegoodpracticalreasonforkeeping  p theslavesilliteratewastopreventthemfromforgingpasses 8 thatallowedthemtoleavetheirhomeplantationsfor   destinationselsewhere,includingnorthward.(    393      ׀True,becausethe x! slavesnormallyengagedinfieldworkordomesticservicethat @" requiredneitherliteracynornumeracy,thispolicy'scoststo  X# theelitewaslargelylimitedtotheartisanswhosemindswere  darkenedbyit.Butthecostswerethere,andtheSouthernelite x byandlargejudgedtheseperfectlyacceptable.Theirobjective @ wasnottodevelopthefullhumanpotentialoftheirpersonal X chattelsbyimprovingtheirmindsandabilities,buttoextract   laborservicesfromtheminordertoraiseprofitablecashcrops.  Theslaves'ownendsinlifewerelargelyirrelevant,exceptas `  theirsinterferedwiththeplansanddesiresoftheirownersin ( x theirlives.Themastersoftheslaveschanneledandstuntedthe  @ developmentoftheslavesabilitiesandtalentsinorderto    fulfillthetheirownendsinlife,aspartoftheprocessof    imposingsocialcontrolandlabordiscipline. H   @WhytheWhipHadtoBeUsedtoImposeWorkDisciplineonthe (  Slaves     Tomeetthepurposesofimposingworkdiscipline,the 0  slaveownershadanumberoftoolsattheircommand.Themost H  obvious,aswellasthemostusedandabused,wascoercion  throughcorporalpunishment.Althoughsomefewmastersand  mistresseswereabletodispensewithit,byandlargethewhip P stoodoutastheemblemofauthorityfortheslaveowneraswell h astheoverseer.   394      ׀Timeandtimeagain,slavenarratives 0 describethesavagebeatingsthatslaveholdersoroverseers  inflictedontheblacksundertheirauthority.Beatingswere p inflictedformalingeringatwork,runningaway,mistakesmade 8 frominexperienceorincompetencewhileonthejob,andforabout P anyimaginablepettyandnotsopettyoffensethatcamebefore  thegenerallypassionate,roughhewn,easilyprovoked  slaveholdersandoverseersoftheSouth.   395      ׀Olmstedoncehadthe X rareexperienceofbeingaNorthernerwhowitnessedafullblown  p thrashingofashirkingyoungslavewoman.Hequestionedthe 8 overseerwhohadsopassionlesslyinflictedthisbeatingonher   whetheritwasnecessary.Hereplied:  8  IfIhadn't[whippedher],shewouldhavedonethesame @ thingagaintomorrow,andhalfthepeopleonthe X plantationwouldhavefollowedherexample.Oh,you've   noideahowlazytheseniggersare;youNorthernpeople  don'tknowanythingaboutit.They'dneverdoanywork `  atalliftheywerenotafraidofbeingwhipped.   396      ( x   Clearly,thisoverseer,whowasregardedasoneaboveaveragein    ability,believedintheutternecessityofusing(orthreatening    touse)physicalforcetogettheslaveshesupervisedtowork. H   Unlikethecaseforfreewageworkers,wheredenyingthemwork `  andthecorrespondingwagepaymentswouldeventuallystarvethem (  out,theslaveholderautomaticallysupplieswhattheslaveneeds   forsurvival(andnormallylittleabovethat),sohehaslittle h  naturaldesiretoworkoutofpersonalselfinterestorfromthe 0  desiretofeedhisfamily.Inplaceofthedrivingforceof H  selfinterestorservingtheirfamily,andfromthemanifest  inabilityformostslavestofundamentallychangetheirposition  inlifefrombeingapersonalchattelownedbyanother,the P externalmotivationsuppliedbythewhiphadtogenerallyreplace h internalselfmotivation. 0 @HowCommonlyWeretheSlavesWhipped?TheTimeontheCross p Controversy 8   Howoftenwereslaveswhipped?FogelandEngerman,using  BennetBarrow'sdiary,maintained:  8  Hisplantationnumberedabout200slaves,ofwhomabout  p 120wereinthelaborforce.Therecordshowsthat 8 overthecourseoftwoyearsatotalof160whippings   wereadministered,anaverageof0.7whippingsperhand x! peryear.Abouthalfthehandswerenotwhippedatall @" duringtheperiod. X#   Theircalculationswerenotbasedonthemaintextofthediary, !% butonanappendixinthepublishedversionassembledbythe `"& editor,EdwinDavis.Itlists"misconductandpunishments"for (#x' 184041.Aproblemwiththetextaspresentedhereisthatfor #@( manydiaryentriesan"X"isplacednexttothenameoftheslave $ ) whippedbyBarrow,buthe,characteristically,wasnotfully % * consistentatdoingthis.Strictlycountingjustthe"X"'s,one H&!+ comesupwith156whippingsthatweresomarkedinhisdiary.It '`", appearsthiswasmostlywhatFogelandEngermancounted.In '(#- rebuttalsthemonthispoint,GutmanandSutchmaintained175 (#. whippingswereadministeredagainsttheslavesonBarrow's h)$/ plantation,whichmustincludewhippingsthatwerenotmarkedby 0*%0 an"X"inthediary'sappendix.About155namesgetlistedin  theappendixwithanoffenseorablankspace(theequivalentof x dittomarks?)nexttothem,butnotelltale"X."Intwocases, @ awhippingwasnotedintheentrybesidesthename,yetno"X" X wasplacedbytheslave'sname,withoneofthesementioninghow   thesixslaveslistedimmediatelyabove,alsowithout"X"sby  theirnames,werewhippedforbeinglateinreportingtoworkin `  themorning.Inanothercase,themainentryforthediary ( x mentionshowagroupoffiveslaveswerewhippedforkillinga  @ hoginthefield,buttheappendixhasno"X"sbytheirnames.    Once,whentwocartersandfourhouseslaveswerewhipped,the    mainentrynotesthis,butno"X"sappearbytheslaves'namesin H   theappendix.TwiceAlfred(thedriver)waswhippedduringthis `  time,buthisnameneverappearsintheappendixasonewhowas (  punished.Thewhippingforoneslavewomanwasunlistedinthe   appendix.ShewaswhippedforanincidentthatinvolvedBarrow's h  cook.Aftershecomplainedabouttheinjusticeofbeingwhipped 0  becausethecookreallywasatfault,Barrowallowedhertogive H  thecook"agooddrubing"incompensation!   397      ׀Evidently,by  countingtheseadditional22whippingsandaddingittothe156  onesthatdohave"X"sbytheirnames(oneofthesecaseshaving P one"X"tostandfortwoslavesbeingwhipped),GutmanandSutch h cameupwith(thoughthemathandtheexactwaytheyarrivedat 0 theircountisnotclear)their175figure.Notethatifallthe  nameswithoffensesorblankspacesbutno"X"sarealsocounted p alongwiththeoneswhichdohave"X"s,onesuddenlycomesup 8 withBarrowhavingadministeredsome330whippingsinabout23 P months,awildlydifferentfigure,butonewhichseemsplausible  fromthelistingofoffensesintheappendixevenwhenno  punishment(i.e.,an"X")issignifiedbesidesthenameslisted. X Clearly,FogelandEngermanunderestimatedthenumberof  p whippingsthatoccurredonHighlandplantationwiththeir160 8 figure,althoughevenGutmanandSutch'scorrectionmaystillbe   toolow. x!   FogelandEngerman'scalculationusesafigureof120active  X# fieldworkersinBarrow'slaborforce,whichisamuchbigger  $ problemthantheirunderestimateofthenumberofwhippings. !% Thisfigureiswaytoohighforthenumberhehadduringthetime `"& thediary'sappendixcovers(mostly184041).Forexample,for (#x' hisentryofAugust12,1842,hesaidheaveragedsixtyfive #@( handsduringonedayofcottonpicking,whichwasthetimeof $ ) yearwhenvirtuallyeveryman,woman,andchildthatcouldwork % * wasmobilizedforfieldlabor.OnSeptember11,1842hehad H&!+ seventytwopickersatwork,whichincludedanumberofchildren. '`", ForNovember3,1838,hehadfortytwopickersinthefield,and  onSeptember10,1842,hehadsixtyninepickers,including x elevenchildren.Evidently,thefigureof120handsisdeduced @ fromBarrow'swillandestateinventory,whichwasprobatedin X 1854,butbythenhehadfarmoreslavesthanin184041.They   alsousedabaseoftwoyearsinsteadoftwentythreemonths  which(withtheexceptionofthefinalentry)isalltheappendix `  covers.Asaresult,FogelandEngerman'sfigureof0.7 ( x whippingsperhandperyearseriouslyunderestimatesthenumber  @ ofwhippingsinflicted.GutmanandSutchcalculate1.19    whippingsperhandperyear,a69percenthigherfigure.    Furthermore,Barrowusedotherpunishmentswhicharenotincluded H   inthiscount,suchasovertimework,imprisonment,chaining, `  shooting,headraking,evenhumiliationbyhavingmenwear (  women'sclothesorplacingoneslavewearingaredflannelcapon   ascaffoldinthequarters.(Thislistincludespunishments h  inflictedoutsidetheperiodtheappendixcovers).Sincetheir 0  calculationshereareplainlyincorrect,KolchinletsFogeland H  Engermanofftooeasilywhensummarizingthishistoriographical  dispute,allowingtheintellectualfogcomingfromcontroversy  obscureGutmanandSutch'sclearrefutationofthem.   398       P ̀  NowabroaderquestionneedstobeaskedaboutFogeland 0 Engerman'sconclusionsabouttherelativerarityofwhippingson  Highlandplantation.Insteadofaskinghowoftenanindividual p slavewaswhippedperyear,GutmanandSutchaskhowoftendid 8 Barrow'sbondsmenseesomeoneamongtheirnumberwhipped.After P all,thepurposeofpunishingoneslaveisnotjusttodeterthat  oneindividualslavefromshirking,runningaway,etc.inthe  future,butalltherestaswell.MuchliketheoverseerOlmsted X talkedto,whosaidifhedidnotwhiptheslavewomanhesaw  p avoidingwork,halftheplantationthenextdaywoulddolikewise 8 (above,p.232),Barrowcountedonthedeterrencevalueof   punishmentbyexample.Gutmancalculatedthataflogging x! occurredevery4.56daysonBarrow'splantationonaverage.   399      ׀ @" ThisresultmeansBarrowcontinuallyinducedfearbywieldingthe  X# whip,whichhisslaveshadtoconsiderwhenthinkingofbreaking  $ hisrulessincetheworstregularlyhappenedtootherstheyknew, !% onanaverageofthreetimeseverytwoweeks. `"& @ TheDeterrenceValueofOccasionalKillings #@(   Amoredrasticpunishmentexisted,althoughitscostwere % * veryhigh,andbyinflictingitonsomeindividualitcouldonly H&!+ changethebehaviorofotherslaves:death.Sometimestheslave '`", waskilledbyamasteroroverseer,sometimesbyalynchmob,  sometimesbythejudicialsystemafterreceivingthefullmeasure x ofdueprocessthataslave(andhisorherfinanciallyself @ interestedowner)couldexpect.Regardlessofsource,theyall X combinedtoremindthebondsmenthatafateworsethancorporal   punishmentawaitedthosewhocommittedtheworstcrimes.  Furthermore,unpredictably,forpettyoffenses,amasterinthe `  heatofpassionorinthethrowsofinsanitycouldalsoinflict ( x it.Insomecasesslaveswerekilledorexecutedbyburningthem  @ alive.OneslaveinTennesseewhokilledhismasterwasexecuted    thus,withmanyafellowslavewitnessofhisdreadfulend:    8  Hewasroasted,ataslowfire,onthespotofthe `  murder,inthepresenceofmanythousandslaves,driven (  tothegroundfromalltheadjoiningcounties,and   when,atlength,hislifewentout,thefirewas h  intensifieduntilhisbodywasinashes,whichwere 0  scatteredtothewindsandtrampledunderfoot.Then H  'magistratesandclergymen'addressedappropriate  warningstotheassembledsubjects.   Thisextremecase,stoutlyjustifiedinthelocalpress,wasnot h unique,asOlmstedindicatedinafootnotethatonejudgehad 0 gatheredevidenceofslaveburnings"everyyearinthelast  twenty"(c.184060).Barrowstronglyapprovedoftheburning p aliveoftworunawayswhokilledtwowhitemenandrapedtwo 8 whitewomen.A"greatmany[werebrought]towitnessit& P severalhundrednegros&c.Burningwaseventoogoodforthem."  Executionsbyburningwerealso"authorized"bylynchmob,such  asthehardlysingularcaseofaAlabamajusticeofthepeace X who,beingintimidatedbyacrowdofseventyoreightymen,  p allowedthemtovotetoburnalivetheslavewhokilledawhite 8 man.   400      ׀     Beingwhippedorshottodeathbyone'sownerwasamuch @" morelikelyfatethanbeingburnedatthestake.Whileclearly  X# uncommon,itoccurredenoughthatslavesknewitcouldhappento  $ them,especiallywhensomucharbitraryandabsolutepowerhad !% beencommittedintothehandsoftheirowners.Sincethe `"& slaveholdersbyregionalcharacterwerepassionate,emotionalmen (#x' whoplacedperceivedpointsofhonorabovecoldbloodedfinancial #@( calculations,theslaveshadsomethingmoretofear.Sometimes, $ ) theykilledinarguablecasesofselfdefense:"Onedayhe[a % * slavenamedJoe]turnonMarseJimwithafencerail,andMarse H&!+ Jimhadtopullhisgunandkillhim."Muchmorelikely,aslave  waskilledforviolatingsomeruleorotherwiseviolatinghisor x herowner'sexpectations.MaryYoungertoldDrewsheknewofa @ mistresswholivednearbywhowhippednolessthanthreeofher X slavewomentodeath.Youngeralsohelpedonebadlywhippedman   bygreasinghisback--whostillsoondied.Oneslavegirlwas  hangedbyhermasterandmistressforrevealingtoUnionsoldiers `  wheretheyhadburiedthefamily'ssilver,money,andjewelry ( x aftertheyhadleft.Douglassdescribedseveralcasesofslaves  @ beingkilled--nay,murdered--bytheirownerswithoutpunishment,    suchasonefortrespassingonanothermaster'spropertyand    anotherforbeingslowtoassistwithacryingbabybecauseshe H   hadfallenasleep.   401      ׀ `  @TheDangerofCorporalPunishmentBackfiring,Requiring"Massive   Retaliation" h    Oneespeciallydangerousflashpointwaswhenaslave H  challengedhismaster'sauthoritybyrefusingsome(lesser)  punishment.Then,hisownerjustmightuptheanteandkillhim.  Thereasoningwasthatifoneslavecouldgetawaywithrefusing P toobeyhismaster,thenotherswouldsoonfollowsuit,andthe h wholesystemofinvoluntarylaborwouldcollapse.AustinGore, 0 anoverseerinMarylandDouglassservedunder,shotaslaveto  deathwhohadbeenwhippedsomebyhim,buthadbrieflyescaped p tothetemporarysanctuaryofanearbycreekbeforebeing 8 permanentlydispatchedbyamusket.HeexplainedtoColonel P Lloyd,theslave'sowner,whyhekilledhim:  8  Hisreplywas,(aswellasIcanremember,)thatDemby X hadbecomeunmanageable.Hewassettingadangerous  p exampletotheotherslaves,--onewhich,ifsufferedto 8 passwithoutsomesuchdemonstrationonhispart,would   finallyleadtothetotalsubversionofallruleand x! orderupontheplantation.Hearguedthatifoneslave @" refusedtobecorrected,andescapedwithhislife,the  X# otherslaveswouldsooncopytheexample;theresultof  $ whichwouldbe,thefreedomoftheslaves,andthe !% enslavementofthewhites.`"&   SinglingoutDembyasanexamplewasevidentlyeffective,because #@( a"thrillofhorrorflashedthrougheverysouluponthe $ ) plantation"exceptingtheoverseerhimselfwhenthedeedwas % * done.MotherAnneClarkdescribedhowherfathersuffereda H&!+ similarfateforrefusingawhipping: '`", 8  Heneverhadalickinginhislife....onedaythe (#. mastersays,"Si,yougottohaveawhopping,"andmy h)$/ poppasays,"Ineverhadawhoppingandyoucan'twhop  me."Andthemastersays,"ButIcankillyou,"andhe x shotmypapadown.   402      @     Thepolicyofsacrificingsomeslaves'livestofrightenthe   restintosubmissionwastimeandagainjudgedacosteffective  tacticbyslaveholders. `  FreedmanCatoofAlabamadescribedthisapproachtodiscipline ( x thus:  @ 8  Whenthey[theslaves]wasreal'corrigible,thewhite    folkssaidtheywaslikemaddogsanddidn'tmindto H   killthemsomuchaskillingasheep.They'dtake'em `  tothegraveyardandshoot'emdownandbury'emface (  downard,withtheirshoeson.Ineverseeditdone,   buttheymadesometheniggersgoforalessontothem h  thattheycouldgitthesame.0    Thewellattendedhangingofaslavewomanwhosethermaster's  barnafireandkilledthirteenhorsesandmuleswasevidently  suchanexercise.Whiletheseactsofterrorismwererare,they P didnothavetobecommontousefullypromotesocialcontroland h workdisciplinefromtheslaveholders'viewpoint.Similarly,the 0 calculationthat"only"127blacksoutof6million(0.003  percent)werelynchedin1889implicitlygreatlyunderstatesthe p deterrenteffectsthatthemereknownexistenceofthispractice 8 hadinkeepingtheblackmaninline.Justhearingaboutthe P deathofaslaveatthehandsofhismasterwasenoughtokeep  manyinline,andwhenpushdidcometoshove,amaster'sthreats  tokillarecalcitrantslaveoftenwereenoughtogethimtofall X intoline,sincetheworstpossibleresultwasknowntohappenin  p thesesituations.SowhenMaryGrayson'smothersawhermaster 8 wavingashotgunfromhisbuggy,loudlythreateningherto"git   themchildrentogetherandgituptomyhousebeforeIbeatyou x! andallofthemtodeath!,"theyknew"heactedlikehewasgoing @" toshootsureenough,sowellallrantoMammyandstartedfor  X# Mr.Mose'shouseasfastaswecouldtrot."    403      ׀Inthesecases,  $ thedeterrentvalueofpriorterrorism,exercisedonafew !% individualssacrificedforthegreatergood(?)ofmaintaining `"& theoverallsystempaidoff,whetherdonebymasters (#x' individually,alynchmob,orthecourtsystem,makingthemere #@( threatofusingdeadlyforceenoughtomakemostslavesfallinto $ ) line. % *  H&!+ @HowEvenGoodMastersCouldSuddenlyKillaSlaveintheHeatof  Passion x   Southernmastersprofessingpaternalismmighthavedenied X pursuingthispolicy,oratleastwouldhavedisavowedkilling   slavesexceptformajorcrimessuchasmurder.Barrow,who  clearlywasquicktopunishhisownslaves,condemneda `  neighboringplanternamedA.G.Howellfor(itwassaid) ( x castratingthreeslaves,andkillingothers,includingleaving  @ someinthestocksuntiltheyweredead.Healsojudgedhimfor    ironinguponeslaveboyuphislegandthigh,creatinganearly    solidscabintheprocess,afterwhichhechainedhimaroundthe H   neck.Concerninganothermanwhowhippedablacktodeath, `  Barrowwrote:"MantriedforWhippinganegrotoDeath.trial (  willcontinuetilltomorrow--deservesdeath--Cleared!"Masters   suchasBarrowdidnotbelieveinkillingslavesexceptformajor h  offenses.Nevertheless,themerefactanumberofmasterswere 0  notsopaternalistic--orpredictablewhenlosingtheir H  temper--meantdeathalwaysremainedapossiblepenaltyfor  bondsmenwithallbutthekindestmasters.Afterall,Barrow  himself,whocondemnedHowell'scruelty,onetimewasmadenough P towritethathe"wouldgive'freely'$100togetashot"atone h runawayslavewhohehadactuallyshotatandhitfouryears 0 before.Atthattime,Barrowsaidhewouldshoothimifheran  away,soonfollowingthroughwithhisthreataftermakingit.   404      ׀ p Hence,evenafairlytypicallargeplantersuchasBarrow,who 8 wasneitherespeciallycruelnorkind,couldkilloneofhisown P slavesundertherightcircumstances,anoutcomehisslaves  undoubtedlyweighedwhencalculatingwhetherandwhentheyshould  disobeyhim. X @TTMiscellaneousPunishmentsthatMastersInflictedonSlaves 8   Mastersandmistresseshadamultitudeofalternative x! punishmentsbesideswhippingandoutrightkillingtokeeptheir @" workforcesinline.Oneapproachwastostakeslavesinchains,  X# andletthemsufferunderthehotsun.Anotherwastosetup  $ stocks,andplacetheslave'sheadandhandsthroughtheboards, !% perhapsforweeksatthetimeforaseriousoffensesuchas `"& tryingtorunawaytotheNorth.Oneslavewomanforrefusingto (#x' workwasforawholeyearmadetositonalogdailywherethe #@( antsbither.PlanterBarrow,asnotedabove(p.234),was $ ) particularlyinventiveinsomeofhispunishmentsforhisslaves, % * whichincludedmakingmaleslavesdressinwomen'sclothing. H&!+ DuringChristmasoneyearheexhibitedarecentlycaptured '`", runawayslaveonascaffoldwhilesportingaredflannelcap. '(#- Anothertimehemadeaslave"wearasheettoppedwithred (#. featheredflannelearmuffs."Lesscreatively,heimposed h)$/ overtimeonslaveswhohadworkedbadlyandimposedageneral 0*%0 duckinginwater.Oneslaveowner'sparticularlydisgustingbut  ingeniouspenaltyconsistedofmakingaslaveeatthewormsthat x hehadmissedtakingofftobaccoleaves.   405      ׀Imprisonmentalsowas @ anoption,bothprivateandpublic.PlanterBarrowhadajailof X hisownforrecalcitrantslaves,suchasonewhopretendedtobe   sick,onecottonpickerwhotriedtopassoffatenpoundrockas  cotton,andotherswhoranaway.Manyaslavewhocommittedsome `  majorcrimeorhadrunawayandhadbeencaughtendedupinsome ( x localjailuntilhisownerpickedhimup--orsoldhim.Douglass  @ experiencedthisfateafterhisconspiracywithotherstoescape    failed,andhewasbrieflyinjailbeforehismasterpickedhim    up.OthersthatDrewinterviewedendedupinjailbecauseof H   failedescapeattemptsor,once,inconnectiontoasuccessful `  one.   406      ׀Soinadditiontotheobviousexpedientsofwhippingand (  sometimeskillingslaveswhodidnotobey,amultitudeofother   punishmentsexisted,includingsale.   407       h  @  ExamplesofCorporalPunishmentBackfiring H    Wheneveraslaveholderinflictedcorporalpunishmentona  slave,anelementofrisklurkedbecauseitcouldbackfire.The P slavemightresistthewhipping,orcouldrunawayin h retaliation,whichraisedthecostsofroutinelyusingthewhip 0 unpredictably,sinceamasterormistresscouldnotfullyknowin  advancewhatwouldhappen.Barrowexperiencedanumberoftimes p abacklashagainstpunishmentshemetedout.AfterTomBeauf 8 pickedbadly,soBarrowwhippedhim,leavingafewcutsonhis P back.Thenextdayintheeveningheleftthefield,andhehad  "notseenhimsince."Afterwhippinghimfornotpickingenough  cottonthedaybefore,Dennisranawaythenextday.Barrowonce X wantedtoweighG.Jerry'sbasketatdinnertime(noon).He  p evadedhandingitover,andgotwhippedforit.Thisact  "offendedhisLordship&heputout."Anothertime,hetold x Dennis--thetroublemakingslavesinBarrow'sdiarytendtobethe @ sameonesallthetime--thatheintendedtowhiphim,evidently X fornotpickingenoughcotton,andheranaway.Barrow   commented,aftersendinganotherafterhim:"Ihadrathera  negrowoulddoanythingElsethanrunaway."Besidesrunning `  away,tryingtopunishaslavehadanotherpossibleresult:The ( x slavecouldfightback,possiblyevenkillingtheslaveowneror  @ hisoverseer.AuntNiceyPughofAlabamasaidthat:"Therewas    awhitewomanwhowaskiltbyaniggerboy'causeshebeathim    forsickingadogonafinemilchcow."JohnLittle,whohad H   beenaslaveinVirginiaandNorthCarolina,describedtoDrew `  oncehowhefelt.Hischaracterandpasthistoryofresistance (  indicateshismeditationswerenomereidlethoughts:   8  Isometimesfeltsuchaspiritofvengeance,thatI 0  seriouslymeditatedsettingthehouseonfireatnight, H  andkillingallastheycameout.Iovercametheevil,  andnevergotatit--butalittlemorepunishmentwould  havedoneit.Ihadbeensobruisedandwoundedand P beset,thatIwasoutofpatience....Onthatnight h whenIwasthreatenedwiththepaddleagain,Iwas 0 fullydeterminedtokill,evenifIweretobehanged  and,ifitpleasedGod,senttohell:Icouldbearno p more.8   Slavesalsocouldretaliatebyaproductionslowdown,afterbeing  forcedtoworkmorehoursthantheywished.   408      ׀Whilecorporal  punishmentmayhavebeencheaperinapplicationnormallythan X imprisonment,asFogelandEngermannote,whenitbackfiredthis  p wasnottrue,whentheexpensesoflostlabortimeandpursuinga 8 runawaypiledup,orwhentheoverseerormasterwereinjuredor   evenkilledfortryingtowhipaslavewhorefusedtoconsentto x! thepunishment.   409       @" @((DidSlaveownersSuccessfullyImplantaProtestantWorkEthicin  $ theSlaves? !%   FogelandEngermanremarkablyclaimthatnotonlyhadthe (#x' masterclasssoughttoimbuetheslaveswiththeProtestantwork #@( ethic,butoftensucceededinaccomplishingthatgoal: $ )  % * 8  [Planters]wanteddevoted,hardworking,responsible  slaveswhoidentifiedtheirfortuneswiththefortunes x oftheirmasters.Planterssoughttoimbueslaveswith @ a"Protestant"workethicandtotransformthatethic X fromastateofmindintoahighlevelof   production....Thelogicof[Stampp's]position  madeitdifficulttoacknowledgethatordinaryslaves `  couldbediligentworkers,imbuedliketheirmasters ( x withaProtestantethic.   410       @   Theirclaim'sfundamentalproblemisalackofevidencefromthe    slave'sownviewpointthatheorshewassomotivated,and H   identifiedwiththeslaveholder'sowninterestssoclosely. `  Whilesomehouseservants,whohadbeenownedbymultiple (  generationsofthesamewhitefamilyonthesameplantationmay   havecometocloselyidentifywiththeirowners'interests,this h  assuredlygenerallywasnotthecasewithmostfieldhands.The 0  master'sselfinterestintryingtomaximizeworkandminimize H  expensesinmaintainingthemwastoodiametricallyopposedtothe  slave'sselfinterestinworkingaslittleaspossibleand  increasingwhatfood,clothing,etc.hegotfromhisowner.X   411      ׀ P FogelandEngermanexaggeratetheextenttowhichmost h slaveholdershadworkedoutanelaboratesystemofpositive 0 incentivestogiveslavesareasontoworkbeyondnegative  sanctionssuchaswhipping.   412      ׀Insteadofseeingwhippingand p othermanifestationsofphysicalforceasasupplementto 8 incentivescomingfromwagesforovertimework,Christmas P bonuses,promotions,andmanumissions,thesepositiveincentives  shouldbeseenaslargelysuperfluousadditionstoaslaveholder  regimecharacterizedbyviolence,force,andphysicalpunishment. X   p   Proofthatslavesweremainlykeptinlinebyforceandthe  threatofitcomesfromhowworkdisciplinesooftencollapsed x andmanyslavesfledfromtheirmasterswhenarmiesofapower @ hostiletoslaveholders'interestswerenearby,whetheritwas X theRevolutionaryWar,theWarof1812,or--especially--theCivil   War.Iftheslaveshadhadsomanypositiveincentivestowork  fortheirmasters,massesoffieldhandswouldnothavefledfrom `  theirplantationsastheUnionarmymovedsouthward,andothers ( x wouldhavebeensodefiantoruncooperativewhilethey  @ remained.   413      ׀Theslaveholder'suseofforceonhislaborforce,    andprotectionagainstrebellionormassnoncompliancewithhis    orders,ultimatelyreliedonothersinsocietybackinghimup H   withforcewhenhewaschallenged,sincetheslaveson `  plantationsandfarmsoftengreatlyoutnumberedtheirowners. (  Thedisorganizationcausedbywarservedasanopportunityfor   thesubordinateclass--here,theslaves--topubliclyexpress h  theirtruefeelingsandbeliefsbywordanddeedsincesome 0  nearbyarmyhostiletothedominantclassprovidedpotential H  protectionagainsttheirsuperiors'abilitytousecoercion  againstsubordinateswhoweresupposedtoalwaysobeythem.  Becausetheprivatethoughtsandoralexpressionsofthebulkof P theslavesareirretrievablylostaspartofwhatScottcallsthe h hiddentranscript,normallywecannotknowwhatthoughts 0 motivatedthem.However,thevariousslavenarrativescomposed  byasmallminorityofslaves(oftenwiththehelpof  abolitionistwhites)givevaluableinsightsintohowtheslaves x didlookatthesystemofoppressiontheysufferedunder.   414      ׀The @ protectingpresenceofarmieshostiletothedominantclassin X theSouthallowedthebondsmento"speaktruthtopower."They   couldpubliclyexpresstheirbeliefsaboutthoseoverthemin  authority,anddefythatclassbyrunningawayorrefusingto `  obeythisorthatorderissuedbytheirowners.   415      ׀Inthis ( x extremesituation,duringtheCivilWar,withtheoldregime,  @ beingclearlyandfundamentallychallenged,indeed,initsdeath    throesthetruebeliefsoftheslavescameoutintotheopenand    intothepublictranscript.Then,itstoodrevealedmanydidnot H   accepttheirmaster'spaternalisticideologyinreality,buthad `  earlierprofesseditandusedittacitlyagainsttheirmasters (  whentheywerefarmorepowerlessagainstthedominantclass'   abilitytocoercethem.FogelandEngerman'sclaimsthatthe h  slaveshadtosomegreaterorlesserdegreeinternalizedthe 0  Protestantworkethicisfatallyunderminednotjustbyalackof H  positiveevidence,suchascitationsfromtheslavenarratives,  butbythequasifreedmenwhofledtoareaswheretheUnionarmy  waspresent,orwhostayedontheirmasters'plantations,but P increasinglydisobeyedthemorrequestedwagesforroutinework. h @TheSlaves'SenseofWorkDisciplineLikethatofOtherPre  IndustrialPeople p Ѐ̀  FogelandEngerman'sclaimsabouttheslavesbeing P inculcatedwiththeProtestantworkethiciscloselytiedtothe  issueofhowmuchtheslaveshadatimeorientationasopposedto  ataskorientationintheirworkhabits,andhowpunctualthey X weregettingtoworkinthemorning,andmethodicalinworking  p oncethere.Theirworkhabitswereasubsetofthoseofpre 8 industrialpeasantpeopleseverywhere,includingEurope,where   hardworkinirregularspasmswasvalued,butconsistently x! punctualandregulardailylaborwasnot.Thetypeandamountof @" worknecessarywastiedtotheseasonalanddiurnalrhythmsof  X# planting,tending,andharvestingcrops.Englishartisans,  having"SaintMonday"off,oftenstartedtheworkweekwithlittle x ornowork,butworkedfuriouslylonghourstowardsitsend, @ collapsingintoexhaustionlateonSaturday,justtorepeatthe X cycleagainnextweek.Thisirregularcycleillustrateshow   workersmayworkhard,butnotespeciallyregularly.Thepre  industrialpeasantmentalitywasalsocharacterizedbynot `  workingonceacustomarylevelofsubsistencehadbeenreached, ( x andevenwhileanymoneyremainedinthepocket.Defoedescribed  @ cynicallysuchaworkerthisway:    8  ThereisnothingmorefrequentthanforanEnglishman H   toworktillhehasgothispocketsfullofmoney,and `  thengoandbeidleorperhapsdrunktillthisisall (  gone....Askhiminhiscupswhatheintends,he'll   tellyouhonestly,he'lldrinkaslongasitlastsand h  thengotoworkformore.   416      ׀0    Ahikeinwagespaidperhourbackfiresontheemployersof  peoplewhothinkthiswaybecausetheyworkproportionatelyfewer  hours,asperthebackwardsbendinglaborsupplycurve. P   Intheparticularcaseoftheenslavedblacks,theywere 0 broughtintoalaborsysteminAmericawhich,foralltheir  mastersandmistresses'effortstomakethemworkregularly,was p stilllargelyregulatedbytheseasonalagriculturalworkcycle. 8 Turningtheslavesintomethodicalclockpuncherswassimplynot P fullypracticalornecessarybecauseagriculturalworkishighly  irregulareveninsubtropicalareassuchastheAmericanSouth.  Afactoryworkregimeinitsclassicalformisstrictlytime X orientedandnottiedtodaylightorseasonalrhythms.  p Admittedly,thesugarplanters,havingaroundtheclockslave 8 laborintheirsugarrefineries,approachedthismodel,buteven   thenitwasdoneduringagrindingseason,notyeararound. x! Fieldworkontheirplantationswasstilldominatedbyseasonal @" rhythms.Furthermore,thewhitesthemselvesintheSouthwho  X# weresupposedtobeinculcatingthisProtestantworkethicinto  $ theslaves,hardlyexemplifieditthemselves,whetherplanteror !% poorwhite.Afterall,oneofthekeydifferencesbetweena `"& Yankeebusinessmanandapaternalisticplanter,proslavery (#x' apologistsstated,wasthattheformerwasmuchmoremethodical #@( andregularinpursuingwealththanthelatter,whoknewwhen $ ) relaxingwasgoodinitself.JamesSumlersawtheimplicit % * hypocrisyonthisscoreamongwhites,whichencouragedhimto H&!+ escapefromslaveryinVirginia:"AfterIgottoyearsof '`", maturity,andsawthewhitepeoplesittingintheshade '(#-  [presumablyhismaster'sfamilyinparticular],whileIworkedin (#. thesun,IthoughtIwouldliketobemyownman."   417      ׀Asforthe   poorwhites,muchliketheEnglishcottagerswhoekedouta x livingontheendoftheirvillage'scommonsbeforeenclosure @ wipedoutthatwayoflife,theyoftenscrapedbythrough X hunting,fishing,somecasualsubsistencefarming,perhaps   supplementedbysomewagelaborinordertogetcashforgoods  thathadtobepurchased.Olmstedroutinelyfoundthroughoutthe `  Souththatlargeplanterswhenaskedaboutthelocalpoorwhites ( x alwaysfeltthemtohaveabadinfluenceontheirslavesbecause  @ 8  thecontrastbetweenthehabitsoftheformer--mostof    thetimeidle,andwhenworking,workingonlyfortheir H   ownbenefitandwithoutamaster--constantlyoffered `  suggestionsandtemptationstotheslavestoneglect (  theirduty,torunawayandliveavagabondlife,as   thesepoorwhiteswereseento.h       0  Genovese'sexcellentdiscussionoftheslavesandtheirwork H  ethic,whichdrawsuponThompson'sinsightsonworkdiscipline  beingimposedontheEnglishworkingclass,clearlydemonstrates  theshallownessofFogelandEngerman'sclaimthatplantersoften P succeededininculcatingtheProtestantworkethicintotheir h slaves,especiallywhentheylackedittoasignificantdegree 0 themselvestobeginwith,andhadtouseforcesooftentokeep  theirbondsmenworking.    418       p @Genovese'sPaternalism:HowSuccessfulWerePlantersinImposing P Hegemony?    Anotherideologicalcontroldevicetheslaveholdersusedto X controltheslavesneedsdiscussionherebesidesFogeland  p Engerman'sProtestantworkethic.ThefoundationofGenovese's 8 workRoll,Jordan,Rollconcernstheslavesacceptingtheir   masters'ideologyofpaternalismwithitsreciprocalduties x! betweentheenslaversandtheenslaved,asperGramsci'snotions @" ofhegemony.Eveniftheslavesoftenchangedandadaptedthis  X# ideologytofavortheirownpurposesinlife,turningwhat  $ privilegestheirmastersandmistressesgrantedthemcustomarily !% intorights,theystillacceptedtheoverallsystemof `"& paternalism,ifnotalwaysslaveryitself.Genovesemaintains: (#x' 8  Butdespitetheir[theslavepreachers']willand $ ) considerableability,theycouldnotleadtheirpeople  overtotheattackagainstthepaternalistideology x itself....Therangefromabjectacceptanceof @ slaverythroughinsistenceonadecentreturnto X outrightdefianceshouldnotobscuretheunderlying   thread.Someacceptedslaveryinfearoffreedom;  othersinawarenessofsuperiorforce;othersonly `  becausetheywerehelddownbythemanifestationof ( x thatforce.Almostall,however,withlesseror  @ greaterintensity,fellintoapaternalisticpatternof    thought,andalmostallredefinedthatpatternintoa    doctrineofselfprotection.   419      H     Genovese'viewraisestheissueofwhethermostslavesdeveloped (  "falseconsciousness,"i.e.,reallyacceptedtheideologyof   theirmastersandmadeittheirownaswell. h  @)ScottVersusHegemony H    Scott'sanalysiscastsseriousdoubtuponthisscore.In  contrasttoGenovese'sanalysis,isitnotpossiblethatthe P slavescouldhavemerelyproclaimedpubliclytheirdevotionto h whattheirmastersbelievedinordertoobtainsomepractical 0 advantage,whileprivatelydenyingit?Theycouldappealto  theirmastersandmistressesonthebasisofthelatter'sviews p ofrulingforthegoodoftheslavesinordertoobtain(say) 8 betterrations,lesspunishment,andsoforth.Theideologyof P thedominantclasscanbeusedbythesubordinateclassto  condemntheformerwhentheyfallhypocriticallyshortofits  ideals,yetstillallowthemtoappearinconformitywiththeir X superiors'beliefs.Oftentheweakhavesomepracticalself  p interestincreatinganappearanceofhegemonybytheir 8 superiors,andwillgothroughthemotionsofpubliclyappearing   toaccepttheirvalues,whileamongtheirownkindalone,they x! willdenythem.Merelynotingtheritualsofdeference,suchas @" slavesnottalkingbacktoanoverseerorderingtodosomething  X# inaparticularcase,butlookingdownwardsandshufflingaway,  $ doesnotmeanthosesoengagedhaveacceptedtheirmasters' !% ideological"hegemonyinthesenseofactiveconsent."For `"& example,considertheimplicationsofwhatDouglassexperienced (#x' initiallywithhisBaltimoremistress.Shehadnotdealtwitha #@( slaveunderhercontrolbefore,andsowasnotawareofthe $ ) ritualsofdeferenceslavesweresupposedtomanifesttowards % * her: H&!+ 8  IcouldnotapproachherasIwasaccustomedto '(#- approachotherwhiteladies.Myearlyinstructionwas (#. alloutofplace.Thecrouchingservility,usuallyso h)$/ acceptableaqualityinaslave,didnotanswerwhen 0*%0 manifestedtowardher.Herfavorwasnotgainedbyit;  sheseemedtobedisturbedbyit.Shedidnotdeemit x impudentorunmannerlyforaslavetolookherinthe @ face.   420      X   Now,whenDouglassperformedtheseritualsofdeferencewithhis  masters,washereallyacceptinghisroleasaslaveforlife? `  Inwardly,heobviouslywasnot,whetherintherecessesofhis ( x mindorinhisconversationswithotherslaveswhennomasteror  @ mistresswaspresent(partofthe"hiddentranscript"),suchas    thoseheconspiredwithtoescapetotheNorth.      Speakingmoregenerally,slavereligionserved,atleaston `  somelevel,asthemainsourceofatleastasemicoherent (  counterideologyformanyslaveswhentheyhadmeetingsamong   themselvesalone.ItwassaidthatGabrielandMartinProssner h  inVirginiaatreligiousservicesregularlyharnessedtheOld 0  TestamentstoryaboutGodfreeingthechildrenofIsraelthrough H  Mosestogainrecruitsfortheirconspiracy:"TheIsraelites  wereglowinglyportrayedasatypeofsuccessfulresistanceto  tyranny;anditwasargued,thatnow,asthen,Godwouldstretch P forthhisarmtosave,andwouldstrengthenahundredto h overthrowathousand."Similarly,atVesey'splannedrebellion 0 inSouthCarolina,whichappearedtobecenteredonthe  membershipoftheAfricanChurchofCharleston,onealleged p conspiratorsaidthathe"readtousfromtheBible,howthe 8 childrenofIsraelweredeliveredoutofEgyptfrombondage." P Somewhatdifferently,butstillusingareligiousbaseforhis  counterideology,wasthecharismaticNatTurner,whosevisions  asaprophetledhimtostartarebellion.Themostcrucialof X thesevisions,inMay1828,hadGodtellinghimthat  p 8  theSerpentwasloosened,andChristhadlaiddownthe   Yokehehadborneforthesinsofmen,andthatI x! shouldtakeitonandfightagainsttheSerpent,for @" thetimewasfastapproachingwhenthefirstshouldbe  X# lastandthelastshouldbefirst. $   TheseexamplesindicatehowslavescouldusetheBible'sreligion `"& toreplyagainsttheirmasters'officialreligiousideologyof (#x' patience,humility,andobedience.Buttheseproclamations #@( remainedbehindthescenes,whenwhiteswerenotwatching. $ ) Officially,theslavepreachershadlittlechoicebuttoteach % * whattheirmasterswantedthemtowhenwhiteswerepresent,but H&!+ thischangedwhentheywerebythemselves,asfreedmanAnderson '`", EdwardsofTexasrecalled: '(#-  (#. 8  WhenIstartspreachingIcouldn'treadorwriteand  hadtopreachwhatMastertoldme,andhesaytellthem x niggersiffentheyobeysthemastertheygoesto @ Heaven;butIknowedthere'ssomethingbetterforthem, X butdaren'ttellthem'ceptonthesly.ThatIdone   lots.Itells'emiffentheykeepspraying,theLord  willset'emfree.   421      `    Itisnecessarytobewaryofacceptingtheslaves'proclamations  @ ofloyaltyandgratefulnessatfacevalue,fortheheartmaynot    beagreeingwithwhatthetonguefeelscompelledtosay.      Obviously,theproblemhereisthelackofdocumentation `  concerningwhatmostslavesreallythoughtastheywentthrough (  suchritualsofdeference,andprofessedtheirundyinglovefor   theirmaster,andsoforth.Nowsometimeslightcanbeshedon h  thehiddentranscript,whichrevealshowtheoppressedanalyzed 0  theirconditionwhenamongthemselvesalone,throughtheslave H  narratives(suchasDouglass's).Sometimesiteruptsintothe  publictranscript(whichthedominantclasslargelywrites,  disseminates,andcontrols)throughoccasionaloutbursts,etc. P Still,determiningwhatmostslavesreallythoughtinevitably h comesdowntofortuitouslyimpressionisticliteraryevidence. 0 Unfortunatelyforhistorians,therewerenoGalluppollsusing  statisticalsamplesofslavestorecordwhattheybelievedabout p theirmasters,mistresses,overseers,andslaveryitself.Little 8 ofwhatwassaidintheslavequarterswhennomasteroroverseer P waswithinearshothascomedowntous.Almostentirely,the  preservedrecordsarecomposedofthepublictranscript.Still,  thereisreasontobelievethattheslavesalwayssensedthat X theywereoppressedandexploited,judgingfromtheirdull,  p ploddingworkhabits,theirtheftoffoodandotheritems,and 8 thenumberwhoranawayatleasttemporarily.Theysaw   practicallywhatfreedommeant,fromhowtheirmaster'sfamily x! lived,andfromneighboringpoorwhites,soitwasnotsomething @" theyhadtocompletelyimagineontheirown.Ofcourse,enough  X# casesexistofslavesappearingtrulysadatthepassingofa  $ goodmaster,notrunningawaywhentheYankeearmypasses !% through,orotherhumanintimaciesbetweenwhiteandblackthat `"& likelyindicatemanyslavesreallydidacceptsomesenseof (#x' reciprocalduties(orrights)betweenthemandtheirmasters, #@( especiallyinthecaseofdomesticservants,asGenovese $ ) observes.AlthoughGenoveseisfullycognizantthatmuchslave % * behavior,atleastonthejob,wasorcouldhavebeendeceitful, H&!+ intentionallyincompetent,or"puttingonoldmassa,"the  dangerousimplicationsofduplicityforhisapplicationof x Gramsci'smodelofhegemonytoAmericanslaverywerenot @ seriouslyconsidered.   422       X WeretheSlaveholdersReallyBelieversinPaternalism?:The  ImplicationsofJacksonianDemocracyandCommercialCapitalismin `  theAmericanSouth ( x   Genovese'sthesisthatthemasterclasssuccessfully    implantedtheirhegemonicideologyofpaternalismintheslaves'    mindsalsodependsonwhethertheslaveholdersthemselvesreally H   believedinit.CouldhavethetypicalmastersoftheSouthbeen `  justasmotivatedbyprofitasthemoneygrubbingYankee (  merchantsandindustrialiststhatproslaveryapologists   portrayedwhiledefendingapaternalistic"peculiarinstitution"? h  TheroughneckcrewportrayedinOlmsted'sdescriptionofthe 0  frontierinteriorplanters,alludedtoabove,withtheirpassions H  anddesirestomakemoneyoff"cottonandnegroes,"isaworld  apartfromthelongsettledpaternalisticgreatplantersof  lowlandSouthCarolinaorthoseattemptingtosustaintheirpride P whileekingoutalivingwithafewslavesonsoilofdeclining h fertilityinTidewaterVirginia.Onceabookpeddleronboarda 0 steamboatinLouisianaattemptedtosella"BibleDefenceof  Slavery,"whichclearlyhadapaternalisticovertonetoit p judgingfromthefrontispiecehedisplayed.Hethrustthebook 8 intothehandsofawouldbepurchaser,andwasyelledatwith P thefollowing:  8  Nowyougotohell!I'vetoldyouthreetimesIdidn't X wantyourbook.IfyoubringithereagainI'llthrow  p itoverboard.Iownniggers;andIcalculatetoown 8 moreof'em,ifIcanget'em,butIdon'twantany   damn'dpreachin'aboutit.x!   Wassuchaman,partofthestriving,roughneck,quicktempered,  X# gunandknifepackingcrowdOlmsteddescribed,reallymotivated  $ bytheloveofhisslavestoembracethepaternalistic"peculiar !% institution"?Or,didhejudgethiswasthebestwayforhimto `"& makemoney?Hedidnoteventrytokeepupthepretenseitwas (#x' theformer.Similarly,onerelativelypoorwhitewholivedin #@( northernAlabama,aminerwhoalsokeptasmallfarm,told $ ) Olmsted: % * 8  Thericheramanis...andthemoreniggershe's '`", got,thepoorerheseemstolive.Ifyouwanttofare '(#- wellinthiscountry[asalodger]youstoptopoor (#. folks'housen;theytrytoenjoywhatthey'vegot, h)$/ whiletheyken,buttheseyerbigplanterstheydon'  carefornothingbuttosave.   423      x   Thisaccountmayreflectclassprejudice,ofpoorwhiteagainst X richplanter.Still,itunderminestheideatheslaveowners   seriouslylivedtheprofitdevaluingpaternalismthatproslavery  ideologuessuchasFitzhughspokeintheirnames.Or,ifthey `  didnotliveit,howmuchdidtheymerelybelieveinit,sincea ( x certainlevelofhypocrisyisinevitableamongthosewhouphold  @ anyideologyduetohumanmoralweakness?      Whiletheolder,longsettledregionsofTidewaterVirginia H   andlowlandSouthCarolinahadlargeplantersbythemid `  nineteenthcenturywhosefamilieshadownedslavesoverseveral (  generations,mostoftherestoftheSouthwasstillatbesta   semisettledwildernessheavilyaffectedbythefrontier h  mentality.X   424      ׀Boneydescribesonetypicalsmallerplanternamed 0  ThomasStevens,whoalthoughheatonetimeownedthirtyone H  slaves,nevercouldmobilizemorethanfiveorsixprimeadult  malefieldhandsinthefieldatonce.Havingstartedoutasa  miller,carpenter,anddistiller,heraisedlivestockaswellas P cropsonhisfarm.AsdescribedinaslavenarrativebyoneJohn h Brown,hewasaharddriverofhisslaves,ofhissons,of 0 himself,andexpressedbothrageandoccasionalbrutalityagainst  hisslaveswhilepursuingincreasedproductiononhisfarm.To p Boney,"planter"inhisthinkingshouldinvolvesomeonewhoowns 8 50or100slaves,notjust20,because:"Thedesignationof P plantercarriesstrongconnotationsofelitismandaristocracy  whichdistortthebasicrealityoftheantebellumSouth."In  contradictiontoGenoveseorBeard,heviewstheSouth'swhites X asdominatedbyacapitalistic,bourgeoisethic,characterizedby  p ambition,striving,andprofitmaking."Nomatterhowmany 8 slavesmostplantersaccumulated,theytendedtoremainbourgeois   businessmen,fundamentallymiddleclassagriculturistsinhot x! pursuitofthefastbuck....ThegreatmajorityofSouthern @" whiteswerethoroughlybourgeois,optimisticallypursuingprofit  X# byhardworkandsharpbargaining."Theindividualistic  $ mentalityofthesemenseekingupwardsocialmobilitybytheir !% owneffortsisverydifferentfromthatofEuropean,especially `"& Continental,aristocratswhostereotypicallyeschewedcommercial (#x' venturesandactiveparticipationinthemanagementoftheir #@( land.TheplantersoftheSouthhadamuchmorecommercial $ ) mentalitythantheirsupposedEuropeancounterparts,andanumber  were,accordingtoDegler,"activelyengagedinrailroading, x banking,ginning,andmanufacturingofallkinds."Conformingto @ thisdescription,MaydescribesJohnQuitman,amajorMississippi X planterandpolitician,as"immersedinlandspeculations,   bankingactivities,Mississippirailroaddevelopment,theNatchez  SteamPacketCompany,andsoutherncommercialconventions."He `  servedasanofficerforanumberofcorporations.   425      ׀Deglereven ( x suggests,inanargumentreminiscentofFogelandEngerman's,  @ thatiftheslaveholdersearnedarateofprofitcomparableto    thatofbourgeoisNorthernersthatthey"musthavebeenworking    ashardatmakingprofits...unlessoneassumesitwasall H   accidental."x   426      ׀Thecharacteroftheutterlypragmatic, `  temperamental,roughnecksmallerplantersandslaveholders (  Olmstedencounteredtimeandtimeagainonhistravels,whose   conversationsweredominatedbyslaves,cotton,andother"shop h  talk,"stronglysupportFogelandEngerman'srevisionistviewof 0  acapitalistic,profitseekingslaveholdingclass.  @CounterAttacksAgainstPortrayingSlaveholdersasBourgeois @ Individualists X   Severallinesofattackhavebeenlaunchedagainst  characterizingsouthernslaveholdersasstrivingindividualists `  seekingprofitandupwardmobilitythroughtheirowneffortsas ( x partofalargersystemofcapitalisticcommercialagriculture.  @ ArguingagainstOakes,Gallaynotesthatthegreatplanters    dominatedtheSouthpoliticallyandideologically.ByStampp's    calculationsbasedontheCensus,theelitecomposedofthose H   owningoverahundredslavesconstitutedlessthanthreethousand `  familiesintheSouthoutofapopulationofsome1,516,000free (  families.Evenforsmallslaveholders,thereremained"the   hierarchicalstructureoftheplantationwithitsdependent h  relationships."   427      ׀Thisleadsustothequestionofthenatureof 0  paternalism,andhowcompatibleitiswithacapitalistmodeof H  production.StampaswellasFogelandEngermannotethat  paternalismcanbequitecompatiblewithenlightenedself  interestorprofitmakinginsomecases,asthesuccessof P traditionallypaternalisticcompaniessuchasIBM(althoughits h "nolayoffs"policyisdeadnowadays)andEastmanKodak.(    428      ׀ 0 Paternalismasasocialsystemisnotjustaboutthedutiesof  thesubordinateanddominantclassestoeachother,butitgives p thedominanttherighttopunishandcontroltheirsubordinates 8 fortheirowngood,justasafatherpunisheshischildrenfor P theirowngood.    429      ׀Thatsuchpunishmentalsoservestheinterests  ofthedominantclass--well,thatisjustincidental.Orisit?  AsAndersonnotedinhisreviewofGenovese'sRoll,Jordan,Roll, X themasters'ideologyallowedthemtoturntheslavesinto  dependentchildren,permittingthemtowhipandotherwisepunish x theslavescontinually: @ 8  In[Genovese's]attempttobindthemasterandslavein   anintimaterelationship,hefailedtounderstandthat  themasters,intheirownminds,deniedtheslavesthe `  qualityofgratitudeinordertocommitbrutality ( x withoutregretorresponsibility.GeorgeFitzhugh  @ neededtosaythatAfricanshadlessselfcontroland    thatthe'masteroccupiestoward[hisslaves]theplace    ofparentorguardian.'Buthistoriansneednotaccept H   thisasgenuinefatherlyconcern.   430      `       `   Anderson'spointleadsustoaspectacularlyunsurprising   conclusion:Theideologyoftheupperclasstendstobeself h  servingandselfjustifying,atleastwhentheyareconfidentin 0  theexerciseoftheirpower.Normally,whenabusinessman H  proclaimshisbeliefinpaternalism,suchasCarnegie,who  simultaneouslyproclaimedbothphilanthropyandSocialDarwinism,  orthebusinessmanwhodeclaredduringastrikethatthebest P interestsoftheworkerswouldbeservedbytheChristian h businessmenofAmerica,historianseyeitverysuspiciously. 0 Shouldnotasimilarlevelofskepticismbedirectedagainst  Southernslaveholders'proclamationsofthesamebeliefs?After p all,asDeglerobserved,manywerenomorethanageneration 8 removedfrompersonallywieldingthehoe,ax,orplowthemselves, P whichgivespreciouslittletimeforanaristocraticethosto  developfromthenouveaurichemilieuoutofwhichsprang  frontiersuccessstories.Boneyraisestheissueofwhetherthey X deceivedthemselvesorjustothers:"Whethertheyfooled  p themselvesintobelievingotherwise[thattheydidnothavea 8 profitseekingbourgeoisoutlook,butwerearistocratic   paternalists]oronlymisledlatergenerationsisanother x! questionentirely."Theclosepersonaltiesandhumanintimacies @" thatmakeupatrulypracticedsystemofpaternalismwouldoccur  X# mostlyonlywithdomesticservants,drivers,someartisans,and  $ perhapsafewfieldhandsamasterormistressmayhaveplayed !% withasachild.Forexample,Olmstednotedhow"twoorthree `"& welldressednegroservants"greetedsomeofthewhitepassengers (#x' onashipontheJamesRiverinVirginiawithenthusiasm,even #@( kisses.Onefatmulattowomanshoutedloudlyandpathetically, $ ) "Oh,MassaGeorge,isyoucomeback!"toa"longhaired % * sophomore."Bycontrast,thesameleveloffeelingwasnotfelt H&!+ bythefieldhandspresent:"Fieldnegroes,standingby,looked '`", onwiththeirusualbesottedexpression,andneitherofferednor '(#- receivedgreetings."Stamppcitescasesofmastersdistraught (#. overthedeathsofapersonalattendantandagardener,butwho h)$/ didnotseemespeciallydisturbedemotionallybythedeathsof 0*%0 fieldhands.ThecaseofJamesHammondisparticularlystriking.  Whilehewassincerelydistressedoverthedeathofhisgardener, x hewasemotionally(thoughnotfinancially)indifferenttothe @ deathsoftwofieldhands:"Neitheraseriousloss.One X valuablemulehasalsodied."   431      ׀Forthesereasons,inaview   clearlydifferentfromGenovese's,Stamppislargelycorrectwhen  broadbrushingthissummarystatement:"Plantationpaternalism, `  then,wasinmostcasesakindofleisureclassfamilyindulgence ( x ofitsdomestics."   432      ׀Forthemostpart,manymastersand  @ mistressesBarrowbeinganexcellentcaseinpointprobably    lookedatthemassoftheirslavesoftenas"TheoryX"management    mightdealwiththemembersofanuncooperativelaborunion,as H   employeeswhoneedconstantsupervision,prodding,verbalabuse, `  andpunishmentstogetanythingdone,withoutanygreatemotional (  attachmenttomostoftheindividualsinvolved,makingiteasyto   replaceanyofthem.Hence,ifmostoftheeliteormiddling h  slaveholderswerestriving,individualistic,profitseeking 0  capitalists,whooftenhonoredpaternalisticideologyasmere H  platitudesatbest,largelyreservingitspracticetodomestic  servants,thenthehegemonicfunctionofpaternalisminkeeping  thebulkoftheslavesinlineisgravelyweakened,forthe P dominantclasscannotpassdowntoitssubordinateclasswhatit h doesnotbelieveitself.    433       0 Ї@ IgnoranceasaControlDeviceRevisited    Asobservedearlierinthesectiondealingwitheducation @ (pp.1079),anelitecancontrolitssubordinateclassby X inculcatingknowledgethatlegitimizesitsauthorityandfavors   itscontinuedcontrol.Promotingtheideologyofpaternalismor  theimplantationoftheProtestantworkethicamongtheslaves `  canbeseenasasubsetofthisapproach,althoughforthemvery ( x littleofthisoccurredthroughformaleducationandbook  @ learning.Theotheroptionemploysignoranceasacontroldevice    forkeepingalowerclassinsubjection.Southernslaveholders    appliedthismethodtotheirbondsmeninmanyways.Bykeeping H   slavesinignoranceofgeography,localorcontinental,itmade `  successfulescapestotheNorthorCanadamuchmoreunlikely.It (  ishardtoescapetosomeplacenotknowntoexist,or,ifknown,   whenhowtogetthereremainsunknown.EvenDouglass,aliterate h  slave,didnotknowofCanada'sexistence,andnothinginAmerica 0  pastNewYorknorthwards,whichstillwasnotfundamentallysafe H  duetothe(old)fugitiveslavereturnlaw.Sohethought,when  conspiringwithagroupoffellowslavestoescape:"Wecould  seenospot,thissideoftheocean,wherewecouldbefree." P Similarly,JohnHunter,whoescapedfromslaveryinMaryland, h commented:"AgreatmanyslavesknownothingofCanada,--they 0 don'tknowthatthereissuchacountry."FreedmanArnold  Gragston,wasaslaveinMasonCounty,Kentucky,rightnearthe p OhioRiver.BeforeheassistedtheUndergroundRailroadin 8 helpingslavesescapebyrowingthemacrossthatriver,he P laboredundersomeseeminglyastonishingmisconceptionsaboutan  areasoclosetohimself:"[I]didn'tknowathingaboutthe  otherside.Ihadheardalotaboutitfromotherslaves,butI X thoughtitwasjustaboutlikeMasonCounty,withslavesand  p masters,overseersandrawhides."Thesestoriesindicatethe 8 slavesgenerallyknewlittleoriginatingfromabolitionistsand   otherNorthernerspropagandizingagainstslavery,withwhatwas x! knownbeingbadlydilutedanddistortedbythe"whisperinglane" @" effect.Becauseitwasnearlyimpossibleforslavestogetthis  X# informationotherwise,Ballmadeaspecialefforttomemorizethe  $ namesoftowns,villages,rivers,andwhereferrieswerelocated !% onthemashewastakenfromMarylandtoGeorgiatoenablehimto `"& findhiswaybackoneday.   434      ׀ (#x' Ї  Ignorancealsohelpedkeepslavesinbondageorinfearof  actingontheirfreedomafteremancipationcame.Texasfreedman x AndersonEdwardsandhisfellowslavesdidnotknowforayear @ afterfreedomhadbeenproclaimedthatinfacttheywerefree. X TheirmasterhadkepttheminthedarkuntilsomeUnionsoldier   paidavisitandransackedtheplantation.Onefreedmanwas  forcedtoworkafteremancipationforhismasterfouryears, `  untilhestoleahorsetogetaway,anotherforthreeyearsuntil ( x hismistressfreedhimafterhismasterwashanged,andonedid  @ notknowshewasfreeuntilsheranawayandablackmantoldher    shewasfree.Thefederalgovernmentwiselysentagentstofan    theSoutherncountrysidetoinvestigatewhetherthefreedmenwere H   beingpaidandtellingthemtheywerefree,becauseitcouldnot `  trusttheformermasterstotelltheirslavesthattheywereno (  longerslaves.Duringthewar,Georgiannewspaperswentto   considerabletroubletospreadscarestoriesaboutthetreatment h  ofexslavesintheNorthorintheUnionarmytodiscourage 0  runaways,countingonthemasterstotellthesetalestotheir H  bondsmen,whichevidentlyhadsomeeffect.X   435      ׀Clearly,"knowledge  ispower"foranoppressedclassinaverypracticalsense  becauseitbecomesmuchharderforanelitetotightlycontrola P subordinategroupthatknowssubstantiallyasmuchasitsrulers, h suchasduetowidespreadpubliceducation.@   436       0 @HowMastersWouldManipulatetheSlaves'FamilyTiesinOrderto p ControlThem 8   Anothercontroldevice,alreadydescribedabove(p.159)in  thesectiondealingwiththefamilylifeoftheslaves,wasfor  mastersandmistressestomanipulatethefamilyrelationshipsof X thebondsmenforlabordisciplinepurposes.TheSouthernBaptist  p ministerHollandNimmonsMcTyeirestatedinhisessay"Dutiesof 8 ChristianMasters"thatslaveholdersshouldbuildupthefamily   unitamongtheslavesforreasonsthatalsobenefitedtheirself x! interest: @" 8  Localaswell[as]familyassociations,thuscastabout  $ him,arestrongyetpleasingcordsbindinghimtohis !% master.Hiswelfareissoinvolvedintheorderof `"& things,thathewouldnotforanyconsiderationhaveit  disturbed.Heismadehappierandsafer,putbeyond x discontent,orthetemptationtorebellionand @ abduction;forhegainsnothingincomparisonwithwhat X heloses.   437          Familytiesalsohadthepracticaleffectofdiscouragingslaves `  fromrunningaway,sincetheydidnotwanttoleavewives, ( x husbands,mothers,fathers,sisters,brothers,sons,daughters,  @ etc.behindintheSouthiftheyfledalone.Andiftheyfledin    agroup,theybecameeasiertotrackdownandcatch.One    Georgianoverseerwasnotatallafraidthatabolitionistswould H   successfullytemptaslavetoescapehewassendingtotheNorth `  withhisfamilybecause:"Itakecare,whenmywifegoesNorth (  withthechildren,tosendLucywithher;herchildrenaredown   here,andIdefyalltheAbolitionistsincreationtogetherto h  stayNorth."X   438      ׀Jacobs,ifshehadnotbeenamother,wouldhave 0  founditmucheasiertofleetotheNorth,butshefeltcompelled H  totrytohaveherchildrenfreedaswell:"Icouldhavemademy  escapealone;butitwasmoreformyhelplesschildrenthanfor  myselfthatIlongedforfreedom.Thoughtheboonwouldhave P beenprecioustome,aboveallprice,Iwouldnothavetakenit h attheexpenseofleavingtheminslavery."   439      ׀Douglassmadea 0 similarpoint,butbecausehisfamilylifehadbeenveryweak,he  latchedontotheimportanceoffriends,suchasthoseinhisown p life,asdiscouragingslavesfromrunningaway:"Itismy 8 opinionthatthousandswouldescapefromslavery,whonowremain, P butforthestrongcordsofaffectionthatbindthemtotheir  friends."x   440      ׀Alwaysoneofthemostpowerfulwaysfamilyties  couldbeusedagainstthebondsmenwasforaslaveholderto X threatentosellthemorsomeotherfamilymemberastheultimate  p punishmentfordisobedience.ColonialGeorgianWilliamSimpson 8 notedthataslavehesoldwrote"tohiswifefrequently,and   appearsbyhisletterstobeingreatdistressforwantofher." x! Hehadsoldhimforbeingdisobedient,butnowsaidhewas @" consideringbuyinghimbacktorejoinhusbandandwife.   441      ׀Butin  X# mostcasesfamilymembersseparatedbysalewereunlikelyeverto  $ seeeachotheragain,unlessitwasalocalone.Usingthe !% familytiesoftheirslavestocontrolthem,throughdiscouraging `"& escapesorusingthethreatofsale,theslaveholdingeliteused  againstthemsomeoftheveryaspectsoftheircharacterthat x provedtheirhumanity,andthattheywerenotanimals,tothe @ whites. X @((PositiveIncentivesOnlyaSupplementaryMethodforControlling  theBondsmen `    Usingpositiveincentiveswasanotherwayformastersand  @ mistressestodealwiththeirslaves,suchasrewardsforworking    hard.Whilethestickinevitablyloomsmuchlargerthanthe    carrotinslaveholders'dealingswiththeirslaves,asargued H   aboveagainstFogelandEngerman(pp.23335,24044),positive `  incentivesdidexist,andplayedasupplementaryrolein (  controllinganddiscipliningtheslaves.Onestandardwaytoget   extraworkfromtheslaveswastopaythemforovertimehours, h  suchasforworkonSundaysandlatenights.Althoughamaster 0  ormistresscouldcompeltheslavestoworkthesehours,the H  negativerepercussions(workslowdowns,theneighbors'  criticisms,etc.)weresuchthattheyusuallypaidthemforthe  extrawork.Whendonewiththeirtasksfortheday,severalboys P workedwillinglyforKembletoclearpathsonherhusband's h estateforpaywithintwentyfourhoursofhermakingtheoffer. 0 Similarly,somecarpenterstheremadeaboattheysoldforsixty  dollarstoaneighboringplanterbuiltintheirsparetime. p PatrickSnead,bornaslaveinSavannah,Georgia,workedasa 8 coopermakingbarrels.Histaskwastomakeeighteenaweek,but P sincehe"couldmakemorethantwiceasmany...[he]beganto  havemoney."JohnClopton,onceaslaveinVirginia,worked  nightstoearnthemoneytobuyahatandsomeclothesbecause X hismastersuppliedhimwithnohatandfewclothes.Olmsted  p foundonefarmerinLouisianawhopaidslavesfiftyorseventy 8 fivecentsadaytoworkforhimSundays.AnotherMississippi   planter'sblacksearnedmoneyforextrassuchastobaccoby x! workingSaturdaysandSundays,withoneclearingfiftydollarsin @" ayearbymakingboardswithaxes.Paidworkdidhaveits  X# problemsforslaves,becausetheycouldbemoreeasilycheatedby  $ theiremployer,whocouldrefusetopaythem,andthentheyhad !% nolegalredress.OneslaveinMississippiwasnotpaidthree `"& dollarsforanumberofSundayshehadworkedforonewhite (#x' farmer.JohnQuitman'sslavesreceivedpayforchoppingwoodon #@( Sundays.HisbrotherinlawHenryTurnercomplainedthatthe $ ) slaveswere"verytroublesomeinthewayofaskingfortheirdues % * whennotpaid"forchickenstheyhadraisedontheMonmouth H&!+ plantationinMississippi.   442      ׀Asnotedaboveearlier(pp.222 '`", 223),whiletheslaveswillinglydidextrawork(i.e.,without '(#- thecompulsionofthewhip),itwasnottotallyvoluntarybecause (#. themastersdidnotgivethemenoughtoallowthemtogetbyat  allcomfortablywithouttheextrawork'searnings.Afterall,if x Clopton'smastergavehimthenecessaryfood,buthardlyany @ clothes,whenhechoosestoworkSundaystobuyclothes,this X workwasnottrulyvoluntary.Themaster'sarbitrarypowerin   reducingthesustenanceprovidedtohisslavesforcedthemto  workovertime"voluntarily"forrealnecessities.Aslavewho `  didabadjobinovertimeworkdidnotfacethewhip,butthe ( x penaltyofgoingshirtless,hatless,knifeless,panless,etc.,  @ washarshenough.      Slaveholdersalsohadlessformalincentivesthanpayfor H   overtimework.FreedwomanMaryReynoldsrememberedthather `  masterinLouisianaatChristmastimegaveasuitofclothesto (  thecottonpickerwhohadpickedthemost.HenryLaurensandhis   overseerwishedtogiveanincentivetohismostdutifulslaves h  andgetotherstoimitatetheirexample.Insteadofgivingthem 0  thestandard"whiteplains"forclothes,theyweregivenblue H  clothandmetalbuttonsfortheirclothes.Barrowboughtforhis  slavesAteanandDaveBartleyasuitofclothesforeachonetime  inAugustbecauseoftheir"fineconductpickingcotten&c." P Moregenerally,slavesworkedperhapsbecauseitwasan h intrinsicallyunderstandablepartoftheproductionprocess, 0 unliketheworkofmanyindustrialworkersmonotonouslyengaged  inmakingorassemblingthepartsofmachines.Someself p interestdidexist,becausetheygenerallygrewthecornand 8 raisedthehogstheywerefedwith.Somewereindustrious P becausetheyfelttheyhadastakeinsuccessfullycompleting  work,asBlassingamenoted:"Manyslavesdevelopedthisfeeling  becausetheplanterspromisedthemmoney,gifts,dinners,and X dancesiftheylaboredfaithfully."   443      ׀Othersworkedontheirown  p timeonsomepatchoflandtheirownerallowedthemtocultivate, 8 growingcropstheycouldeatorselltoraisecash,inamanner   remarkablysimilartotheallotmentsofEnglishagricultural x! workers.Onemasterfounditeasiertocontrolhisslavesby @" threateningdeductionsfromtherevenueproducedbythemonthe  X# patchesoflandtheyworked.Theprivilegetoraisecropson  $ theirowntimebecameparticularlyimportantinthetasksystem !% areas,wheresomeslavesdevelopedmajorholdingsofanimals `"& throughtheirfamilies'voluntaryworkoncetheinvoluntarytask (#x' fortheirmasterswerefinished,inamannerreminiscentof #@( medievalserfdom,wherepeasantsworkedontheirlord'slandso $ ) manydaysperweek,andontheirownsomanydaysperweek.   444      ׀ % * Hence,whileslaveholdersdidofferslavespositiveincentives,  theseshouldnotbeseenasmotivatingworkmorethannegative x "incentives"suchasthewhip,executions,andthethreatof @ sale.Theverynatureofslaveryeliminatedpositiveincentives X asthefundamentalmotivatorfortheenslavedbecause,usually,   "Noeffortofyourowncanmakeyoufree,butnoabsenceof  effortshallstarveyou."   445       `    OneofFogelandEngerman'smistakesconcerningthe  @ pervasivenessofincentivesforslaveswastoequategiftsgiven    toslavesatChristmastimewithanincentivesystem.Theycite    Barrow'syearendbonuses,claiming:"Theamountsreceivedby H   particularslaveswereproportionaltotheirperformance."The `  diarydoesnotsupportthisclaim,becauseBarrowdidnotsay (  whichslavesreceivedhowmuchfromtheoverallamountsgivento   alltheslaveslistedinhisdiary.Thesecashgiftsappearto h  begiftsunrelatedtoworkperformance,whichmeansthenthey 0  couldnothavehadmotivatingeffects.Forexample,Barrowwrote H  forDecember24,1838:"HandswenttoTownpayedthemlast  night$500."Similarly,forDecember24,1841wefind:"verry  cold,Gavethenegrosmoneylastnight$700.allwenttoTownto P day."Duringoneyear,1842,duetofinancialhardship,he h dispensedwithmonetarygiftsaltogether,explainingwhyhedid 0 so:"GavethenegrosasmuchofEvrythingtoeat&drinkduring  theHollidaysastheyWantedtimessohardnoabletogiveany p thingmore."Whensomeone"gives"someonesomething,itisnot 8 anincentiveinanydirectsense,becauseitisnottiedto P personalproductivity.Sidesportraysthemistressdistributing  Christmasgiftslargelyregardlessofmerit:"[She]distributed  thegiftstotheslaves,tryingtotreatthemallequally,though X allowingherselftogiveanextrapresent'wheresomenotable  p conductwarrantedit.'"Someplantationsalsodistributedthe 8 winterrationsofclothes,blankets,andshoesthistimeofthe   year,whichwerenotgifts,butwhattheslaveswere x! automaticallyentitledto,regardlessofworkeffort.Barrow's @" Christmastimegiftsforslaveswerelikelynomore"incentives"  X# forhisslavesthananygiventohisownchildren.   446      ׀  $ Ї  FogelandEngermanemphasizetheincentiveeffectsof  rewardingslavesbetterjobswhoservedtheirmastersand x mistresseswell: @ 8  Slaveshadtheopportunitytorisewithinthesocial   andeconomichierarchythatexistedunderbondage.  Fieldhandscouldbecomeartisansordrivers.... `  Climbingtheeconomicladderbroughtnotonlysocial ( x status,andsometimesmorefreedom;italsohad  @ significantpayoffsinbetterhousing,betterclothing,    andcashbonuses.     AlthoughreferringtoTheJamaicaPlanter'sGuide,theyciteno `  directevidencethatAmericanslaveownersoperatedthisway. (  Theirindirectevidencecamefrominterpretingaskewedage   distributionfoundinaheavilysugargrowingparishthey h  surveyed,whichwasbiasedtowardsoldermenamongtheartisans. 0  Theysaidthismeantoldermenwererewardedwithbetterjobsdue H  toservingtheirmastersbetterwhenyounger.Problematically  forthem,thisagedistributioncouldalsobeexplainedbya  decliningdemandfortrainedslavestowardsthelateantebellum P period,perhapsduetoEuropeanimmigrationtourbanareasinthe h South.X   447       0   Onemajorproblemconfrontstheclaimtheslavesdesiredto p climbupanoccupationalpyramidforbetterjobsandmaterial 8 conditions:Theslaveswiththebetterjobs,suchasdriversand P domesticservants,wereoftenseenasstoogesservingtheir  master'sinterestsandenforcersofhisrulesbytheordinary  fieldhandsinthequarters.Ajobthatgaveaslavehigh X prestigeintheeyesofthemasteroftenhadcorrespondinglylow  p statusintheeyesofthebulkoftheslaves,atleastifthe 8 slavesinthehighpositionswereseenasgenerallyidentifying   withandconsistentlyservingtheirmaster'sinterestswithout x! givingothersanyslack.   448      ׀Anumberofslavesclearlyfeltthe @" tradeoffsinvolvedwereworthit,becausetodemote(orthreaten  to)adomesticservanttofieldworkwasaneffectivecontrol x devicepreciselybecausehedidwishtokeepthejobhealready @ had.   449      ׀Itdoesmakesensethatthemorereliable,loyal, X intelligent,and/ordiligentslaveswouldendupasdrivers,   artisans,ordomesticservants,suchasAtean,whoendedupa  foremanonBarrow'splantation.Still,thehighlevelof `  capriciousnessinpromotiondecisionseasilyunderminedthe ( x incentiveeffectsinvolved,especiallyiftheseslavespickedup  @ theopprobriumoftheirfellowsastheyrose.Whileartisansand    driversdidhavebetterconditionsthanordinaryfieldhands,    FogelandEngermanfailtolink"specifiedperformancestandards" H   and"thestrengthoftheexistinginducements--materialand `  other"tothosewishing"toescapethelotoftheordinaryfield (  hand,"ignoringhowanoccupationalhierarchy'smereexistence   doesnotguaranteemerit,asopposedtonepotismorchance,is h  themainwayofassigningpositionswithinit.    450       0  @ TheBrutalOverseerasaHistoricalReality    Oneverybasicdecisionamasterhadtomakeabout P organizinghisplantation'soperationsconcernedwhetherhehired h anoverseerorperformedhisownsupervision,leaninguponblack 0 driversmore.Ifhehiredanoverseer,thentheproblemwasthe  masterdidnotnecessarilylike"paidmanagement's"motiveswhen p managinghisslaves.Sinceanoverseerdidnotowntheslaveshe 8 managed,hewasmoreapttomistreatthem,especiallywhengiven P thehighturnoverrateendemictothisprofession,whichmadehim  stilllesslikelytocareabouttheindividualbondsmenhe x supervised.Inordertomakealargecrop,hewasapttodrive @ theslavestoohard.OneEnglishtravelerfromMississippiwrote X totheLondonDailyNewsin1857that:   8  [Theoverseer's]professionalreputationdependsina `  greatmeasureuponthenumberofbalesorhogsheadshe ( x isabletoproduce,andneitherhiseducationnorhis  @ habitsaresuchastorenderitlikelythathewould    allowanyconsiderationforthenegroestostandinthe    wayofhisadvancingit....Hisskillconsistsin H   knowingexactlyhowhardtheymaybedrivenwithout `  incapacitatingthemforfutureexertion.   451      ׀(    Overseershaveawelldeservedreputationforbrutality.X   452      ׀ h  GenerallyoverseersintheSouthwereemotional,uneducatedmen 0  possessingaviolencepronefrontiermentality,oftendeficient H  inthe"peopleskills"requiredtomanageslavessuccessfully.  Sincekeepingslavesinlinewasacontinualstruggle,andthe  useofrawforceandpunishmentwasfrequentlynecessarybecause P theyhadlittleincentivetowork,theserealitiessoonhardened h mostoverseerswhowerenotharshtobeginwith.Asthecase 0 Olmstedwitnessed,inwhichoneoverseerunemotionallyinflicted  abrutalbeatingonashirkingslave(citedabove,p.232),the p verynatureofthesystem,withitsminimalincentivesforthe 8 slavestoworkoutsideofavoidingphysicalpunishment,made P banalcrueltynecessaryforitscontinuedfunctioning.    Theoverseeronalargeplantationcouldbecorruptedbyhis X positionofnearlyunlimitedpower,especiallyifthemasterwas  p notphysicalpresent.OneantebellumSouthCarolinanewspaper 8 suggestedthat:"[Overseers]whocombinethemostintelligence,   industry,andcharacter,arealluredintotheserviceofthose x! whoplaceallpowerintheirhands,andareultimately  spoiled."   453      ׀EvensuchamanasBarrow,whoneverhesitatedto x applythewhipwhenhefeltitnecessary,complainedaboutthe @ brutalityofhisownoverseer,aswellastheirgeneralclass, X fromaslaveholders'viewpoint:   8  MoreWhipingtodothisFallthanalltogetherinthree `  yearsowingtomyDmeanOverseer--neverwillhave ( x anotherunlessIshouldbecompelledtoleave...I  @ hopethetimewillcomeWheneveryOverseerinthe    countrywillbecompelledtoaddoptsomeothermodeof    makingaliving--theyareaperfectnuisancecause H   dissatisfactionamongthenegros--beingmorepossessed `  ofmorebrutalfeelings--Imakebettercropsthanthose (  WhoEmploythem.X   454      ׀    Asaresult,hestoppedhiringoverseers,andreliedonblack 0  driversfortheimmediatesupervisionofhisslaves.Aswillbe H  seenbelow(pp.34142),theslavescouldexploittheweaknesses  andtensionsinthemasteroverseerrelationshipfortheirown  endsofevadingwork. P @TheTaskVersusGangSystems:DifferentApproachestoWork 0 Discipline    Choosingbetweenthetaskandgangsystemswasanother 8 fundamentalmanagementdecisionforafarmorplantation.While P thegangsystemwasmuchmorewidespread,asthetasksystemwas  largelylimitedtolowlandGeorgiaandSouthCarolina,stilla  numberofslaveholdersexperimentedorfoundcompromisesbetween X thetwosystems.Bothshouldbediscussedbecauseofthetrade  p offsbetweenthetwofromtheviewpointoftheslaveholdersand 8 thebondsmen.Thetasksystemconsistedofgivingindividual   slavesaparticularsetquotaofworkinthefield,andwhenthey x! weredone,theyhadtherestofthedayofftodolargelyasthey @" pleased.Thegangsystemconsistedofsupervisingslavesina  X# groupwhiletheyworked,drivingthemthroughthefieldtodo  $ particularjobs,withnoparticularlimitonthelengthofthe !% workdayotherthantherisingandsettingofthesun.Thetask `"& systembenefitedthestrongerslaveswhocouldbedoneearlierin (#x' theday,butthefullonusofindividualresponsibilityfellon #@( themforanycarelessorshoddyworkdoneinordertofinish $ ) earlyorforanyotherreason.Thegangsystemtendedtobenefit % * theweakerhands,sincethenumberofhourstheywouldhave H&!+ workedataparticulartaskwouldhavebeenthesameundereither '`", system.Itallowedslavesasagrouptoevaderesponsibilityfor '(#- badwork,becauseanoverseerormasterfounditharderto  discoverwhichindividualslave(s)didbadwork.AsYoungnoted: x "Whereasslavestoilingingangscouldsurreptitiouslyworkat @ lessthanfullspeed,thetasklaborerwasaccountableifthe X assignedworkwasnotcompletedbytheendoftheday."The   enslavedblacksgenerallyappearedtoenjoyworkingroupsover  individuallaborinisolation,whichmayhavegivenathema `  preferenceforthegangsystem,exceptingforitsintrinsic ( x disadvantageofsufferingundermuchmoresurveillanceand  @ intenseregulationfromthewhiteoverseer,master,ordriver.    Theprincipaladvantageofthetasksystemfromthemaster's    viewpointwasthatitreducedtheamountofimmediatesupervision H   requiredfromdrivers,overseers,himself,etc.FreedmanMose `  JordanrecalledforArmstrongthisadvantagefromtheslave's (  view:   8  'Whenyougitdatdone,youcangofishin'!'Massasay. 0  An'datwasdebes'wayterwu'k.Deoverseerlayoff H  detask.Dismanyrowsfo'deboysan'gal,datmany  fo'debigbucksan'women'folks.'Gitdatdone,an'  youkinquit,'hesay.Dendefolkswu'kedtergitit P don.Datbetter'nwhippin'em!h   Thedriveroroverseerwouldsetthetaskatthebeginningofthe  day,andthenperiodicallycheckduringthedaytoseewhether p thetasksassignedwerecompleted,andhowwelltheworkhadbeen 8 done.   455       P @P P TheInfrapoliticsofTask(Quota)Setting    Thetasksystemmadeforcontinualstrugglesbetweenthe  p slavesandtheirownersoverthesizeofthetasksimposed.The 8 masterstriedto"up"thetasksset,whiletheslavesleanedon   custom--suddenlytransmutedintoa"right"--tokeepthetasksthe x! samesize.Olmstednotedthat:"Innearlyallordinarywork, @" customhassettledtheextentofthetask,anditisdifficultto  X# increaseit."Inthissituation,despiteallthelegalismsabout  $ thewillofthemasterbeingabsoluteandtheslavehavingto !% alwaysobeyandmakehimselfamereextensionofhisowner's `"& will,adegreeof"negotiation"occurredbetweenthetwosides. (#x' Themasterswhoraisedthedailytaskbytoomuchrisked"a #@( generalstampedetothe'swamp'--adangertheslavecanalways $ ) holdbeforehismaster'scupidity."Theslavescouldemploywhat % * amountedtoastrikeagainsttheirowners.Thiswasararecase H&!+ oftheslavescollectivelyorganizingtoresisttheirowners '`", withoutusingviolence.Thetasksystemwassoentrenchedin '(#- thisarea--"EasternGeorgiaandSouthCarolina"--thatanymaster  whodeniedthis"proscriptiveright"would"sufferinhis x reputation"and"experiencemuchannoyancefromtheobstinate @ 'rascality'ofhisnegroes."Theinfrapolitics--"daytoday X resistance"--ofthetasksysteminvolvedbattlesoverquota   settingwhicharequitesimilartothosebetweenmanagementand  laborinmodernindustry,especiallyinthemidtwentiethcentury `  socialisteconomiesofEasternEurope.Whenmastersseeslaves ( x gettingdoneatnoon,oneo'clock,twoo'clock,longbefore  @ sundown,theywouldwantto"up"thenormsimposed.Harry    Porter,aonetimefieldhand,recalledthatifhisfellow    bondsmenonhisplantation"gotthroughearlyorhalfanhour H   beforesundown...[theirmaster]wouldgivethemmorethenext `  day."Sometimeslowlandmastersimposeddaywork,andattempted (  tokeeptheslavesworkingsteadilyalldaylong.Butthis   backfired,withtheslavesoftendoinglessworkthantheywould h  haveunderthetasksystem.   456      ׀Thetasksystemhadthegreat 0  advantageofattemptingtoharnesstheslaves'selfinterest(and H  theirsenseoftaskorientationintheirwork)onbehalfoftheir  master,sincethesoonertheyfinished,thesoonertheycould  workontheirownplotsoflandandraisefoodforthemselvesor P cropstosell. h     Considerthisgoodexampleofastrugglebetweenslavesand  "management"overthesizeofthetasksimposed.Onegroupof p pregnantslavewomenpleadedtoKembletoaskthemastertolower 8 thesizeoftasksrequiredofthem.Shereallydidnotwantto P dothis,especiallywhentheysaidhehadrefusedtheirrequest  already,butsheweakenedbeforetheiremotionalcriesfor  relief.@   457      ׀Theslaveshereexploitedpotentialdifferencesinthe X whiteelitethatruledoverthem--inthiscase,pittingthe  p mistressagainstthemaster--aissuereturnedtobelow(pp.268 8 69).Becausetheslaveownershadattheirdisposaltheability   toinflictoverwhelmingphysicalforceontheirworkers,an x! optionnotavailabletomoderndaymanagement,byusingthreats @" theycouldraisethequotassetfortheirbondsmen.Oneplanter  X# inVirginia,afterfiringhisincompetentoverseer,foundthat  $ slaveswereonlyexpectedtochopacordoffirewoodaday,which !% hefoundridiculouslylow.Hetoldoneslavetocuttwo,who `"& repliedthatwastoohard,thathe"Nebberheardo'nobody's (#x' cuttin'more'nacordo'woodinaday,roun'hear.Nonigger #@( couldn'doit."Thismasterreplied:"Well,oldman,youhave $ ) twocordsofwoodcuttonight,ortomorrowmorningyouwill  havetwohundredlashes--that'sallthereisaboutit.So,look x sharp!"Fromthatpointon,hegottwocordsofwoodfromeach @ slavegiventhatjob,althoughhisneighborsstillgotonlyone. X Healsomadeeachslavemaultwohundredrailsaday,whenhis   neighborswerestuckwithonehundredperday.Whiledownin  lowlandSouthCarolinaorGeorgia,Olmstedfoundtheslaves `  aroundtherewereassignedonlytodoonecordofwoodperday, ( x andahundredrailsmauled,whichindicatestheyhadsuccessfully  @ hoodwinked"management"generally.   458      ׀Onpaper,theslavesseem    legallyhelplessagainsttheforcetheirownerscouldbringto    beartocompelworkfromthem.Butthegenerallylowquotasof H   workprevailinginmanycasesdemonstratemastersandoverseers `  didnotusealltheforcepossibleattheirdisposal.Sincethe (  Southernwhiteworkethic(intermsoftimeorientedpunctual   consistency)wasnotespeciallystrong,theslavesthrough h  continualfootdraggingsuccessfullytrickedtheirownersinto 0  acceptingalevelofworkperformancehalforlessthanthatfree H  laborwasexpectedtoaccomplish.  @\ \ %TheGangSystem'sAdvantages P   Thegangsystemhadtheadvantagethatwhenthegreater 0 levelofsupervisioninvolved--nottomentionviolence  applied--wasdoneintelligently,theslavesaccomplishedmore p thanunderthetasksystem.Theoverseerandmasterhadanumber 8 oftrickstospeedupworkwithoutdirectuseofthelash. P Barrowfoundbyorganizingaracehecouldgethisslavestopick  more:  8  handsallrunningarace--"pickingCotten"--Hands  p avreagedhighertodaythanIeverhadthemtodo.191 8 1/2bydinner[noon]...neverhadorheardofsuch   pickingasmyhandspickedyesterdayCleanCottenin x! themorning--usualCottenintheevening--averaged364 @" 1/2.highest622.lowest22542pickers.15311lbs. X#   ЀAnothertacticwastotrytohavetheslavessingsongswitha !% fastpacethatspedupwork,thatfitthetaskathand,orat `"& leastmadetheday'sworkgobymorepleasantly.Thinkingmore (#x' strategically,theyalsotriedtoprohibitsadder,depressing #@( songssincetheymightmakethemlesshappyintheirconditionof $ ) lifelongbondage.X   459      ׀Illustratinghowthetasksystemcouldallow % * widespreadmalingeringwhenthequotasweresettoolowby  custom,considerfreedmanMoseJordan'smemoryofthecotton x picker'stask(quota)forhisplantationforoneday:150 @ pounds.ThiscaseconfirmstheplanterwhotoldOlmstedthatthe X averageslavedidanamountofworkonlyhalforlessthanthat   offreelabor,whenconsideringwhatBarrowwasabletogetout  ofhisslaves,atleastonunusuallygooddays.Onetime,on `  September10,1842,hissixtyninepickers,whichincludedeleven ( x children,averaged305pounds,onegathering520,settingakind  @ ofrecord,Barrowthought.Manyofthefirstyearpickers,    presumablychildren,wereabletopick120145poundsthatday.X   460      ׀    Aquotaof150pounds,beingobviouslylowerthanwhatafull H   day'slaborbyanexperienced,healthy,andpersistentadult `  couldperform,demonstratedthattheslavesonJordan's (  plantationsuccessfullykeptthetaskssetatafairlylowlevel,   perhapsbenefitingfromunusuallypaternalisticorincompetent h  management.Thegangsystemhadtheadvantage(fromthemaster's 0  viewpoint)ofbeingabletodrivetheslaveswhileworking,which H  ongooddaysmadethemmoreproductivethanthetasksystem,for  whenslavescultivatedcropsontheirowntimeafterfinishing  theirdailytask,thisdidnotdirectlyhelpthemaster P financially. h   Whenchoosingbetweenthetaskandgangsystems,thewhite  slaveholdersfacedafundamentaltradeoff.Thetasksystem,by p allowingslavestogrowtheirowncropsintheextratimethey 8 hadleftoveraftertheirdailytasksweredone,gavetheslaves P morefreedomfortradingandincreasedinvolvementinthe  economy,butitreducedthecostsofsupervisionandforcebeing  appliedwhileraisingcrops.Thegangsystemallowedslaveowners X togreatlynarrowtheslaves'cultivatingandtradingactivities,  p significantlyrestrictingtheillicitliquor/stolengoodstrade 8 slavescarriedonwithneighboringpoorwhites.Italsoreduced   theamountoffreetimetheyhadtoloungeaboutandmaybeget x! intotrouble.Butthissystemcostmoreinrequiringcontinual @" surveillanceandapplyingviolentforcetokeepthemworking.  X# Notoriously,"whenanoverlooker'sbackisturned,themostof  $ them[slaves]willslighttheirworkorbeidlealtogether."   461      ׀ !% Mastersandmistressesalsocontrolledtheslavesmorebecause `"& theywerealmostexclusivelydependentonthestandardrations (#x' doledouttothem,ofbothfoodandclothing,insteadofhaving #@( theabilitytobuyorraisetheirown.Anothertradeoffwas $ ) thattoincreaseindividualresponsibilitytendedtoreducegroup % * responsibility,andviceversa.Thetasksystemincreased  individualresponsibility,butatthecostofallowingslavesas x agrouptohaveseriousthoughsurreptitiousinfluenceonthe @ sizeoftheworkquotasimposedonthem,throughaprocessof X implicit"negotiation."Thegangsystemdecreasedindividual   responsibility,foritwashardertoknowwhohaddoneagiven  bitofshoddywork,butincreasedtheabilityofthemasterto `  controlthegroupasawhole,potentiallyreboundingtohis ( x benefitwhendoneintelligentlywithoutanexcessiveuseof  @ violence.    @(ThePatrol/PassSystem H     Thepass/patrollersystemwasanotherimportantpartofthe (  slaveholders'meansofcontrolovertheirslaves.Nominallyall   slavesnotontheirowner's(orrenter's)propertyhadtohavea h  passgivingthempermissiontobeelsewhere,especiallyinrural 0  areas.Anywhiteperson,includingthosenotknowingthem H  personally,couldaskthemtoproduceapass.Duringcertain  hours,especiallyatnight,anyslavecouldbepunishedby  patrollersifhewasupandaroundoffhismaster'sproperty. P Thepatrollerswerenormallypoorwhiteswhowerehired(or h effectivelyconscriptedslaveholders)toroamaboutchecking 0 whetherslaveswereobeyingthepassandcurfewrestrictions.  Thosewithoutvalidpassescouldbewhippedonthespot.While p thissystemtendedtoonlybeslacklyobservedwhenwhitefears 8 ofslaverebellionwereloworinareaswithfewslaves, P patrollerswerethemainforceinruralareaswithpolicepowers  thatdealtwithslaves.    Theslavepatrolsdeservedlypickedupareputationfor  p inflictingbrutalpunishments.Theywereoftencomposedofpoor 8 whitesseekingtoprovetheirsuperiorityoverblackswhose   livingconditions(orabilitytoread)werelittledifferentfrom x! theirown.FreedwomanMandaWalkerofSouthCarolinadescribed @" howonepatrolbeatherfather.Hispasshadexpiredbecausethe  X# creekbetweenhismaster'splaceandhiswife'shadoverflown,  $ makingitdifficulttocrossonamule.Aftercommenting,"The !% timedoneout,nigger,"thepatrolproceededtobrutallywhiphim `"& infrontofhiswifeandchildrenuntilhiswife'smastertold (#x' themtostop.Thisburstoflegalismshowsthepatrolwasmerely #@( seekinganexcusetowhipablackman,sincenaturedidpresenta $ ) legitimateobstacleagainstthismangettinghomeontime. % * Jacobssaidtheofficeofconstablewhereshelivedwas H&!+ consideredadegradationtoanywhitewealthyenoughtobuya '`", slave,butonepoorwhitewashappytohaveitbecause:"The '(#- officeenableditspossessortoexerciseauthority.Ifhefound (#. anyslaveoutafternineo'clock,hecouldwhiphimasmuchashe h)$/ liked;andthatwasaprivilegetobecoveted."WhileJacobs 0*%0 likelyexaggeratedconcerninghowmuchtheconstablewasallowed *H&1 towhiplegally,thelawwasoftenignoredinAlabama,asformer +'2 slavePhilipYoungerdescribed: ,'3 Ї8  InAlabama,thepatrolsgooutincompaniesatabout  dark,andridenearlyallnight.Iftheymeeta x coloredmanwithoutapass,itisthirtyninelashes; @ buttheydon'tstopforthelaw,andiftheytieaman X up,heisverywelloffifhegetsonlytwohundred.   Ifthereisapartyassembledatthequarters,they  rushinhalfdrunk,andthrashroundwiththeirsticks, `  perhapsbeforetheylookatapass,allmustbe ( x whippedunlesstheyrushout. @   Healsodescribedonepatrolwhichwhippedafreeblackwoman    marriedtoabarbersince"shewasinalittlebetterstanding H   thanthepatrolwas."Thesestoriesillustratethepatrols' `  generalbrutality,whichwassurelymotivatedinpartbythe (  desireofthepoorwhitestoconfirmtheirsuperiorityoverwhat   theywouldcall"uppityniggers,"forsometimespeoplewill h  affirmallthemorestronglytheirdifferencesfromsomedespised 0  groupof"others"whenthosedifferencesareallthemore H  minimal.   462          Therequirementforslavestohavepasseswhenoff P plantationwasanessentialcontroldeviceforslaveholders.By h regulatingtheirmovements,itreducedtheriskofslaves 0 gatheringtoplotrevoltsandalsomadeiteasiertospotand  catchrunaways.Afterreceivingarequestfromoneslaveto p visitafamilymemberonanotherplantationwhohadjustbeen 8 soldoff,Kemblecommented: P 8  Thereseemsgenerallyagreatobjectiontothevisitof  slavesfromneighboringplantations,and,Ihaveno X doubt,notwithoutsufficientreason.ThemoreIsee  p ofthisfrightfulandperiloussocialsystem,themore 8 Ifeelthatthosewholiveinthemidstofitmustmake   theirwholeexistenceoneconstantprecautionagainst x! dangerofsomesortorother.@"   Buthowstrictlymastersadheredtotheseregulationsvaried  $ wildly,dependingontheirwhimsandthewhites'stateofconcern !% overslaverebellion.Somemasterswerenotonlystrictin `"& grantingpasses,butalsotriedtokeeptheirslavesontheir (#x' plantationorfarmasmuchaspossible,suchasBarrow: #@( 8  InevergiveanegroaPasstogofromhomewithouthe % * firststatesparticularlywherehewishestogo,and H&!+ assignsacauseforhisdesiringtobeabsent.ifhe '`", offersagoodreason,Ineverrefuse,butotherwise,I '(#- nevergranthimaPass,andfeelsatisfiedthatno  practiceismoreprejudicialtothecommunity,andto x thenegrosthemselves,thanthatofgivingthemgeneral @ Pass'es.X   Heopposedlettingslavesgowherevertheywantafterfinishing  work,asobviouslyatleastsomemastersheknewdid,becauseif `  theyroutinelystayedontheirownplantation,gettingusedto ( x thefriendsandfamilytheyhadthere,purehabitwouldreduce  @ theburdensimposedbyrestrictingtheirmovements.Thisplan    evidentlydidnotworkforthemasterofJennyProctorof    Alabama,whoappearstohavebeenasstrictasBarrow: H   8  Theonlywayanyslavesonourfarmevergoesanywhere (  waswhenthebosssendshimtocarrysomenewsto   anotherplantationorwhenweslipsoffwayinthe h  night.Sometimesafteralltheworkwasdoneabunch 0  wouldhaveitmadeuptoslipoutdowntothecreekand H  dance.Wesurehavefunwhenwedothat,mosttimeson  Saturdaynight.   463         Barrow'swishtocreatea"closedsystem"wheretheslavescould h becontentbyaforciblyimposedhabitignoresthehumanmind's 0 abilitytoimagineotherpossibilities,suchasfromthefreedom  ofmovementofslavesonneighboringplantations,watchingthe p whitescomeandgothemselves,orresentmentand"negative 8 psychology"encouragingruleviolations. P @ddTheSlaveownersWhoLiberallyGrantedPassesorDispensedwith  ThemAltogether X   Somemasterswereverylooseingrantingpasses,oreven 8 dispensedwiththemaltogether.FreedmanCalvinHaysof   Mississippihadamaster,aprominentjudgeandslaveowner,who x! toldhisbondsmenthis: @" 8  'Yo'don'neednopass!Ifdey[thepatrollers]layde  $ han'onye,tell'emwhoyo'is,an'lemmeknowifdey !% whipye!'Soyou'dbegoin''long,jus'tendin'yo' `"& business,drivin'erwagonintertownertodecotton (#x' press,an'pattyrollerrideup.'Whoyou,nigger'he #@( say.'OnedeMays'people!'yousay.'Goon,den!'    464      ׀$ )   Themoretrustedslaveswhopersonallyattendedonthemaster's H&!+ familymightalsogainanexceptionfromthepasssystem,orbe '`", givenverygeneralpasses.Catoneedednopass,unlikehisfellow  slavesonanAlabamaplantation,beingthehouseboyandnephewof x themaster:"Ihadacapwithasignonit:'Don'tbotherthis @ nigger,ortherewillbehelltopay.'"AlfredRobinson,the X bodyservantofoneColonelReedofKentucky,beinginstantly   recognizablelocally,needednopass:"'I'seAlfred,deCunnel's  valet!'I'dtelldefolks.Datgotmebywidouterpass."One `  patrolcomplainedtoaslaveownerabouttheverygeneralpasshe ( x gaveaslavewhonursedhimwhenhewassick:"'Why,dispass  @ wouldletdatniggergotoEurope!'"Steeringamoremiddle    ground,SouthCarolinariceplanterC.J.Westonrequiredevery    slavewholefttohaveticketsforpasses,butgrantedthem H   liberally,inamannerBarrowwouldhavesharplyobjectedto: `  "Nooneistobeabsentfromtheplacewithoutaticket,whichis (  alwaystobegiventosuchasaskit,andhavebehavedwell."   465      ׀   Whiletheoreticallyverystrictcontrolsexistedontheslaves' h  movements,eventhemasterswerenotalwaysterriblykeenon 0  enforcingthemstrictly,letalonewhattheslavesthemselves H  couldgetawaywithwithouttheirowners'permission.  @HowtheDivisionsamongtheWhiteSlaveholdersBenefitedthe P Enslaved h   Divisionsamongslaveholders,theirfamilies,overseers,and  neighborsoftencombinedtorestrain--or,sometimes, p accentuate--howharshlythebondsmenweretreated.Inanumber 8 ofcases,theslavestookadvantageofthewhites'discord, P pittingonewhitepersonwithauthorityagainstanother,often  benefitingfromtheresultingclash.Concernoverwhattheir  neighborsthoughthelpedrestrainhowharshmastersand X mistresseswereagainsttheirslaves--aclassicargumentofpro  p slaverypolemicsthat,nevertheless,wasrootedinsomereality. 8 Jacobswasthankfulthatshelivedinasmalltown,because   havingneighborsclosebyrestrainedMr.Flint,herowner: x! 8  Badasarethelawsandcustomsinaslaveholding  X# community,thedoctor,asaprofessionalman,deemedit  $ prudenttokeepupsomeoutwardshowofdecency.... !% Theapplicationofthelash[whichhermasterhad `"& avoidedinflictingonher]mighthaveledtoremarks (#x' thatwouldhaveexposedhimintheeyesofhischildren #@( andgrandchildren.HowoftendidIrejoicethatI $ ) livedinatownwherealltheinhabitantskneweach % * other.IfIhadbeenonaremoteplantation,orlost H&!+ amongthemultitudeofacrowdedcity,Ishouldnotbe '`", alivingwomanatthisday.'(#-   However,neighborhoodgossipcouldalsoworktheotherway.It h)$/ imposednotjustaflooronharshtreatment,butaceilingon  goodtreatment.AsPhilipYounger,aslaveinAlabamaforover x halfhislife,described: @ 8  Onceinawhileamaniskind,askindnessisout   there,andthenheishatedbyalltheothermasters.  Theysay,"hisniggersspoilourniggers."These `  servantsarenotallowedontheotherplantationsat ( x all,--ifcaughtthere,theywillputasmuchonthemas  @ theycanbear.     SomeslavesinGeorgiaviolatedthelawbysellingcorn,cotton, H   andothercropswithouttheirowners'permission.Thispractice `  wasfrowneduponnotjustbecausestolencropsmightbesold,as (  Mohrstated,but"becauseitcaused'dissatisfaction'among   slaveswhowerenotallowedsuchliberties."Genovesenotedone h  planterwhosaiditwasfutiletoenforcedisciplineonyour 0  plantationwhenaneighboringplanterdoesnot,because,as H  anotherexplained,thebondsmeneasilyspotthedifferencesand  becomedispleased.Whenthemastersdidnotmaintainacommon  frontandequalizehowtheytreatedtheirhumanchattels,the P slaves'murmuringsandcomplaintsduetocomparingdifferences h betweendifferentlocal"administrations"madecontrollingthem 0 harder.Butsincetheslaveownershadacommonselfinterest  againsttheirslaves'demands,theircommunitystandardsof p treatmentwerenotgoingtobeespeciallyhigh.Olmstedwondered 8 whetherthestrivingruffianindividualistsheencounteredonone P steamboatintheSouthwouldhavetheirpassions"muchrestrained  bythefearoflosingtherespectoftheirneighbours."Because  themaster'swilloverhisownslavewaslegallyparamount,the X neighbors'complaintsaboutthecrueltyofsomemasteror  p mistressintheirmidstwasmostlylimitedtotheforceofmoral 8 suasion.AfterChristopherNichols,onceaslaveinVirginia,   hadbeenhorriblywhippedfortryingtorunaway,allthewhites x! whosawhimthenextdayworkinginthemill"saiditwasashame @" touseanybodyinthatway."   466      ׀Hedidnotcountonthese  X# criticismstorestrainhismasterinthefuture,sohesoonran  $ awayagain,thistimesuccessfully.Despitethesecaveats,much !% asachildwillcomplaintohisparentsthatthekidnextdoor `"& wasallowedtodosuchandso,sowhycannothe,theslaves, (#x' beingsimilarlypowerless,couldmakesimilarcomparisons,andby #@( complainingatleastsometimesgetbettertreatmentfromtheir $ ) owners. % * @HowMistressesandOtherFamilyMembersOftenRestrainedIll '`", Treatment '(#- Ї  Themistressoftencouldinfluencethemasteroroverseerto  treattheslavesbetter.Considerhowoneslaveboymistakenly x thoughthismastertoldhimto"eatit"wheninfacthesaid @ "heatit,"whenreferringtosomecold,leftover"hoppingJohn," X whichwascowpeas,boiledwithporkorbacon,sometimeswithrice   added.Themasterwasgoingtowhiphim,butdidnotwhenhis  wifedemurred:"Oh,no,heisyounganddidn'tunderstand."In `  onewhiteslaveowningfamilyinSouthCarolina,becausethewife ( x hadownedanumberofslaveswhenshemarriedherhusband,she  @ treatedherslavesmarkedlybetterthanthoseofherhusband.    She"would'tallownoslashinground'boutwhereshewas,"and    pushedherslavestokeeptheirquartersmoretidy.Onetime,as H   herhusbandwasabouttowhiponeofherslaves,shesaid,"John `  C.,youletmyniggeralone,"andwasobeyed.Anothermistress (  wasmercilesslywhippedfortreatingherhusband'sslaveswellby   unchainingthemandcookingthemamealonetime.   467      ׀Morestories h  aboutmistressesbeingmorekindthantheirhusbands,suchasby 0  attemptingtodissuadethemfromsellingaslaveoff,couldbe H  given.X   468      ׀Admittedly,themistressessometimeswereworsethan  theirhusbands.HarriettRobinson,onceaslaveinTexas,  rememberedhowhermistress("MissJulia")routinelybeather P duringtheCivilWar,whilehermasterdidnottouchher.One h day,whenshetoldherbrothertowhipher,themastercamehome 0 afterhunting,andblastedtheirtreatmentofher:"Youinfernal  sonsofbitches,don'tyouknowthereisthreehundredYankees p campedouthere,andiffentheyknowedyou'dwhippedthisnigger 8 thewayyoudone,they'dkillallus.Iffentheyfinditout, P I'llkillallyouall."Thismaster'soppositiontohiswife's  harshtreatmentwasprobablymotivatedpurelybypragmatism,for  evidentlyhehaddonenothingtostopalltheearlierbeatings. X InthecaseTinesKendricksofGeorgiadescribed,themistress  p wasplainlymeanerthanherhusband,beingstingy,andawaking 8 herslavesloudlybeforedawn.She"cussandrareworse'na   man."   469      ׀Sowhile"thefairersex"wasmorecommonlya x! restrainingforceonitshusbands'(orfathers')treatmentof @" theirslaves,certainlysometimesthemistresseswerecrueler  X# thantheirhusbands.  $   Youngerfamilymemberssometimesrestrainedthepunishments `"& metedoutonaslave.Ballsaidthewhitedaughtersofthe (#x' masterandmistresswouldmakeaparticularslavetheirown,and  thewhitesonshadtheirfavoritesaswell.Asaresult,the x youngmistresseslookedoutfortheinterestsnotonlyofthe @ slavegirl,butherfamilyaswell,whiletheyoungmasters"have X manydisputeswiththeoverseerifheabusesthem[their   favorites]."Inanothercase,MaryReynoldswassoldbecauseher  master"didn'twantMissDora[hisdaughter]toplaywithno `  niggeryoungun."Butbecausetheyoungmistresswasso ( x emotionallyattachedtoMary,andbecameseverelyanddeathly  @ depressedbecauseofherabsence,adoctorwascalledontosee    whatwaswrong.AfterthedoctorrecommendedbuyingMarybackin    ordertosavethemaster'sdaughter'slife,herfatherdidso, H   eventhoughbuyingherbackcostmuchmorethanwhathegotwhen `  initiallysellingher.Inanothercase,oneyoungmaster(asan (  adult)gothisfathertostopbeatingacapturedrunawayoverthe   headwithaclubthatmadethelatterbleedterribly.   470      ׀The h  childrenofthemasterwheninresidenceconstitutedanotherof 0  theinformalchecksonthebarbarityofthesystem.Thus,when H  thewhitechildrenhadgrownupplayingwithslavechildren,the  attachmentsformedinthechildhoodyearsformedoneofthemain  foundationsforatrulypracticedpaternalism,atleasttowards P these"oldfavorites."   471       h @((TheCentralRealityofViolenceastheMainTooltoControlthe  Slaves p   TheslavepopulationoftheSouthwasmainlycontrolledby P violentcoercionandthethreatofitbythewhiterulingclass  withaidfrompoorwhites.Theslaveswerenotprimarilykeptin  linebythesuccessfulimplantationoftherulingclass' X ideology,whetheritbetheProtestantworkethic,inFogeland  p Engerman'sversion,orthereciprocalduties/rightsof 8 paternalismbetweentherulersandtheruled,inGenovese's   version.Genovese'smodelisonlytrueifhecouldprovethe x! slavesreallyacceptedtheideologicalframeworkofthesystem @" whichheldtheminbondage,asopposedtogivingitjustlip  X# servicepubliclybeforetheirowners,anddenyingitamong  $ themselves.Successfulindoctrinationmayhaveoccurredamong !% manyofthedriversandhouseservantsoflargeplanters, `"& especiallyinlongsettledregionsamongtheAtlanticSeaboard, (#x' butprobablydidnotgetveryfarotherwise.Furthermore,the #@( rulingclassitselfmaynothavebelievedinpaternalismsomuch $ ) asastriving,individualisticcommercialcapitalismand % * JacksonianDemocracy,whichtreatedwhitesaspoliticalequals H&!+ (visavisthevote),butexcludedblacksonpurelyracial  grounds.Suchpositiveincentivesfortheslavesasbetterfood x andclothing,betterjobs,etc.forextraworkand/orunusual @ loyaltytotheirmastersandmistressesweremerelysupplements X tomeasuresthatinflictedcontinualviolence.Forwhilesheer   habitmayhavekeptmanyslavesinthefieldsmuchofthetime,  theslaveholdersalwayshadtowhiprecalcitrantbondsmenas `  examplestointimidatetherest.JudgingfromBarrow's ( x experiencewithhisslaves,amajorityofthembecame  @ "recalcitrant"enoughtobeworthyofthelashatonetimeor    another.ThreeoutoffourofBarrow'scottonpickerswere    whippedatleastduringtheappendix's184041period.Ofthe50 H   outof65whowerewhipped,theyfeltthelashnolessthan130 `  timesinthatsameperiod.   472      ׀Corporalpunishmenthadtotakethe (  placeofinternalmotivationwhenaslave'swillhadtobeforced   tobethesameashisorherowner's. h    Occasionalsacrificialexecutions,combinedwiththose H  slaveskilledonthejobbymastersoroverseers,furtherstruck  dreadamongthoseenslaved,eventhoughbarbarismssuchas  burningatthestakenevertotallyeliminatedtheworstslave P crimes,letaloneroutineactsofresistancelikepilferingand h malingering.BothGenovese'sconceptofpaternalismandFogel 0 andEngerman'sviewoftheProtestantworkethicbeingaccepted  bytheslavessufferfromdiscountingthefundamentalrealityof p violenceandforceasthemaintoolsforcontrollingthem.As 8 AndersonnotedwhencritiquingGenovese: P 8  Itisstatedthatpaternalismcanencourageviolence,  butthereisnohistoryofviolenceasameansof  repressionintheOldSouththatisinterwovenintothe X book....Violenceisdealtwithintermsofhow  p oftenthewhipcracked[shadesofFogelandEngerman!] 8 orhowoftenpolicepatrolstrackeddownslavesrather   thanwiththantheintensityandnatureoftheviolence x! employed.Moreimportantly,thewholequestionof @" violenceinshovedintothebackground. X#   Sinceslaveryinvolvesafundamentallyinvoluntary,unchosen !% relationshipbetweenitsworkforceand"management,"ithadto `"& relyonforcemuchmorethancapitalistemployersdo.Thelatter (#x' rarelyneedtoopenlyresorttoitexceptwhentheirpropertyis #@( attacked,blocked,oroccupiedbystrikers.Dissatisfiedworkers $ ) inafreelabormarkethavetherighttomoveandlookfor % * anotherjob,whichconstitutesitsbiggest"safetyvalve"for H&!+ workers'frustrations,eventhoughitisanindividualisticand '`", (often)burdensomechoiceforthemtomake.Incontrast,Reuter '(#- maintainedthat (#. 8  theprinciplethatcontrolledtheallocationof 0*%0 plantationworkwasnakedpower.Meanworkwentto  slaves,otherworktotheowners.Thedutiesofthe x Negroesweredeterminedinthesamewayasthoseofthe @ livestock.Thosewhoresistedwerebeatenandwhipped. X Asvaluableproperty,lessfrequentlyweretheyhanged   orshot.   473      ׀     LabordisciplinecollapsedthroughouttheSouthwhenevera ( x hostilearmywasnearby,especiallyduringtheCivilWar,proving  @ thattheslavesweremainlycontrolledbytheuseofviolenceor    constantthreatsofit.Thehordesoffieldhandswhichfled    manySouthernfarmsandplantations,andthemuchgreater H   resistancethosewhichremainedbehindputupagainsttheir `  ownerswhenevertheYankeearmywasnearby,provesslavery'sbase (  wasnotpositiveincentivesandtheslaves'acceptinga   Protestantworkethicorapaternalisticethosofreciprocal h  duties/rightsthatkepttheminline.Ifideologicalfactorsor 0  positivematerialincentiveswerewhatmainlykepttheslavesin H  line,thenthepresenceofahostilearmytotheinterestsof  slaveownersshouldnothavehadmucheffectontheslavesobeying  themorrunningaway.Hostilearmiesstrippedawayslaveowners' P abilitytousearmedforcetoputdownmajorrevolts(orthe h threatofthem)anditinterferedinthejudicial/policesystem 0 ofcapturingandreturningescapedslaveswhowerein"occupied  territory."Slavesintheseareascouldoftenescapevigilantes p andlynchmobsthatunofficiallymetedout"justice,"orfound 8 theseforcesmobilizedmuchlessoftenagainstthembecauseof P theimplicitthreattheoccupyingarmyposed.Especiallyinthe  Unionarmy'scase,themasterclassfacedthedangerthelocal  commandersortroopsmaybeaffectedbyantislaverysentiment. X Theycouldsetouttomakeasmuchtroubleaspossible,suchas  p bydestroyingorpillagingtheplanters'propertyorsubvert 8 slaveowners'attemptstocontroltheirslaves.Largelyonlywith   thehouseservantsgenerally,andtheslavesofunusuallykind x! masters,wherethepaternalisticideologywaslikelyseriously @" practicedbythemastersandreallyactuallyacceptedbythe  X# slaves,especiallyinlongsettledareas,didthepresenceofa  $ hostilearmyhavelessereffectsinsubvertingworkdiscipline, !% becausethenastrongervoluntarycomponentexistedinthe `"& slave/masterrelationship. (#x' @TTTheHighLevelsofViolencebetweentheSlavesandMasters $ ) ComparedtoEngland % *   Asfortheenslaved,becausetheyhavenofreechoice,this '`", leadtomuchgreaterviolenceonbothsideswhenrevoltsdid '(#- occur,bothinthenumbersofwhiteskilledbytheslaves,andin  theensuingjudicialandvigilantekillingsthatfollowed.The x slaves'desperationwasgreater,theirgoalsmuchhigherthanthe @ farmworkers'duringtheSwingRiots,andtheAmericanwhites' X frontier/vigilanteethosensuredmassiveretaliationwhen   "puttingtheblackmanbackinhisplace."An"allornothing"  mentalitycharacterizedtheslaverevolts,fortheyknewthe `  systemmustbetotallyoverthrowninordertoachievetheirgoals ( x whenresortingtoviolence.Otherwise,soonerorlater,the  @ whitemilitiaand(ifnecessary)regulararmywouldcatchupwith    them,andkillthemenmasseinpitchedbattle.Duringthe    TurnerrebellioninVirginiain1831,therebelslaveseventually H   totalledaboutseventy,andkilledfiftyfivewhites,amongwhom `  "neitheragenorsexwastobespared."Theyleftbehind,as (  Blassingamedescribed,"atrailofransackedplantations,   decapitatedbodiesandbatteredheadsacrossSouthampton,"allin h  amerefortyeighthoursoftime.Morethanfortyblackswere 0  executedormurdered(bylynchmobs,etc.)intheaftermathof H  thisrevolt.Afterthe1811revoltinNewOrleans,sixteenblack  leadershadtheirheadscutoffandplacedonstakesalongthe  Mississippi,twentymoreslaveswerehanged,andperhapsone P hundredmorewerekilledby"rovingbandsofmilitiaand h vigilantegroups."AftertheexposureoftheVeseyplotinSouth 0 Carolinain1822,whichhadkillednowhites,sometwentytwo  blackswereexecuted.Theirbodieswereallowedtodanglefor p hours.Itscourtstoppedafterexecutingthirtyfiveinall, 8 havinghaddozensmorescheduledfordeath,explainingthat"the P terrorofexamplewethoughtwouldbesufficientlyoperativeby  thenumberofcriminalssentencedtodeath[already]."Sterne  andRothseidenmaintainthatwithwhitessoreadytoresortto X violence,especiallywithextralegallynchingsandriots,along  p withtheroutinewhippingsandotherpunishmentsnecessaryto 8 keeptheslavesinlineonplantations,theblacksreadily   learnedfrom(especiallySouthern)Americanculturetouse x! physicalforceasatoolduringconflicts.   474       @" @BothSidesCommittedFarLessViolenceduringtheSwingRiotsin  $ England !%   UnlikethemajorAmericanslaverevolts,onehastolook (#x' longandhardtofindanyoneactuallykilledinthemobviolence #@( thatbrokeoutduringtheSwingriotsin183031.Intheensuing $ ) trialsrelativelyfewfarmworkerswerefinallyexecutedcompared. % * TheSwingRiotsweremuchmorewidespreadintimeandspacethan H&!+ anyAmericanslaverevolt,withsometwentycountiesaffected, '`", reachingapeakintheNovemberandDecemberof1830.Despite '(#- alltheverbalthreatsmadetolife,limb,andproperty,machines (#. smashed,ricksburned,anddangerousweaponsriotersbranished,  HobsbawmandRudenoted: x 8  Infact,nosinglelifewaslostinthewholecourseof X theriotsamongthefarmers,landlords,overseers,   parsonsortheguardiansoflawandorder...  However,aswehaveseeneventhesemethods[rick `  burning,beatingupoverseersofthepoor,etc.]were ( x usedinmoderation,andattheheightofthemass  @ movement,hardlyatall.Morethanthis:thelimits    ofviolencewereknownandnotoverstepped.Property    wasitslegitimateobject,lifewasnot.H     Anothernoted:"Theygotabouttheirtaskofriotpolitely, (  dressedaccordingtomanyeyewitnesses'accountsintheirbest   clothes,seldomusingthreateninglanguage."Withgreat h  difficultyacasecanbelocatedwheresomeonewasactually 0  killedduringtheSwingriots:OneWiltshirefarmershotand H  killedarioterjustafterheparticipatedinamobthatsmashed  upsomethreshingmachines.Demonstratingthecontrastwith  Turner'smercilessband,LadyCavanwasabletochallengethe P rioters'senseofproprietybysaying,"Seeingyouaremy h neighboursandarmed,yet,asIamanunprotectedwoman,Iam 0 sureyouwilldonoharm."Thegatheredlaborersquicklydenied  theymeantanyharm,anddidnone.WhentheEnglishauthorities, p afterinitiallyshowingsomesenseofmercyand/orrestrainton 8 thelocallevel,implementedapolicyofrepression,only19were P actuallyexecuted,although252weresentencedtodeath.Outof  somel,976cases,800wereacquitted,with644beingjailedand  505beingsentencedtotransportation,with482actuallyarriving X inAustraliaandTasmania.Whilethesefiguresstillsoundhigh,  p ithastoberememberedtheSwingriotsinvolvedfarmore 8 laborersoveramuchlargergeographicterritorycomparedtothe   TurnerorNewOrleansslaverevolts.Admittedly,thedeath x! sentencesmetedoutgreatlyexceededtheseverityofthecrimes @" committed.Butthen,inAmerica,thirtyfiveslaveswere  X# executedinSouthCarolinajustfor(allegedly)participatingin  $ Vesey'sabortiveconspiracytorevolt,inwhichnowhitesor !% otherswereinjuredorkilled,andnopropertywasdamaged.   475      ׀ `"& Furthermore,therewerenolynchmobsorvigilanteactivities (#x' thatpunishedorkilledlaborersinvolvedintheSwingriots, #@( whileintheaftermathofboththeTurnerandNewOrleansrevolts $ ) thesewerequiteactive.England'sagriculturalworkingclass, % * evenwhenrioting,showedamuchgreaterrestraintinusing H&!+ violencethantheslaves,andinturntheEnglishrulingclass  inflictedmuchlesspunishmentontheaveragerioter,comparedto x SouthernAmericanwhites'standardsofpunishingslavesinvolved @ inslaverevolts,actualorabortive,bythelegalprocessorthe X lynchmob.   @((TheLowerGoalsandGreaterDivisionsamongLocalElitesinthe `  EnglishCase ( x   Thefarmworkers'goalswerealmostpatheticallylowerthan    theslaves',atleastasproclaimed,evenwhenthecloakof    anonymitycouldbeused,suchasthroughthethreatening"Swing" H   letters.Manysoughtjustsomewhathigherwagesand(atthe `  instigationorpassiveacceptanceofthefarmersinsomeareas) (  theendofthetitheandlowerrents,andthedestructionofthe   machinesthatrobbedthemofwork.Noneannouncedanydesirefor h  thelandofthegentryandaristocracytodivideamong 0  themselves.   476      ׀Noteventhegoalofgainingallotmentsor H  reversingenclosurewasstatedbymostrioters,whichimpliesthe  basicacceptanceoftheirconditionofproletarianization,at  leastfortheirmainmeansofsupport.Sometimesthegathered P crowdsoflaborersdid"levy"(i.e.extort)immediatecash h paymentsorbeerfromvariousfarmersandlandowners. 0 Occasionallythepoliticalagendaoftheradicalreformerssuch  asCobbettshowedupinthedemandsofthelaborers,suchasa p complaintagainstsinecures,andothersagainsttaxes,butthese 8 certainlywerenotthemaindemandsofthelaborers.Resentment P againstspecificofficialsorplacesinvolvedintheparish  reliefsystemwasdisplayed,suchasinthedestructionofthe  SelborneandHeadleyworkhousesinHampshire.    477      ׀Considerthe X demandsofonecrowdof150thatgatheredinRingmer,Sussex,  p whichthrewforwardaletterstatingtheirgrievancestoLord 8 Gagewhenhesoughttheleaderofthegrouptocomeforwardto   statetheirdemands.Althoughthewriterhadtheadvantageof x! anonymityinstatinghisgroup'sgoals,allthatwasdemandedwas @" afairlysubstantialwageincrease(inordertoavoiddependence  X# onparishrelief)andthedismissalofthepermanentoverseersof  $ thepoor,singlingoneoutinparticular,whowereless !% sympathetictotheirclaimsforrelief.Thevestryproceededto `"& grantthesedemandsafterdiscussion,andwithcheersthe (#x' assembledcrowddispersed.   478      ׀Asignificantfactorintheriots,  especiallyonthelocallevelasthedisturbancesoccurred,was x thatmanyfarmersandevensomelandowners,especiallyonthe @ countylevel,sympathizedwiththelaborers'demands.   479      ׀Anumber X ofthefarmersinEastAngliaevenseizeduponthesituationto   usethelaborers'collectednumberstoexertpressureagainst  landownerstolowerrentsandclergymentheirtithesinorderto, `  theysaid,raisetheirmen'swages.@   480      ׀Wouldbesimilaractions ( x bySouthernpoorwhites--toinstigateandcolludewiththeslaves  @ inarebellion--areunimaginable.Slaveholdersandpoorwhites    remainedunitedasclassesagainsttheblacksduringallthe    slaverevoltsandpanicsthathappenedintheantebellumSouth. H   TheEnglishfarmers'senseofpersonaldangerfromtheopen `  unrestoftheirworkerswasfarlessthanwhatslaveownersand (  theirsmallfarmerandpoorwhitealliesfeltduringthe   actualityofaslaverevolt,wherethementalityonbothsides h  waskillorbekilled.Despitetheevidentoppressionofthe 0  laborers,theyweremuchmorerestrainedintheirdealingswith H  localfarmersandlandownersduringtheSwingRiots,andvice  versa,thantheslaveswerewiththeirownersandalliesamong  thenonslaveholdingwhites--andthelynchmobmentalitywas P entirelyabsentamongtheEnglish.   481       h @TheRoutinePoliceStateMeasuresintheSouth    Americanslaveownersroutinelyemployedanumberofvery 8 coercivesafetymeasuresandprecautionsinordertoprotect P themselvesagainsttheirhumanchattels.Slaveryinvolvesfar  moreexertionofcontrol,surveillance,andviolenceonasteady  basisthanisthecaseinacapitalistsocietywherelaboris X freetoquitandchangejobs,andmoveelsewhere.TheSouthern  p whitesweremuchmoreparanoidthantheEnglishruralelite,both 8 forobjectivereasonsandbecauseofracistones,andfearedthe   slavesmightattackthemviolentlybackinretaliationforthe x! illtreatmenttheyhadreceived.Olmsteddescribedhowthe @" standardsecuritymeasuresinmajorSoutherncitiesapproached  X# thoseassociatedwithmartiallaw:  8  Butgothebottomofthissecurityanddependence @ [betweenslaveservantsandmasters],andyoucomesto X policemachinerysuchasyouneverfindintownsunder   freegovernment:citadels,sentries,passports,grape  shottedcannon,anddailypublicwhippingsfor `  accidentalinfractionsofpoliceceremonies.I ( x happenedmyselftoseemoredirectexpressionof  @ tyrannyinasingledayandnightatCharleston,than    atNaples[underBomba]inaweek;andIfoundthat    morethanhalftheinhabitantsofthistownwere H   subjecttoarrest,imprisonment,andbarbarous `  punishment,iffoundinthestreetswithoutapassport (  aftertheevening'gunfire.'    Hewentontoexplainhowatwelveyearoldgirl,inadistrict 0  whereslavesoutnumberedfreefiftytoone,stoppedanoldslave H  alongtheroad,andangrilyorderedhimbacktohisplantation  underthethreatofhavinghimwhippedwhenhehesitatedto  return.Then P 8  sheinstantlyresumedthemannerofalovelychildwith 0 me,nomoreapprehendingthatshehadacted  unbecomingly,thanthathercharacterhadbeen p influencedbytheslave'ssubmissiontohercapriceof 8 supremacy;nomoreconsciousthatshehadincreasedthe P securityofherlifebystrengtheningthehabitofthe  slavetothemasterrace,thanisthesleepingseaman  thathetightenshisclutchoftheriggingastheship X meetseachnewbillow.   482       p   Thepassandpatrolsystemhadcontrolsthatwerefartighter   thananythingdreamedupunderthesettlementlawsandparish x! authoritiesinEngland,asdamagingasthelatterweretothe @" Englishfarmworkers'freedomsofmovementandofcontract.The  X# levelofcompulsionandsurveillanceinvolvedinthegangsystem  $ wasfarhigherthananythingunderwhichtheEnglishlaborers !% suffered,includingundertheirowngangsystem,becausecorporal `"& punishmentcouldnotbeinflictedonadultlaborers.Whilethe (#x' tasksystemappreciablyreducedtheamountofcompulsionand #@( watchfulnessmastersmaintained,itwasnotcommonoutside $ ) lowlandGeorgiaandSouthCarolina,soitmustnotbetakenas % * thenorm.Compulsionwasthenameofthegame,andincentives H&!+ forworkingextrahours,Sundays,andholidayswerejustmere '`", supplementstoasystemofcontrolcharacterizedbyviolence. '(#- @Coercion,NotIncentivesorIdeology,astheBasicMeansof h)$/ EnforcingSlavery 0*%0 Ї  Whiletheslavesfoundwaystotakeadvantageofdivisions  betweenmasters,mistresses,theirchildren,andoverseers,as x wellasbetweenpoorwhitesandplanters(suchasintheillicit @ liquor/stolengoodstrade),thefactremainswhenanyslightly X seriouschallengetotheoverallsystemofslaveryoccurred,all   thewhiteswouldunitedagainsttheblacks,enslavedand  otherwise.Smalladvantagesgainedbyresistancewhilethe `  overallsystemmaintainedinplacedidnotdisturbits ( x characteristicallyfantasticlevelsofviolenceandcoercion.  @ Whilemanystoriesmaybetoldabouthugemassesslavesroutinely    workingwhenhardlyanywhiteswerearoundbesidesanoverseer,    ortheowningwhitefamily,thefactremainstheslaves,atleast H   certainlytheirleaders,knewthatrevoltwouldresultina `  bloodbath,composedmostlyoftheirownbloodoncethemilitiaor (  regulararmycaughtupwiththem.Theroutinewhippings,sales,   imprisonments,executions,etc.indicatedthatthewhitesmeant h  business,andthattheywere(atleastpublicly)undividedand 0  fullyconfidentinmaintainingtheirsocialsystem.Unlikeother H  rulingclasseswhichhavebeenoverthrown,whobecamedividedand  losttheirnerveandbeliefinthejusticeoftheirsocialorder,  theSouth'sbecamemoredogmaticandbellicoseindefending P itselfinthethreedecadesbeforetheCivilWar.Habit, h combinedwithroutinelypunishingenoughslavesasexamplesto 0 restraintherest,sufficedtokeeptheminlineinmostcases  concerninganyfrontalattacksonthesystemthatoppressedthem. p Asforhowtheslavescouldanddidquietlysubvertthesystem, 8 oftentimestryingtogetasmanymaterialadvantagesasthey P could,thatisdiscussedbelow(pp.325353).Theeffectsofthe  Unionarmy'spresencedemonstratedthatmostslaveswerenot  obedientbecausetheywereturnedintochildish,docile"Sambos" X inpersonality,orduetonotionsofpaternalismorthe  p Protestantworkethicswimmingaroundintheirheads.Nowsome 8 exceptionsdidexist--suchasamongmanydrivers,domestic   servants,andeventhefieldhandsofthekindestmasterswhere x! thedutiesoftherulingclasswerenotmerewords,wherethe @" slavesactuallydidcometoidentifywiththeirwhitefamilyand  X# itsinterests,sometimesinaquasiclient/patronrelationship,  $ especiallyinlongsettledareas.Nevertheless,theoverall !% systemofslaverywasmaintainedbyacontinualapplicationof `"& violence,coercion,andsurveillance,andanyothermeasures, (#x' suchaspayforovertimework,betterjobsformoreloyalor #@( harderworkingslaves,theinculcationofpaternalisticideology, $ ) etc.weremeresupplements,notitscore. % * @TTBasicDifferencesbetweentheAmericanandEnglishElites' '`", MethodsofControl '(#-   BecausetheEnglishfarmworkerswerelegallyfree,the h)$/ Englisharistocracyandgentry,aswellastheiralliesamongthe 0*%0 tenantfarmers,hadtotakeaconsiderablydifferentapproachto *H&1 maintainingsocialcontrolandimposingworkdisciplineontheir +'2 workforcethanAmericanslaveholderswhendealingwiththeir ,'3 slaves.Onekeydifferencewasthatlocalgovernmentloomedmuch  largerinthelivesoftheEnglishfarmworkersthanitdidinthe x livesoftheslaves,whosemasterormistresshadthetotalpower @ todisciplinethemexceptforseriousoffensessuchasmurder. X England,havinglongbeensettled,hadmuchstrongerlocal   administrativemachineryinplace,evenifitsactualabilityto  deployforceintimesofemergencywassurprisinglylow. `  ComparedtoSouthernfrontierAmericaanditsvigilante/lynchmob ( x spirit,amuchstrongerrespectforthelawasameansof  @ settlinginterpersonaldisputesexisted,evenifduelsamong    aristocratsremainedastandingexceptiontothisruleuntilwell    intothenineteenthcentury. H   @((TheFreedomofActionLocalGovernmentOfficialsHadinEngland (    InEngland,controllingunrulyortroublesomeagricultural h  workersonaroutinebasiswhilenotatworkwasajoblargely 0  lefttothemagistratesandjusticesofthepeace.Conveniently H  enoughforlocalruralelites,thesenormallyweresquires,  parsons,landowners,orvariousothersinthelocalruralruling  classwhopossessedavestedeconomicinterestindisciplining P thelowerclasses.ForunlikeancienregimeFrance,withits h centralcontrolandappointmentoflocalofficialsandgendarmes, 0 onlyintensifiedaftertheRevolution,England'srural  officialdomnormallyhaditsrootsintheimmediatelysurrounding p countrysidewheretheyheldoffice.Frenchintendantsandtheir 8 subdelegatesweredirectlyresponsibletothekingandhisroyal P council,oftenservedinalienareas,andwereremovableatwill.  Bycontrast,localEnglishofficialssimplycouldnotbeeasily  disciplinedorremovedbytheking,parliament,orthehome X office.OnlywithanaddresstothekingfrombothHousesof  p Parliamentcouldtheyberemoved.Asaresult,English 8 governmentintheeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturieswas   muchmoredecentralizedthanFrance's,andlocalmagistrates x! providedacheckonthecentralgovernment'spowerssuchthatthe @" locallandownersoftencouldinsulatethemselvesfromLondon's  X# effectiveauthority.Butthissystemcorrespondinglycreated  $ hundreds,nay,thousands,ofpettyoligarchies,whereinsquires, !% parsons,andlandownersservedasmagistrateslocally,often `"& rulingoncasesthatindirectlyordirectlyaffectedtheirown (#x' interests.Generallytheycouldprettymuchdoastheywished, #@( bendinglawsandsettingprecedentsthatservedtheirown $ ) interests,largelyonlyrestrainedbyanysenseofpaternalismor % * gentlemanlinesstheypossessed.Justicesofthepeacealsohad H&!+ takenonmanyadministrativeresponsibilitiesoverthecenturies, '`", andhadmuchauthority,directlyorindirectly,overthe '(#- maintenanceofparishroads,thesettlementlaw'senforcement, (#. andthesettingofthepoorrates.Sincesomuchofthe h)$/ laborers'livesandfateswerewoundupinthepoorand 0*%0 settlementlaws,powerfellintothehandsofthelocalvestries *H&1 undertheOldPoorLawandboardsofguardiansundertheNew, +'2 givinglocalgovernmentgreatdirectinfluenceonthelaborers' ,'3 lives.ThecorrespondinginstitutionsintheAmericanSouthhad  muchlessinfluenceontheslavesbecausesomucheffectivede x factojudicialpowerhadbeendelegatedtotheslaveholders @ throughtheirabilitytousecorporalpunishment.Englishrural X elitesusedthelocaladministrativemachineryattheparishand   countylevels,whetherthroughcourtsorthebodiesthatoversaw  paupersandgaveoutrelief,tomainlytocontrolthelaborers, `  notsomuchanypersonalpowerthatcamefrombeingsupervisors ( x oremployers.   483        @   Becausethelaborerswerelegallyfreemenandwomen,    employers,asemployers,hadmuchlesscontroloverthelaborers H   whentheywereoffworkthantheslaveownershadovertheir `  personalchattels.Workdisciplineissuesspilledovermuchless (  intotheoffworkpersonallivesoftheagriculturalworkersthan   fortheslaves.Exceptinsomecasesunderthepoorlawsfor h  familiesdeclaredpaupers,itwasimpossibletodestroyorsplit 0  upalaborer'sfamilyinordertoforcecompliancewithhisor H  herbetters.Thelaborers,atleasttheoretically,hadthe  freedomtoquitandgoanywhereinEnglandtheywished--although,  aswewillsee,thesettlementlawsputaconsiderablecrimpon P this.Asaresult,Englishruraleliteshadtouseconsiderably h moreindirectmeasuresofcontrolthantheSouthernslaveholders 0 had,whocould,onthespothaverecalcitrantslaveswhipped,  imprisoned,orsold,onlyrarelyfacinganyofficialappealor p interferenceagainsttheiractionsconcerningtheirenslaved 8 blacks. P @TheBasicStrategyforControllingtheFarmworkersBetter    Sincethelandownersaswellasthefarmershadincreasingly  p acceptedacommercialsystemofagriculture(paternalistic 8 rhetoricnotwithstanding),andraisedcropsforsaleandnot   generallyforimmediatesubsistence,theywouldnotattackthe x! freemarketonprincipletorestrictthefreedomsofthe @" laborers,atleastbythelateeighteenthcentury.Their  X# approachinsteadwastorigthelabormarketontermsthat  $ favoredthem,makingthelaborerssemifreelythenchoosetowork !% forthisorthatlocalfarmerorlandownerinsomegivenparish. `"& Theyusedenclosuretotrytoforcelaborersintoacomplete (#x' dependenceonwagesthroughdestroyingthesemiindependent, #@( "scratchasscratchcan"subsistenceeconomythatekedouta $ ) livingofftheparishcommons.Byusingthesettlementlawsthat % * forcedlaborerstostayintheirownparisheswhentheybecame H&!+ chargeabletothepoorlaws(orworse,before1795,whenthe '`", localparishbelievedtheymaybecomechargeable),theycreated  semicaptivepoolsoflaborers.Butthiscouldbeexpensive, x becausethepoorrateshadtobejackeduptopayforallthese @ peopleonrelief.Parisheswithoneoraveryfewdominant X landownerscouldmanipulatethepoorlawsbydrivingoutall   laborerswhomightbecomechargeabletotheparish,suchas  duringthelongwinterslackseasoninarableareas.These `  parishesbecame"closed,"becauselaborerscouldnoteasilygain ( x settlementsorliveinthemwithoutlongtermcontracts.  @ Landownerswouldkeeponlythelaborerstheyneededyeararound    intheseparishes,andrelegatethe"reservearmyofunemployed"    tonearby"open"villagesorsmalltowns,whichwasdrawnupon H   duringseasonalpeakssuchasharvestandhaymaking.This `  practicealsohadtheadvantageofallowingthemtodispensewith (  farmservants,whogainedsettlementswhengivenoneyear   contractsintheparishtheyworkedin,andwholikelybecame h  semiidleinwinteranyway.Parishestowhichextralaborers 0  weredrivenhadthemisfortuneofbecoming"open"becausethose H  whoowned(orrented)thelandweretoolargeordiverseagroup  toactinamonopsonicfashion.Ratepayers(theoccupiersofthe  land)intheseparisheshadtopaymuchhigherpoorrates(which P amountedtorealestatetaxes)asaresultthanthelandlordsor h farmersinclosedparishes.Withthepassageofthe1834Poor 0 LawAmendmentAct,landownersfoundanotherwaytoavoidhaving  topayrelieftoallbutthemostdesperate.TheNewPoorLaw p bannedoutdoorrelieftotheablebodied,anddeterredapplicants 8 forreliefbytheworkhousetestbyeventhosepossessinglocal P settlements.SotheEnglishruralelites,byskillfullywielding  enclosure,thesettlementlaws,andthepoorlaws,couldlower  theirwagebillsandpoorratesbysaturatingthelocallabor X marketswithlaboronlyastheyneededit,allowingthemto  p dispensewithfarmservants,whileattemptingtoavoidpayingfor 8 its"upkeep"duringseasonallowsintheagriculturalyear   throughfoisting"surplusworkers"uponopenparishesandthrough x! makingsmalllandowners(ortenants)payhigherpoorratesthan @" theyotherwisewouldhaveandbyfindingwaystodeterlaborers  X# fromapplyingforparishrelief.Letusconsidereachpartof  $ thisprogrampiecebypiece. !% @EnclosureasaMethodofSocialControland"ClassRobbery" (#x'   Althoughpublicspiritedmotivescouldalwaysbecitedto $ ) justifyenclosure,itstillremainedaformofclassaggression, % * oflandownersagainstcottagersandlaborers,inThompson'swords H&!+ "classrobbery,"sinceitclearlyservedthematerialinterests '`", oftheformergroupasagainstthelatter.   484      ׀Landownersreceived '(#- alarge,proportionalincreaseintheirproperty,sincetheyhad  formallegaltitletotheirrightsinland.Bycontrast,the x poor'scustomaryrightstotheuseofthevillagecommonwerenot @ legallyrecognized.Asaresult,theynormallygotlittleor X nothingfromthecommissionershiredtoassess,apportion,and   awardthelandsthathadbeenthevillagecommons.Usuallythey  notonlyreceivednothing,butlostaccesstothecommons,which `  nowwassplitupamongpreexistinglandowners.TheEarlof ( x Lincolnadmittedthatnineteenoftwentyprivateenclosurebills  @ ignoredtherightsofthepoor.Evenwhentheirrightswere    recognizedandwereawardedasmallpieceofland,itoftenhad    tobesold.InBuckingham,withintwoorthreeyearsof H   enclosure50percentofthelandownerssoldtheirland,as `  opposedtothenormalrateof20percentsellingperdecade.X   485      ׀ (  Perhapstheycouldnotpaythelegalcostsalllandownershadto   bearforparliamentaryenclosuretotakeplace.Sometimesthey h  couldnotpaytobuildfencesontheirsmallstripofland,which 0  costproportionatelymoreforsmallparcelsthanlarge,sothey H  hadtosellit.Onecalculationfounditcostfourpoundsan  acretoenclosetwentyacres,buttwoacrescostthirteenpounds  each.AsaclergymanforParndon,Essexnoted,afteran P enclosurethattookplacein1795:"Theirlittleallotmentsall h sold;couldnotenclose."Sincethepurchaserswerethe 0 normallybetterofflandownersorfarmerstobeginwith,this  landwaslikelypermanentlyalienatedfromthepoorasaclass. p Thesegeneraleffectswerereportedbyoneveteranoftwenty 8 enclosurecommissionsthus,assummarizedbyanother: P 8      8  Numbersinthepracticeoffeedingthecommonscannot  provetheirright,andmany,indeedmostwhohave X allotments,havenotmorethanoneacre,whichbeing  p insufficientfortheman'scow,bothcowandlandare 8 usuallysoldtoopulentfarmers.Thattherightsold   beforetheenclosurewouldproducemuchlessthanthe x! allotmentafterit,butthemoneyisdissipated,doing @" themnogoodwhentheycannotvestitinstock. X#   Anothercommissionersaidthatinmostoftheenclosureshehad !% known,"thepoorman'sallotmentandcowaresold,fivetimesin `"& sixbeforetheawardissigned."   486      ׀Thesellersofthesesmall (#x' stripsoflandreceivedfromenclosureafewpoundsthatwas #@( likelyswallowedupbybasiclivingexpenseslikefood--food  oftenoncegainedbygrazingtheiranimalsonthecommonsinthe x past,anoptionnowterminatedbyenclosure.Enclosureclearly @ wasaredistributionofpropertyfromthepoortotherich,which X isonlyobscuredbecausethepoor'scustomaryrightstothe   commonswerenotgenerallylegallyrecognized--and,evenwhen  theywere,theresultingallotmentsawardedoftendidthemlittle `  permanentgood. ( x @Enclosure:DirectAccesstotheMeansofProductionandFood    BothLost      Asnotedabove,meatlargelyfelloutofthefarmworkers' `  dietsduringthelatereighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies (  (pp.3033,37,3941).Inmanyareasenclosurehelpedcause   theirdiettodeteriorate,becausethepoorbeforeitcouldowna h  cow,sheep,orpig,andgrazeitonthecommons.After 0  enclosure,theyhadtoselltheircows(especially)sincethe H  onlypasturetheycouldusehadnowdisappearedbehindthefences  oftheirricherneighborsand/orconvertedtoarableuse.The  poornowhadtopayhardcashearnedfromwageworkformilk, P butter,andmeatthatbeforetheyhadgainedindependentlyfrom h workingforothersbythegenerallyminimaleffortofhavingone 0 ormoreoftheiranimalsgrazeonthelocalcommons.As  Somervillenoted:"Eachenclosurebillexcludedthepoorman p fromthecommon,and,uponthewhole,itmaybeaswellforthem 8 tolivethemeanlifeofbreedersofgeese,ratherthanbeturned P outtolabourforwageslessthanthepriceoffood."Butmore  waslostthanjustadditionalincomeintheformofanimalfoods.  Theyalsolosttheirdirectaccesstothemeansofproduction X wheneverenclosurestrucktheirparishorvillage.Withthe  p destructionofthesemisubsistenceeconomyofthepoorbasedon 8 thecommons,whichhadkeptmanyoutofthelabormarketformuch   oftheyear,thenowthoroughlyproletarianizedlaborerswere x! thrownuponexclusivelydependingonworkingforotherstogaina @" living--oruponhandoutsofothers,whetherthecharityofthe  X# richorthedoleoftheparish.Excellentlysummarizingthis  $ process,oneclergymanin1795saidenclosureandthestripping !% ofcottagesofattachedlandreducedthelaboringpoor"froma `"& comfortablestateofindependencetoaprecariousstateasmere (#x' hirelings,whowhenoutofwork,comeimmediatelyuponthe #@( parish."   487      ׀Someevensawdestroyingtheeconomicindependenceof $ ) thepoorasagoodpolicysinceitimposedstricterlabor % * disciplineuponthem.Asoneadvocateoflargefarmsclaimed: H&!+ 8  [Thebenefitthepoorgainfromthecommons]isan '(#- essentialinjurytothem,bybeingmadeapleafor (#. theiridleness;for,somefewexcepted,ifyouoffer h)$/ themwork,theywilltellyou,theymustgotolookup  theirsheep,cutfurzes,gettheircowoutofthe x pound,orperhaps,saytheymusttaketheirhorsetobe @ shod,thathemaycarrythemtoahorseraceor X cricketmatch...ifbyconvertingthelittlefarmers   intoabodyofmenwhomustworkforothers,more  labourisproduced,itisanadvantagewhichthenation `  shouldwishfor:thecompulsionwillbethatofhonest ( x industrytoprovideforafamily.   488       @   Opposinganunsuccessful1845billthatencouragedallotments,    oneM.P.saidlaborersshouldbe"solely"dependentonwagesfor H   aliving.Sothefarmworkerslostmorethanfoodwhenenclosure `  came,butanyremainingeconomicindependenceaswellfromtheir (  socialsuperiors,whetherasemployersorasdispensersof   charityorparishrelief,unlessapermanentsystemofallotments h  wasputintoplace.   489       0    Butevenfortherich,theblessingsofenclosurewerebyno  meansunmixed.Underthepoorlaw,ratepayers--whowerenot  necessarilyexactly"rich"--hadtosupportunemployedlaborers. P Whenenclosurecutoffthepoorfromthecommonsforcutting h fuel,grazinganimals,orraisingvegetables,thoseoutofwork 0 turnedtotheparishmuchmorequicklythantheyotherwisewould  haveiftheycouldhavemaintainedastateofsemisubsistence, p semiindependence.Whencompletelyproletarianizedlaborersran 8 outofcashearnedfromwages,theyandtheirfamilieswere P fundamentallyhelpless,andhadtolooktoothersforaid.  Enclosurecommonlycausedratehikesinmanyparishesinorderto  supportthenowgreatlymultipliednumbersofpaupers,especially X inarableareasbecauseseasonalunemploymentwashighinwinter.  p OnegentlemantoldSomervillein1844thatheexpectedhalfthe 8 laboringpopulationofhisparishinSussextoseekreliefatthe   workhouseinwinter.Speakinggenerally,therushtoenclosure x! duringtheFrenchWarsandtheirimmediateaftermathcorrelated @" witharapidincreaseintheamountofpoorreliefgrantedfrom  X# the1790suntilthe181520postwarperiod.Itpeakedthenat  $ 3.2percentofnationalincomeandtwelveshillingstenpenceper  person.Snellpowerfullydemonstratesthisrelationshipmore x specificallybyregressingtheamountsofpercapitapoorrelief @ paidwiththetencountiesmostaffectedbyparliamentary X enclosure,whereover35percentoftheirlandwasenclosed.The   correlationdetermination(r)wasanastonishing.911,which  meant"asmuchas83percentofthevariation[r2]inpoor `  reliefinthesecountiescanbeexplainedbythepercentageof ( x landenclosed."Eveninthosefourteencountieswhere17to35  @ percentofthelandwasenclosedacorrelationcoefficient(r)of    .755wasproduced,withthecoefficientofdetermination(r2)    comingtoover57percent.Thehistoryofspecificparishes H   provesthesecorrelationswerenotcoincidental.SirPaulfound `  anaverageincreaseintheratesofover250percentinthenine (  parisheshelisted.IntheextremecaseofLidlington,theywent   fromoneshillingtofourshillingssixpenceinthepound,in h  Chattris,fromtwoshillingstofourshillingssixpence,and 0  Hethersett,fiveshillingstoten.   490      ׀Thus,enclosurecould H  actuallydamagelandowners,forincreasingtheircontrolofthe  laborersbystrippingthemoftheirformerstateofsemi  independenceusingthecommonscausedlocaltaxhikes. P @OpenandCloseParishes:OneDumpsLaborersontotheOther 0   Oneparish,bydumpingitslaborersoffonotherparishesas p muchaswalkingdistancesandthelegalitiesofthesettlement 8 lawsallowed,lowereditspoorrates.Creatinga"closeparish" P inwhichideallyonlytheminimalnumberoflaborersrequired  yeararoundgainedsettlementsthereinbecameastandard  objectiveformanyintheruralelite.Landlordswouldworkto X pulldowncottagesdeemedunnecessary,andfarmerswouldavoid  p hiringliveinfarmservantsononeyearcontractstokeepfrom 8 givingthemsettlementsintheparishtheyworkedin.As   clergymanJohnCoxofEssextestified:"Peoplebegantoseethat x! byhiringbytheyeartheycreatedsettlementsintheirparishes, @" andtheydidnotdoitlong."Anumberweretakentohiring  X# servantsforfiftyoneweeksorafewdaysshortofayear.Ann  $ Peecewasdismissedafewdaysshortofayearbecause"itwould !% notbesafefortheparishforhertocontinuethere."   491      ׀All `"& laborerswhobecamechargeableaspauperswouldbeshippedoutto (#x' theirparishofsettlement,ifitwaselsewhere.Thelawsof #@( settlementbefore1795wereaverypowerfultool,becauseif $ ) parishauthoritiessimplythoughtsomeonewas"likely"tobecome % * chargeable,hecouldberemovedtohisplaceofsettlementunder  the1662SettlementAct.Priortothe1795act,certificates x alsohadtobegrantedbytheoriginalparishofanimmigrantto @ anotherparishinordertoallowhimorhertoleavelegally, X whichhelpedclarifytheimmigrant'splaceofsettlement.Ifthe   receivingparishdemandedacertificate,anditwasnotgranted,  itcouldimmediatelyremove(i.e.,"deport")theimmigrantback `  tohisorherplaceoforigin.Relegatedtosomeothernearby ( x "openparish,"wereallthe"catchwork"laborersneededonly  @ duringseasonalpeakssuchasharvest,haymaking,andspring    planting.Hereratepayerssufferedfromthemisfortuneofnot    beingabletooperateasatightcarteltokeeplaborersfrom H   gainingsettlements,sotheyhadtoprovidereliefforlaborers `  oftenemployedelsewhereforatleastpartoftheyear.Those (  notemployingfarmlaborwereforcedtosubsidizethosewhodid,   whofailedeithertopayalivingwage(asunderthe h  Speenhamland/familysupplementsystem)ortoemploythemyear 0  around.   492      ׀ H    EvensometimebeforetheFrenchWars,Youngencounteredone  man,CharlesTurner,whobybringinginmorelaborersinsteadof P pushingthemout,acted"diametricallyoppositetothevulgar h ideasimpressedbythoseeffortsofbarbarism,thepoorlawsof 0 thiskingdom:Insteadofquarrellingwithotherparishestosee  whoshouldbetroubledwiththefewestpoor,heendeavorsbyall p meanstoincreasethatnumberinhis."Theefforttopushout 8 laborersintensifiedaftertheeffectsofenclosure,population P growth,andthedeclineofservicemanifestedthemselvesasthe  nineteenthcenturybegan.Sometimesextrememeasureswere  employedtopushlaborersoffontootherparishes.Afterthe X FrenchWars,estatesforeighttotenmilesaroundNorwichwere  p systematicallycleansedoflaborers,whilecottageswerepulled 8 downfasterthantheywerebuiltinsomeareasofDevonand   Somerset.(Asdescribedaboveaboutlaborers'housing(pp.65, x! 6971),thesettlementlawswereamajorreasonforthepoor @" qualityofruralhousingandcrowding,suchasthepoorquality  X# cottagesthattradesmenchargedexploitiverentsforintheopen  villages).Separatinglaborers'parishofworkandofresidence x sometimesimposedwalksoffive,ten,preposterouslyeventwelve @ milesinsomecasesaroundNorwich.Thisproblemlaidthe X foundationfortheinfamousgangsystem,astheauthorsofthe   186768Reportknew,wheregangmasterswouldgathergroupsof  men,women,and/orchildrenfrom(normally)openvillagestowork `  ondistantfarms.Originally,thesettlementlawsexistedto ( x protectagivenparish'sresources(itscommons,etc.)forits  @ ownpoorfirstofallasagainstnewcomerswhomightovertaxthem    ifpermittedtocomeinwithoutrestrictions.Butinthehands    ofthelandlordsandlargefarmerstheybecameatoolof H   oppressionfordrivingdownthepoorrates.TheHammonds `  powerfullyandsuccinctlydescribedHodge'spredicamentthus: (  "Thedestructionofthecommonshaddeprivedhim[thelaborer]of   anycareerwithinhisownvillage;theSettlementLawsbarredhis h  escapeoutofit."   493       0  @(TheDeclineofService    Thedeclineofservicewasanotherdevelopmentfarmworkers P normallystronglyopposedsinceitinjuredthemselvesasaclass. h Fromtheirviewpoint,itguaranteedthemfoodandaplacetostay 0 whenstillyoungandunmarriedforanentireyear.Italso  encouragedtheaccumulationofsavingsbeforemarriagebecause p thecashpartoftheirwagewaspaidasalumpsumattheendof 8 theircontract.Nowastheaccumulatedeffectsofenclosure, P populationgrowth,andthenearuniversalizationofparishrelief  under(especially)theSpeenhamlandsystempiledupintheearly  nineteenthcenturythischanged.Buttraditionally,startingas X youngteenagers,amanorwomanworkinginhusbandrywouldbea  p farmservantforsomanyyears,andliveonthefarmer's 8 premises.Atannualhiringfairs,they(likely)wouldswitch   employers,andliveforanotheryearwithanotherfarmer.After x! gettingmarried,theybecamedaylaborershiredbytheday,week, @" ormonth,wholivedintheirowncottages.Butinonewaythis  X# system'sdeclinedidbenefitthelaborers:Itreducedtheamount  $ ofcontrolandsurveillancetheirsuperiorsexercisedoverthem. !%   Now,whendidservicecollapse?Regionally,thissystem (#x' persistedinnorthernEnglandintothemidandlatenineteenth #@( centuries,andinsomepartsofthesouthwest,butinsouthern $ ) Englandithadlargelydisappearedbyc.1840,especiallyin % * arableareasinthesoutheast.Ithadbeguntochangeinthe H&!+ lateeighteenthandearlynineteenthcenturies,andmanyin  husbandrybecamelaborerswithouthavingpassedthroughthefarm x servantstagefirst.Snell'sfigures,basedonquantifying1,272 @ settlementlawexaminationsforsoutheasterncounties,foundthat X whileinthe1760sabout45percentoffarmservantscontinued   withthesameemployerfortwoyears,itfelltoabout25percent  bythe1790sforagroupofsoutheasterncounties.Forsome `  counties,suchasHertsford,Buckingham,Berks,Essex,and ( x Oxford,thispracticeceasedcompletelyby1820,andforSurrey,  @ Kent,Sussex,andHampshire,by1810.Whileagradualdeclinein    thenumberofannualhiringscanbeseenfromc.1780,themain    collapsedatedfromc.1810,witharapidincreaseinshorter H   hiringperiodsoccurring,andacorrespondingdecreaseinfifty `  twoweekhirings,by1840.Fiftyoneweekhirings,whichare (  obviouscontrivancestoavoidgivingfarmworkerssettlements,for   thissamearearosefromnearlynilin1810tonearly20percent h  by1830.Butdownintothe1820sand1830s,alargenumberof 0  regularannualhiringsstilloccurred.Inthenorth,service H  remainedafeatureofmanyagriculturalworkers'careers,asthe  186768CommissiononEmploymentinAgriculturefound.Innorth  Northumberland,serviceincludedthefemale"bondage"system. P Thisvariedfromstandardservicebecausethewomanstilllived h atherparents'home,notheremployer's.Yorkshireitselfstill 0 hadastrongsystemofstatutehirings,incontrasttoit"dying  outinmanylocalities"elsewhereinEngland.Chadwickhopedthe p NewPoorLaw,whichabolishedoutdoorrelieffortheablebodied, 8 wouldoperate"bothonthefeelingsandinterestsofthe P employersoflabourasaninducementtoresorttotheancientand  excellentpracticeofhiringlabourersfortheyearcertain."   494      ׀  Thishoperemainedunsatisfied,foritwouldbehardtobring X backthissystemasdeadasitwasby1834insouthernEngland,  p unlessthecausesofitsdeclinestronglyreversedthemselves.   495       8 @<<)WhyServiceDeclined x! Ї  Sowhydidservicedecline?Contemporariesdidrepeatedly  blametherisingsocialpretensionsoffarmersandtheirwives x causedthemtonotwantlaborerslivingunderthesameroofwith @ them.Theaspirationsoffarmerstogentility,especiallythose X withalargeamountofland,wasdiscussedabove(pp.2078),   emphasizingthefemaleside,whendealingwiththesexual  divisionoflabor.Onefarmerwentbankruptduetooverspending `  byhimandhiswife,andinattentiontohisfarm,whomArchhad ( x workedforasachild.Heusedthiscasetocondemnthegeneral  @ classofnonworkingfarmers:    Ѐ    8  Whydonotthesefarmers,withtheirwivesand H   families,drawin,andturnto,andliveaccordingto `  theirmeans,insteadofbeingabovetheirtrade?Let (  thefarmergiveuphishunter,lethiswifedoffher   silkengowns,herfurbelowsandfallals,lethis h  daughtersdroptheirtinklingaccomplishments,andlet 0  themgivetheirtime,theirattention,andtheirmoney H  tothefarm,asitistheirclearandboundendutyto  do.   Thesepretensionsnotonlymanifestedthemselvesbyextravagant h livingandneglectofbusiness,butalsobycastingoutfarm 0 servantstoliveelsewhere.OneconversationSomervillehadwith  aWiltshirelaborerrevealswellthelaborers'resentmentagainst p thefarmersonthisscore.Aftermaintainingthatwhilethe 8 lords,squires,parsons,andfarmerswereallbad,thelatter P weretheworst,andthatSomervillehimselfwasoneofthem,he  said:  8  Youha'adaughter,playingonthepianoonaSaturday  p nighttodrownthenoiseofthembrutesoflabouring 8 menwhatcometogettheirwagesthroughaholeinthe   wall;whatcannotbeallowedtosetfootwithina x! farmer'shousenowadays;whatmustbepaidthroughan @" openinginthepartition,lesttheydefilethehouseof  X# amasterwhatgetsrichastheygetpoor.   496       $   DuetothehighagriculturalpricesduringtheFrenchWarsthat `"& increasedfarmers'incomes,andtheeffectsofenclosurein (#x' reducingsocialmobilityupwardsfromthecottagers'ranksand #@( impoverishingmanylaborers,thedifferencesbetweenthehaves $ ) andhavenotsgrewduringthisperiod.Theperceptionsof % * contemporariesaboutthe"embourgoisement"ofthelargerfarmers H&!+ asaclasshadabasisinfact,andthishadimplicationsforthe '`", discontinuationofservice. '(#-   Factorsofandirectlyeconomicnaturewereprominentinthe h)$/ declineofservice.Originally,farmersdesireditbecausethey  wantedtohaveafullysecure"lock"onacertainnumberof x laborers'servicesyeararoundtoensuretheirabilitytomeet @ thepeakseasonaldemandsoftheagriculturalyear,evenifit X meanthavingtomaintainthefarmservantsthroughtheslack   winterseasoninasemiidlestatein(especially)arableareas.  Butbecauseofpopulationincreasesinmanyruraldistricts `  startingfromthe1740s,andcorrespondinglyrisingunemployment, ( x farmersnolongerneededaguaranteedminimalnumberofcontract  @ laborers.Furthermore,enclosureitselfhelpedeliminatethe    needforfarmerstotieuplaborinlongtermcontractsbecause    laborerswerenolongerapttorefuseshorttermoffersof H   employmentinordertoattendtosomeaspectofscrapingaliving `  offtheparishcommonsinstead.Theparish's"reservearmyof (  unemployed"wassolargefarmerscouldhirethemfortheexact   numberofdaysorweeksneeded,anddismissthematwill,ona h  dailybasis.Nothreatexistedofareallaborshortageyear 0  around,except(thoughnotalwayseventhen)atharvesttime,so H  farmerslostanyincentiveto"lockin"aminimalnumberof  laborers.Anotherreasonforfarmersswitchingovertoday  laborersfromfarmservantswerehigheragriculturalprices P relativetothesupplyofmoney,suchasduringtheFrenchWars. h Whenfoodwascheap,butmoneyrelativelyscarce,itwas 0 financiallywisetoboardandfeedfarmservantsonthefarmers'  ownpremisestominimizewagepayments.Butwhentheshoewason p theotherfoot,payingthelaborersandmakingthemshiftfor 8 themselvesincottagesoftheirownbecamethemoreprofitable P courseofaction.AsCobbettputit:  8  Whydonotfarmersnowfeedandlodgetheirwork X people,astheydidformerly?Becausetheycannotkeep  p themuponsolittleastheygivetheminwages.... 8 [A]numberofpeople,boardedinthesamehouse,andat   thesametable,can,withasgoodfood,beboardedmuch x! cheaperthanthosepersonsdividedintotwos,threes, @" orfours,canbeboarded....therefore,ifthe  X# farmernowshutshispantryagainsthislabourers,and  $ paysthemwhollyinmoney,isitnotclear,thathe !% doesitbecausehetherebygivesthemalivingcheaper `"& tohim;thatistosay,aworselivingthanformerly?(#x'   Asmentionedabove(p.282),servicealsodeclinedbecause $ ) settlementswereconferreduponfarmservantshiredforayear % * until1834,whentheNewPoorLawabolishedthis.Butthe H&!+ provisionofparishreliefdiscouragedhiringforevenshorter '`", termsofservicebecausetherateswerepaidbyallproperty '(#- holdersoroccupiersinaparish,whichincludedthoseemploying (#. noworkersatall.Theycouldlaythemoff,evenforaday h)$/ becauseofrainyweatherasChadwickcomplained,andforceothers 0*%0 tosubsidizethecontinuedmaintenanceoftheirlaborersatthe *H&1 semistarvationlevelsofpre1834outdoorpoorrelief.In +'2 short,farmersfoundmanysolidfinancialreasonstoendboarding ,'3 theirlaborersoverandaboveanysocialpretensionsfordoing  so.   497       x @ppHowPoorReliefItselfPromotedPopulationGrowth X   ThePoorLaws,atleastundertheSpeenhamlandsystemof  familyallowancesbefore1834,promotedarisingbirthrate, `  constitutinganotherfactorthathelpedholdHodgeinpoverty. ( x ThepopulationgrowthofEnglandinthelateeighteenthandearly  @ nineteenthcenturieswasnotjustanautonomousandexogenous    phenomenonthathelpedtotransformruralclassrelations.    Parishreliefencouragedearlymarriages,anddiscouraged H   accumulatingsavings,becausemarriedmenandwomenwithfamilies `  receivedpriorityingettingworkandaidthroughtheirparish, (  whilesinglemenandwomenwerelargelyallowedtoshiftfor   themselves,orweregivenparticularlyunpleasantmakeworkjobs. h  PhilipHunt,aBedfordshiremagistrate,testifiedin1824that: 0  "Whatisthecoursewhichalabourertakestoincreasehisincome H  orwages,whenhemarriesandhasafamily?Heappliestothe  overseeroftheparishforassistance;andthatassistancein  generalisdoledoutinsolimitedaway,thatveryfewlabourers P marryvoluntarily."G.O.Fenwick,theVicarofKempston, h Bedfordshire,complainedinaquestionnairereturnedtothe 0 committeethatdrewupthe1834PoorLawReport:"Thepoorlaws,  asatpresentadministered,actasabountyuponmarriage." p ClergymanHughWadeGery,ofEatonSocon,Bedfordshire,while 8 testifyingin1837,attributedtherecentincreaseinpopulation P inparishes"insomemeasureuponthepersonsmarryingearlier  now,withouthavingprovidedforafamily,whichtheywereinthe  habitofdoingformerly,nowdependinguponparochialrelief." X Theolddelayedmarriagepatternofpatientlyaccumulating  p savingsasfarmservantsboardingwithfarmersuntiltheycould 8 marry(say)intheirmidtolatetwentiesincreasingly   disappearedalongwithservice,itselfunderminedbyrising x! unemployment.Parishrelief'sinducementstoearlymarriage @" createdaviciouscirclethathelpedconfinethelaborersto  X# poverty.TheincreasingpopulationofruralEnglandsincethe  $ 1740shadalreadyincreasinglyfloodedmanylocalparishlabor !% marketswithpotentialworkers,andthisjustaddedtothe `"& problem.Thedeclineofserviceandenclosurecombinedto (#x' increasethenumbersofthosedependentonparishrelief, #@( especiallyduringthewintermonthsinarableareasbydrivingup $ ) seasonalunemployment,helpingtouniversalizeitsinfluenceson % * thefarmworkersasaclass.EspeciallyundertheSpeenhamland H&!+ androundsmensystemsofhavingwagessupplementedbytheparish, '`", allowingfarmerstoavoiddirectlypayinglivingwagestotheir '(#- laborers,theyreceivedanincentivetomarryearlyandhavemany  childrensimilartoAmericanslaves:Justasslaveswere x guaranteedsomuchfoodbytheirmastersandmistresses @ regardlessofworkeffortandwere(often)rewardedonewayor X anotherforhavingchildren,thelocalparishesguaranteedso   muchaidperfamilymemberregardlessofhowgoodaworkerthe  farmlaborer(maleheadofhousehold)was.Undersuch `  conditions,thelaborerandhisfamilylargelyceasedneedingto ( x independentlysustainthemselvesasaneconomicunit,andlost  @ anyincentivestosaveorlimitfamilysize,becauseparish    officialsincreasinglybecamea"master"whoautomaticallytook    careofthem,albeitincreasinglyatsemistarvationlevels. H   Firinglaborersforbadworkperformancelostmuchofitssting `  asalabordisciplinetoolwhensomanyreceivedsomuchaid (  directlyfromtheparishtobeginwith,andweretotally   dependentonthedoleformuchoftheyearanyway.Withsomuch h  massunemployment,somanyusedtobeingidle,andsomuchaid 0  givenbytheparish,muchofshameforbeingfiredhad H  disappeared--especiallywhenthefarmersandlandownerswereso  oftendeeplyresentedtobeginwith--asdidmanyoftheeconomic  consequencesforbeingjobless,includingwhenonehadalarge P familyincreasingfurtherinsize.Hence,parishreliefitself h wasafactor,combinedwiththedeclineofserviceandenclosure, 0 inincreasingpopulationgrowth.   498        @AssortedMethodsthatDeterredApplicantsforRelief 8   Ruralelitesincreasinglysawhowunsustainablethepatch  workSpeenhamlandsystemwaswhenfacinganevergrowingarmyof  applicantsforreliefandtheirfallinglevelsofindividual X productivity.Theystartedlookingformorewaystodeter  p applicantsfromapplying.Imposingshameonrecipientsbysome 8 visibledegradation,suchasmakingthemwearabadgewitha"P"   inblueontheirshoulderontherightsleeve,wascommoninthe x! northeastofEnglandintheeighteenthcentury.Laborersalso @" werepubliclyhumiliatedbysuchpracticesasharnessingpaupers  X# tocartswithbellsaroundtheirnecksandholdingauctionsfor  $ theirlaborlikethoseforslaves.Anotherapproachwasto !% create"makework"jobsasanalternativetopurerelief `"& spending.Sincemanyofthesejobswerenotespeciallypleasant, (#x' andcouldserveasanoutdoortestofdestitution,manyhadone #@( morereasontoavoidapplyingforreliefanyearlierthanthey $ ) hadto.Althoughworkingontheroadsandbreakingstones % * theoreticallywashard,oppressivework,oftenasactuallydone H&!+ bythepauperizedlaborersthesejobswerecoversforidleness.  Otherjobs,suchasoakumpicking,haddeterrenteffectsaswell. x AftercitingAssistantCommissionerHawley'sreportthatnoted @ thisjob"hadtheeffectofdrivingmanyfromtheworkhouseand X deterringothersfromapproachingit,"Walteraskedhim,"Areyou   notawarethatoakumpickingisconsideredadisgracefuland  degradingemploymentinconsequenceofthatemploymentbeing `  giveninprisons?"AlthoughHawleydeniedthis,theimplications ( x ofWalter'squestionwereclear.   499      ׀  @ @ddWhy"MakeWork"JobsFailedtoDeterApplicantsandUndermined    WorkDiscipline H     Makeworkjobsoftenbackfiredonthosewhoofferedthem,if (  theywishedtoaccomplishmuchusefulbythem.Similartothe   reputationbuiltuparoundthosehiredbytheWPAundertheNew h  Dealtorakeleaves,manylaborerswiththesejobsperformed 0  littlerealworkbecausetheassignedtaskswereperceivedas H  unimportantwhetherperformedornot,bytheemployersaswellas  theemployed.   500      ׀AsThomasBatchelornoted,inthequestionnaire  hereturnedtothe1834PoorLawCommissionersfortheparishof P Lidlington,Bedfordshire: h 8  [Thelaborers'productivitywas]diminishingverymuch, 0 inconsequenceoftheevilexampleofpayingmany  personsontheroadsfordoingscarcelyanything;and p thereasonwhytheyarepermittedtohavewagesalmost 8 withoutworkis,becausethefarmershavenointerest P inthepermanentimprovementsoftheroads,oreventhe  lands,whilethelawspermitthepublic,orthe  landowners,toreceivenearlyalltheprofitsofwork, X whichtheyrefusetopayfor,orencourageby  p allowances.    501      8   ЇThelaborersontheroadsandintheparishgravelpitswere  notoriousslackers,whichunderminedeffortstoimposework x disciplineonthem.Payingthembythedaywithoutreferenceto @ howmuchworktheyhaddonedidnothelpmattersany.Though X commentingobviouslypolemically,AssistantCommissionerHawley   wroteone"almostmagicalchange"broughtaboutbytheNewPoor  Lawwasthat"thelazygroupsofpaupers,whoheretoforeinfested `  thehighwaysorthrongedthegravelpits,havetotally ( x disappeared."    502      ׀GuardianRalphCarrofGateshead,Durham,  @ complainedin1847aboutthetransferofapplicantsforparish    relieftothe"surveyorofhighways;thatheemployedthemat    littlemorethanhalfthewagesofthecounty;thattheydawdled H   awaythetimeinagang;thattheymendedtheroadsverybadly, `  anddisplacedagreatdealofvaluablefreelabour,andwere (  themselvesverymuchdemoralized."JamesBeard,theRectorof   Canfield,Bedfordshire,aftermakinganoffertosendsome h  familiestoplaceswithwork,andthemenwhorespondedasked 0  aboutwhatkindofbeerwasmadethere,felt:"Idesiredthemto H  returntotheirplacesofidleness,viz.thegravelpits."   503      ׀  Makeworkjobssimplywerepoordeterrentstoreliefapplicants  ifinfactthejobswerenotdifficult. P @((TheNewPoorLaw:DeterringApplicantsforReliefbyUsingthe 0 WorkhouseTest    Thecapstoneofeffortstodeterapplicantsandtightenwork 8 disciplinewastheNewPoorLaw,whichabolishedoutdoorrelief P fortheablebodied(andoftenforthenotsoablebodied)and  imposedtheworkhousetest.Theworkhousetestwashardly  originalwiththeNewPoorLaw,becauseeveninthe1750sthe X regulationsforCorbridgeandBerwickinnortheasternEngland  p appliedthisinprinciple,theBerwickrulebeingnearly 8 identical.    504      ׀TheruralelitesofEnglandallowedthefearofthe   workhouseanditsbadconditionstosurgeamongtheirparishes'  laborersinordertoreducetherates.Indeed,deterrencehadto x bethenameofthegame,becauseitcouldcostasmuchasthree @ timesmoretokeeponepersoninaworkhouseratherthangive X themoutdoorrelief,apointdealtwithaboveconcerningArch's   dealingswiththelocalboardofguardiansaboutgivinghis  fatherapension(pp.11718).Theyconfinedtheinmatesby `  prohibitingthemfromleavingthegroundsofthebuilding,which ( x waslikeacontemporaryminimumsecurityprison.X   505      ׀Somerville  @ recordedhowoneoldmanbythenameofAdamlamentedthe    conditionshehadtoface:"Oh,master,whatterriblethings    someofthemashavebeeninandoutagaintellofthatunion H   house.Theyareputtotheirworkandtotheirvictualslike `  soldierstodrill."Inthisarea,theguardiansdidnotallow (  evenelderlycouplestolivetogether,whichparticularlyangered   andsaddenedhim:"To'sunderwewhomGoddidjointogether, h  thatwemayliveapartandmeetdeathinouroldageeachalone, 0  todeter,fortheysaythatisit,todeterotherpoorcreatures H  fromcomingontheparish."Inthiscase,theparishauthorities  begantoexerciseapowertheoreticallylimitedtoslaveholders:  Theymanipulatedfamilyrelationshipsandthethreatoftheir P dissolutioninordertocompeldesiredbehavior--here,notcoming h totheparish.Thelaborersfacedthedilemmaofactively 0 preservingtheirmarriagesandfamiliesandsufferingtotal  destitution,evenstarvation,orgoingintotheworkhousetostay p alive,andsufferingthebreakupoftheirmosttreasuredearthly 8 relationships.AssistantCommissionerHawleydefendedseparating P thesexesintheworkhousesbecauseof"theimpossibilityof  conductingthegovernmentoftheworkhouseswherethesexeswere  notseparated."    506      ׀Sometimeschildren,perhapsafewoutofa X largefamily,wouldbeseparatedfromtheirparentswhenthey  appliedforrelief,asArchremembered:"Iknowforafactthat, x whensomeofthemenhadalargenumberofchildrenandwere @ unabletokeepthem,theparishauthoritiesusedtotakeseveral X ofthemawayandputthemintheworkhouse."X   507      ׀Evenwhenthe   elderlycoupleswerenotsplitup,manystillwereputawayfrom  theirchildrenbybeingcommittedtoaunionworkhouseatsome `  distancefromtheirhomeparish.x   508      ׀Thelaborers'fearsabout ( x livinginworkhouseswerealsojustifiedinotherways,since  @ theywereconducivetospreadingdiseaseandunderitsoneroof    mixedablebodiedmenandwomeninonenearlyindescribable    menagerie.   509      ׀Makingtheworkhousedietlessdesirablewas H   anothertactic,althoughitwasproblematicwhenthedietofso `  manysouthernEnglishagriculturalworkerswassominimal (  already.(    510      ׀Allinall,thenameofthegamewastodeter   applicantsandthussavemoneybymakingconditionsinsidethe h  workhousesasundesirableandmiserableaspossiblesothatonly 0  themostandtrulydesperatewouldapply,whichservedtocreate H  anenormousamountofresentmentbythelaborersasaclass  againsttheEnglishruralelite.H    511        @((FallingProductivity:OneMoreConsequenceoftheOldPoorLaw h   Besidestryingtolowertheirtaxes,landownersandfarmers  hadanothermajorreasontoaccepttheworkhousetest,whichwas p toreimposeworkdisciplineuponthelaborers.Underthe 8 Speenhamlandandroundsmensystems,becauselaborersand/ortheir P familiesweregrantedsomuchaidregardlessofworkeffort  directlyfromtheparish,andnotintheformofwages,labor  productivitybegantodecline.Afterall,ifhalfofwhata  laborerearnsisgiventohimbytheparishautomatically,the x foundationallabordisciplinetoolofacapitalisteconomy, @ gettingsacked,losesitsbite,especiallywhensomanywere X fullydependentonparishreliefinwinteranyway.Comparedto   Americanslaves,whosefoodwasmostlyprovidedbysomemaster  whilelackinganydirecttietoworkperformed,thelaborers `  underthissystemwerehalfwaythereinhavingtheirincentives ( x aswageworkerstoworkremoved.AstheWebbsonceobserved,  @ whendiscussingtheallowancesystem:"Thelabourers,secureof    subsistence,progressivelyloweredthequantityandqualityof    theireffort."Unfortunatelyfortheruralelites,unlike H   slaveholders,theycouldnotresorttocorporalpunishmentto `  compelworkfromsemiidleadultlaborers,whichmeantthe (  latter'slevelofproductivityhadpotentiallyanevenlower   floorthanthatoftheslaves,towhomthelashcouldbeapplied. h  Undertheroundsmensystem,amanwhofoundworkforhimselfwas 0  justaswellpaidasaroundsmanifhehadalargefamily, H  becausealthoughheonlyreceivedhalfthewagesoftheformer,  theparishmadeupthedifference.AsChurchwardenT.M.Overman  notedinaquestionnairereturnedforMaulden,Bedfordshireto P the1834PoorLawCommission:"Thelabourer,whenhefoundthat h theparishwastomakeuphismoney,becameindifferentaboutthe 0 quantityhedid."Hefeltthatoveralllaborproductivitywas  falling,thattwelvemennowdidwhatusedtobetheworkofnine p eighteenyearsearlier,and 8 8  aslongasthemagistrateskeepupthatsystemof  orderingtheoverseerstomakeupmen'smoney,theevil  willkeepincreasing;ittakesawaythatnicefeeling X thatthefamilyismaintainedbyhimself,whichmustbe  p restored,orpropertywillbeoflittlevaluesoon.   512      8   Youngnotedthatitwasdemoralizingtobenecessarilydependent x! onhandoutsfromtheparishtobeginwith,andwhenacquiring @" propertysuchasacottage[i.e.socialmobility]wasanear  X# impossibility.Thelaborers'desirestoworkweredeadenedby  $ knowingthatmanyofthejobstheydidreceiveunderthe !% roundsmensystemwererathertrivialandunnecessary,andthelow `"& paytheyreceivedwasnohelpeither.ClergymanGery,a (#x' magistratethepoorwouldapplyforreliefthrough,knewthe #@( roundsmensystemwell,describeditsnegativeeffectson $ ) productivitywhentestifyingin1817:"Averybadeffectithas % * hadupontheminverymuchdiminishingtheirindustry:those H&!+ personswhoaresentroundgolateandreturnearly,anddonot '`", exertthemselvesinworking."Heregardedthoserequiredtogo '(#-  fromfarmertofarmerlookingforworkbytheparishas"perhaps (#. theworstworkmen."    513      ׀Laborproductivityalsowasloweredbythe   badhabitsofnonindustriousnessgainedfrom"makework" x programs,because"theindolenceacquiredbyloiteringonthe @ roads,etc.makesalargernumbernownecessary"todoessential X farmworkthanusedtobe.Southernlaborershadapoor   reputationforworkingwellcomparedtonorthernones,according  tocomplaintsbynorthernmanufacturers.Oneofthemaswellas `  AssistantPoorLawCommissionerE.CarletonTufnellsaid ( x pauperismandthebadeffectsofpoorreliefunderminedtheir  @ workethic.In183233,twelveEnglishcountiesreportedthat50    to76percentoftheirparisheshaddeclininglaborproductivity,    which,notcoincidentally,weretheoneswhichtheSwingRiots H   afflictedgenerallyoratleastpartially.Thus,betweenthe `  pincersoffallinglaborproductivityandrisingrates,the (  landownersandfarmersbecameincreasinglyunifiedaboutdoing   somethingtocuttherates,andreimposelabordiscipline.    514       h  @ddTheWorkhouseTestasaToolforIncreasingLaborProductivity H    Byimposingtheworkhousetestandeliminatingoutdoor  relieffortheablebodied,afterhavingenclosedthecommonsand P eliminatedservice,theruralelitesfoundawaytoreimpose h labordiscipline,followingthelaxnessinducedbythe 0 Speenhamland,roundsmen,andticketsystemsaswellasparish  makeworkjobs.Byeliminatingthelattersystemsandoutdoor p reliefgenerally,suddenlywhenalaborerwasfired,andno 8 farmeroractivelyengagedlandownerwouldhirehim,hefacedthe P basicalternativesofeithergoingintothedreadedworkhouse,  migrating,orcompletedestitutionandevenstarvation.The  laborersgreatlyresentedthelandownersandfarmersasaclass X forthisimposition,asSnellnotes,butitgenerallysucceeded  p initsaims.Chadwickstatedthetheorythus: 8 8  Assoonasthelabourerisawarethattheonlyformin x! whichhecanreceiveparochialreliefisasaninmate @" oftheworkhouse,togetherwithhisfamily,subjectto  X# therestrictivedisciplineofthatestablishment,he  $ willgradually,ifnotimmediately,besuppliedwith !% motivesofatotallyoppositecharacter,and  forethoughtandincreasedindustrywilltaketheplace x ofextravaganceandindulgence.@   JohnNapper,thechairmanofthePetworth,Sussexboardof   guardians,confirmedtherealityofthistheorywhenasked  whetherthelaborerswerebetterworkersfortheiremployersand `  whethertheirpersonalhabitsandcharacterhadimproved: ( x 8  Theyaremoreattentiveintheirplaces,andtheyare    anxioustogetplaces....Theyaremorerespectful    totheiremployers.Beforetheuniontookplace,they H   didnotcarewhethertheyemployedthemornot, `  because,iftheywerenotemployed,theywenttothe (  parishandgotwork;nowtheyhavenochance;ifaman   leavesafarmer,thewaywardenwillnotsethimtowork h  withoutanorderfromacertainnumberoffarmerswho 0  recommendhim,andtheywouldnotgivethat H  recommendation,ifamangotoutofworkforhisown  fault.   ThomasSockett,theRectorofPetworth,believedthesinglemen h weremoreprovidentandwellbehavedastheresultoftheNew 0 PoorLaw,despitebeingasharpcriticofsomeaspectsofit.In  Northamptonshire,evenanunfinishedworkhousewas"alreadythe p terrorofmany"andmade"theidlers...moreobedient."    515      ׀The 8 workhousetestclearlyservedasanexcellenttooltoreimpose P labordisciplineaftertheslacknessoftheOldPoorLaw's  outdoorsystemsofparishrelief,althoughthischangesurely  alsoreflectsathickeningofthelaborers'"mask"beforetheir X superiors,sincethenegativeconsequencesofdisobeyingor  p annoyingthemhadrisen. 8 @TheWorkhouseTestWasaToolforLoweringWagesAlso x!   Thefearinducedbythe"bastilles"oftheEnglish  X# countrysidealsohelpedtheruralrulingclasstoratchetdown  $ wages.Afterall,ifalaborerrefusedsomefarmer'sofferof !% employmentatalowwage,andnobodylocallywasoffering `"& anythinghigher,thenhe(orshe,iftheheadofhousehold)was (#x' forcedtoentertheworkhouse,unlesshelefttheparishforwork #@( elsewhere.Theworkingclassgenerallydreadedcommittalto $ ) workhousesasmuchasprison,afeartheirsuperiorstook % * advantageof.Proofthatwageswereloweredonalargescaleis H&!+ shownbySnell'suseofBowley'sstatisticsonagricultural '`", wages,whereforsouthernEnglandgenerallytheyfellfroman '(#- averageofelevenshillingstwopenceperweektoeightshillings (#. ninepenceaweek,a21percentdropfrom1833to1850.More h)$/ clearly,proofofanimmediatedropwasfoundinthatwageshad  fallentonineshillingsninepenceperweekby1837,adropof x 13.4percentfromalreadylowlevels.Furthermore,thesefigures @ excludethedropinfamilyincomecausedbyeliminatingfamily X allowances,etc.undertheNewPoorLaw,whichmadetheirlosses   stillgreater.SincethewagesoffarmworkersintheSouth  alreadyborderedonsubsistencelevels,theruralelite'sprogram `  toincreaseworkeffortfromtheirlaborersoftendangerously ( x backfired:Theworkersbecamesoillfed,theysimplycouldnot  @ workaswell.GuardianJamesFoardofPetworth,Sussexsaidsome    werebetterabletoworkundertheoldsystem,because:"I    considerthatthosewhohavelargefamiliescannotnowgetthat H   sustenancewhichtheyoughttohavetodoaday'swork."Caird `  notedthefarmersofWiltshiremadeafalseeconomybypaying (  theirlaborers"alowerrateofwagesthanisnecessaryforthe   performanceofafairday'swork."Whilespeakingspecifically h  ofBerkshire,Somervilleappliedhiscommentsgenerallyto 0  southernconditionsbystating:"Wehavethosepeoplealways H  underfed,evenifalwaysemployed."    516      ׀Undersuchcircumstances,  whichincreasedpoachingandothercrimesbythoselaborers  intentonavoidinghalfstarvation,thefarmersandlandlordshad P succeededalltoowellinloweringwagesandimposinglabor h discipline--atleastwhenthelaborerswereundertheirgaze 0 duringdaylighthours.  @@ @ !AllotmentsasaSocialControlDevice P   Havinggraspedthethroatsofthelaborersperhapsalittle  toosecurelythroughproletarianizingandsubordinatingthe X laborersthroughenclosure,theworkhousetest,andthedecline  p inservice,someamongtheEnglishruralelitesbeganto 8 reconsidertheirprogramoftotallycuttingoffthelaborers'   directaccesstothemeansofproduction.Leasingallotmentsto x! thelaborerswasthemainsolutiontheenlightenedamongthe @" eliteproposedtopartiallyreversetotalwagedependency.Due  X# toenclosure,"untiltheallotmentsystemwasrevivedtheEnglish  $ labourerwasseveredfromallconnexionwiththeland." x   517      ׀Their !% advocatespushedthemasameanstolowertheratesandreform `"& themoralcharacterofthelaborerspossessingthem.Laborers (#x' havingthemcommittedfewercrimessuchaspoachingandpetty #@( thievery,andhadlesstimetobeidleandlessinterestin $ ) visitingthebeerhousesbecausetheyspentmoreoftheir"leisure  time"(i.e.,timeofffromwagework)cultivatingthem.In x Hadlowparish,Kent,allotmentsledtoafallincrimefrom @ thirtyfiveoffensestoamereonefrom1835to1837.   518      ׀One X witnesswhohadletoutallotmentsforyearsdescribedhow   attachingconditionstothemmadecontrollingthelaborers  easier:"Oneoftherulesis,thatheshallnotbedismissedif `  hedoesnotcommitcrime,andtheyvaluethatamazingly."One ( x thiefsuddenlybecameveryrepentantwhenthreatenedwiththe  @ lossofhispatchofland.Designedtotamethelawlesshabits    ofcertainvillagesinwestBuckinghamshire,onerulestatedall    thoseconvictedofanyoffenselosttheirallotments.Similarly, H   althoughhewasdealingwithminersinaruralsettinginthe `  mideighteenthcentury,WilliamDanbyofSwintongavehisworkers (  smallfarmsoutofuncultivatedmoorland.Hesaidallotments   increasedsobrietyandindustry,andreducedriot,idleness, h  insolence,andtimeinpubswithouthimusingviolencetocontrol 0  themathiscoalmine.HetoldArthurYounghismotives,a H  classicexpressionofpaternalism,inwhichsocialcontrol  measuresaidupperclassobjectiveswhilesimultaneously  improvingthelowerclass'squalityoflife: P 8  "If,"saidhe,"Icangivethesefellowsabetter 0 notionofalocalpropertyandhappiness,Ishallgain  apoweroverthem,whichIcaneasilyturntotheir p good,andthebenefitoftheirfamilies,aswellasto 8 myownconvenience."P   AlthoughDanbywasdealingwitheighteenthcenturyminers,  remarkablysimilarstoriesaboutfarmworkersgivenallotmentsare X foundintheReportonAllotmentsofLand(1843),illustrating  p thedeepdesireofalmostanyoneworkingonthelandtohavesome 8 partoftheearththatcouldbecalled"one'sown."Furthermore,   bygivingthemastakeinsociety,evensosmallasoneasa x! halforquarteracreleased"atwill,"thelaborers'desiresto @" strikebackattheirsocialsuperiorswerereduced.Oneparson  X# inWiltshirenotedhowthemob--presumablyareferencetothe  $ SwingRiots--gotalmostnosupportinhisparishbecausethen !% theirownlandwasatrisk.InBedfordshire,largerestates `"& offeredthematthetimeoftheSwingRiotstoquellunrest. (#x' Allotmentsalsoincreasedrespectforpropertyrightsamongthe #@( laborersgenerally.Since,asGolding,anagentforthe $ ) BedfordshireestateoftheDynevorfamilystated,"themenwould % * sufferanythingratherthanforfeittheirallotment,"therural H&!+ elitessometimesusedpowerfulthispositiveincentive--the '`",  carrotofallotments--inplaceofthestickofworkhousetests '(#- andenclosures.   519         @ddAllotmentsHelpReduceIncreasesinRatesCausedbyEnclosure @   Allotmentshadtheadvantageofloweringthepricetagof   enclosurefortherich,becauseithadleddirectlytohikesin  thelocalpoorrates.Sincearableagriculture--especially--isa `  highlyseasonalbusiness,thewinterinevitablycreatedmuch ( x unemploymentamongthelaborers.Theylackedanyothermeansof  @ earningalivingorgettingfood,sincetheyhadtosellall    theircowsandcouldnotcultivateanygardensonthecommons,so    theyhadtocometotheparishtorelieftogetbyinwinter, H   causingtheratestorise.ThegenerallyproenclosureGeneral `  Reportstronglyadvocatedprovidingallotmentsforthepasturing (  ofcowstolaborersbecausethetax"burdenwhichhasoflate   yearsproceededwithsorapidanincrease,astothreatenvery h  heavyevilstothelandedinterest."Oneinvestigatorhiredby 0  theBoardofAgriculturefoundwhenvisitingadistrictin H  RutlandandLincolnthateveninyearsofscarcitythose  cottagerswhohadcows--some753owning1195cows--didnotask  forparishrelief.Hefoundthoseparisheswherethepoorhad P fewornocows(orcottagesoftheirown,byimplication)that h therateswerethehighest,atfiveshillingselevenpenceinthe 0 pound.OnefamilyinMayfield,Sussex,havingbeenchargeableto  theparishevenwhenfoodpriceswerelow,afterbeinggivena p cowsuddenlyceasedbeingaburden,evenpriceswerehigh.Those 8 whohadbuilttheirowncottagesonthecommonsorotherwise P ownedthemoutrightalsoavoidedbeingaburdentoratepayersin  someareas.Similarstoriesofallotmentsallowingmanylaborers  toavoidapplyingforreliefsuffusedthe1843Report.Onearea, X afteritgaveoutallotments,foundafterwardsalmostnoonehad  p appliedforrelief.Inanother,itnotonlyreducedapplications 8 forrelief,butonewitnessfeltallotmentsloweredpopulation   growthinhisparishcomparedadjacentparisheswithoutthem.If x! laborersdidhavethem,theycouldavoidapplyingforreliefwhen @" theyweresickaswell.   520      ׀ThestewardoflandownerThomasDodge  X# CooperofToddington,Bedfordshirewasencouragedbyhowthe  $ allotmentsletbyhisestateallowedthelaborerstogohome !% quietlyintheevenings,"doubtless,withthepleasing `"& anticipationoftheirlaboureventuallymakingthemindependent (#x' oftheParish,astheirFathers,orratherGrandfathershadbeen #@( formerly."Thesestoriesindicate,solongasthepoorlawcould $ ) notbeabolishedoutrightassomemiddleclasscriticshad % * desiredin1834,theruralelites'ownfinancialinterestsin  reducingtheratesseemedtobealliedtoleasingallotmentsto x thepoor.Nevertheless,theEnglishelite'sdesiretobreed @ dependencyamongthelaborerstoincreasetheirpowerandcontrol X attheexpenseofgreaterincome,whichwaselsewheremanifested   bylandlords'useofinsecurityintenuretocontroltheirtenant  farmers'votes,andbythescarcityofallotmentsnationally, `  especiallybeforethe1830Swingriots,remainedtheleitmotifof ( x ruralclassrelations.   521        @ @DDWhytheRuralEliteStillSometimesOpposedAllotments      Inanumberofcases,farmersand/orlandownersopposed `  providingallotmentstolaborers,evenfromanarrowconception (  offinancialselfinterestinreducingtherates,oronlychanged   theiroppositionafterhavingseentheadvantagesduetoothers h  whopersistedinprovidingthemdespitetheircriticism.From 0  theruralelite'sstandpoint,theproblemwithallotmentswas H  thattheypartiallyreversedwhatenclosureandthedeclineof  servicehadwrought:totalwagedependency,as(reluctantly)  supplementedbyparishreliefandprivatecharity.This P overridinggoalmustbeeitherabandoned,oratleastattenuated, h whenallotmentsareintroduced,becausetheyprovidethelaborers 0 withsomedirectaccesstothemeansofproduction,insteadof  workingforsomebodyelsewhoownedorleasedit,whopaidthem p onlyforthetaskstheyperformedwhileonit.Onelawyerand 8 landownerinEssexleasedallotmentswhilefacingtheopposition P ofneighboringfarmers.Whileonereasongivenwasbecausethe  laborerswouldscourtheroadsformanuretoplaceontheir  allotments,hefelttheywereopposedalsobecauseitmadethe X laborerstooindependentofthem.InonecaseinYorkshirewhen  p unusuallylargeallotmentsweregiven,ofoneacretotwoanda 8 half,thefarmerswereveryunhappybecausethelaborers   excessivelycultivatedtheirplots,andsowithdrewmuchmore x! fromthelocallabormarket.InSt.Giles,Wiltshire,the @" farmersrefusedtoregularlyemployanymanwhohadanallotment.  X# Somervillesaidthiswasbecausethefarmerswantedthelaborers  $ instantlyavailableatalltimes:"Hecallsthemenwhenhe !% chooseinthemorning,keepsthemtoanyhouratnight,detains `"& themalwayslate,butespeciallyatthoseseasonsoftheyear, (#x' springandharvest,whentheallotmentswouldmostrequiretheir #@( attention."Farmerswerestillcomplainingagainstallotments $ ) lateinthecentury.Indeed,allotmentadvocatessometimessaid  thepiecesoflandshouldbekeptdeliberatelysmallsothatthe x laborersstayedinthelocallabormarket,lookingupontheir @ patchoflandasasupplementtofamilyfinances,notitsmain X support.Whenonceonebadlymanagedfarmwassplitupinto   allotments,thesewerekeptverysmall--aboutonefourthofan  acreeach--tokeeptherecipientsfrombecomingsmallfarmerswho `  avoidedwagework,andfromwastingtimefromgoingtotownto ( x marketwhattheyraised.Inanumberofcases,whilethefarmers  @ andlandownershadinitiallybeenopposedtograntingallotments    intheirlocalparishes,aftersomeoneamongtheirnumberstuck    outtheirnecktogettheballrolling,theyfoundanumberof H   advantagestothesystem,andsochangedtheirminds.   522      ׀ `  @MiscellaneousWaysAllotmentsWereUsedtoBenefittheRural   Elite h    Sinceprovidingallotmentssostronglyclashedwiththe H  ruralrulingclass'soverallapproachforcontrollingthe  laborersbyproletarianizingthem,thesystemlargelyonlymade  headwaybasedhowitreducedrates,curbedtheamountofcrime, P andappealedtothepaternalisticethosofsomelandowners.Even h whenpatchesoflandhadbeenleasedtothelaborers,landowners 0 strivedtoensuretheycouldnotgetanymorelandandbecome  pettyfarmers.Archcriticizedthispolicyinhis1886maiden p speechinparliament: 8 8  IfIhaveenergy,tact,andskill,bywhichIcould  cultivatemyacreortwo,andbuymycowintothe  bargain,Idonotseeanyjustreasonwhymyenergies X shouldbecrippledandmyforcesheldback,andwhyI  p shouldbecontentasanagriculturallabourerwitha 8 roodofgroundandmynosetothegrindstoneallthe   daysofmylife.x!   Destroyingtheoldsocialmobilityamongthelaborersthata  X# villagecommonsprovidedseemedpartofthelandownersand  $ farmers'agenda(thoughperhapsnotintentionally),becausewhen !% Hodgefarmedhisownlandhewasnotavailabletocultivate `"& someoneelse's.Inmanycasesthoughcertainlynotall,the (#x' laborerswerealsochargedahigherperacrecostfortheir #@( allotmentsthanfarmerswithlandofsimilarquality.Archknew $ ) ofmanycasesofthis,commentinggenerallythat:"Nowfive % * shillingsfortwentyperchesequalstwopoundsperacre,andyet H&!+ afarmerontheothersideofthehedgewillgethisfortwenty '`", fiveshillings."Interestingly,heimplicitlyconcededthe '(#- landlordsfounditwasmorecostlytoadministermanysmall (#. tenanciesthantwoorthreebigones,ashewenton:"Ifthe  landlordcanaffordtoletallotmentlandattwentyfiveshillings x peracretothefarmer,hecansurelyletthelabourerhaveit @ at,say,thirtyshillings."   523      ׀Inmanycaseslandlordscharged X whatthemarketwouldbearoverandabovetheextra   administrativecostsandrisks,knowingthelaborerswere  desperateenoughforthelandinquestion.Onewitnessforthe `  1843Commissionknewofcaseswherelaborerswerehurtbybeing ( x chargedaveryhighrackrentofuptoeightpoundsperacredue  @ tothehighdemand.Jeffriesknewofthispractice,thoughina    lessextremeform,since"thecottagerscouldpayarentforan    acrewhich,intheaggregate,wasthreetimesthatgivenbythe H   ordinaryfarmer."Eventhehighlypraisedandphilanthropic `  clergymanofSt.Giles,Wiltshire,Mr.Moore,chargedtwelve (  shillingsperhalfacre,whilethefarmerswerechargedfouror   fiveshillingsless.Thelaborersalsosufferedfromhaving h  littlesecurityoftenurefortheirplotsofland,likemany 0  farmers.Archsaidhisfatherhadhisallotmentchangedfour H  timesduringhislifetime,becauseafterthelaborershad  improvedaparticularlypoorpieceoflanduptogoodcondition,  thefieldwasthenlettoafarmer.Thelaborerswithallotments P sufferedinasomewhatmoreextremeformalltheproblemsCaird, h Arch,andSomervillerepeatedlydescribeconcerningtheill 0 effectscausedbytheinsecurityoflandtenureforfarmerson  Englishagriculture.Whenonelandownerwithdrewallotmentsin p Sharpenhoe,Bedfordshireinordertopunishthosewhojoined 8 Arch'sunioninthe1870s,hisactillustratedthe P political/economicpowerhisclasshadwhentenurewas  withdrawableatwhim.   524      ׀Sowhileallotmentsundeniablywerea  boontothelaborers,thegoodtheydidwasattenuatedbythe X firmdesireofthefarmersandlandownerstokeepthefarmworkers  p inthelocallabormarketbydeliberatelykeepingthepiecesof 8 landletsosmalltheyhadtoremainasupplementtothe   farmworkers'income,oftenchargingthemadisproportionately x! highrentfortheprivilege,andbymakingtheiruseofit @" conditionaluponcontinuedgoodbehaviorasjudgedbytheir  X# socialsuperiors.  $ @AnotherPositiveModeofCreatingWorkDiscipline:Piecework `"& Ї  Thepositiveincentiveofpieceworkalsowasusedtocreate  workdisciplineamongthelaborers,similartohowthetask x systemandpayforworkingnonnormalhourshelpedcontrolthe @ slaves.Sincethelaborerspossessedthepreindustrial X mentalityoftaskorientation,offeringpieceworkwasawise   policy,especiallywhensomeclearlyobjectivetaskhadtobe  completed,suchasbringingintheharvestinarableareas.The `  farmers(oremployinglandowners)alsoappliedsomeelementary ( x psychology,althoughitalsocostthemmorefinancially.Arthur  @ Youngexplaineditthus,butverysimilarlanguageappearedsome    seventyyearslaterinthereportbytheCommitteeonAllotments:    8  Youwillfindthatthepricesofthepieceworkare,in (  general,outofproportiontothedailyprices;they   aresomuchhigher[byonefourthoverworkpaidbythe h  dayinhisestimate]:andthisisthecase,notwith 0  anyparticularcountyorplace,butuniversally.No H  labourerswilltakeworkbythepiece,withouta  certaintyofearningmorethanthecommonpay,in  returnforworkingsomuchharderforthemselvesthan P theydofortheirmasters.   525      h   ThesourceofthetimeorientationthatE.P.Thompsonsawthat  opposed"life"and"work"comesfromthedirectlydivisionof p labor,inwhichonepersonworksforanotherasanemployee,and 8 isnotsomemerelyabstractnotionimposedonpeopletogetthem P toshowupontimeregularly:  8  Thosewhoareemployedexperienceadistinctionbetween X theiremployer'stimeandtheir'own'time.Andthe  p employermustusethetimeofhislabour,andseeitis 8 notwasted:notthetaskbutthevalueoftimewhen   reducetomoneyisdominant.   526      x!    @" Grantedthegeneralexistenceofataskorientationamongthe  laborers,exceptingpossiblythoseinfluencedbyMethodism,the x insightfulemployercouldharnessthisframeofmindthatwould @ increaseorspeedupworkdoneonhistimebyassigningand X payingforpiecework.JustastheAmericanslavesintaskareas   wouldfinishtheirassigneddutiesmorequicklybecausewhatever  timewasleftoverwastheirs,andnottheirmasters',piecework `  producedasimilarmentalityinEnglishlaborers,which ( x encouragedthemtoworkharderbecausewhattheywerepaidwas  @ directlytiedtowhattheydid.Notethoughthesizeofthe    pieceworkpremiumYoungsawmusthavedeclined,atleastfor    southernEngland.JamesTurner,senttoinvestigateconditions H   ofthelaborersinAmpthillUnion,Bedfordshireforthe1838 `  reportonthepoorlaw,saidthosepaidpieceworkonlymadeone (  shillingmoreperweek,ifthat.Histestimonydescribesone   typicalmanipulationofmanagement'swhensettingquotas:"Itis h  socontrived,whenthefarmergivestheworktohismen,he 0  contrivessothatheshallearnashillingaweekmore[nine H  shillingsinsteadofeightshillings],buttheydoashilling  moreworkforit."   527      ׀Sowhilethefarmersseemedtobegiving  somethingwiththeseincentivestothelaborers,thatwasnot P necessarilythecase,sincetheprofitmotivehelpedinformthem h wheretosettheamountpaidperunitofthetaskaccomplished. 0   Farmerscouldgetlaborerstoworkharderforthem,butonly p bypayingmoreforit--alabormanagementprincipleveryopposed 8 tothe"cheaplabor"philosophythatdominatedruralelitesin P southernEngland,whowillinglyrachetedwagestoorevenbelow  subsistencelevels.    528      ׀Jeffriesnotedthathedgingandditching  werehardworkwhendoneright,andthatsuchworkwasnormally X paidbythepiece,whichwasnomerecoincidence.Archquitone  p jobthatinvolveddiggingasixfootdeepdrainbecausehewas 8 beingpaidonlyoneshillingsixpenceperday.Hewantedtobe   paidtwoshillingssixpenceaday,becausesomeonewiththemuch x! easiertaskof"forking'twitch'"onthesamefarmwasearningas @" muchashim.Besidesforunusuallydifficulttasks,farmersalso  X# wereapttoresorttopieceworkduringlaborshortages.Young  $ saidgivingpieceworktolaborersnormallyhiredatdaywagesin !% ordertoenclosewastelandsinsparselypopulatedareaswas `"& nearlythesameaspayinghigherwages.Duringharvest,when (#x' laborshortageswerecharacteristicalso,farmersfoundthatthis #@( wasonetimeoftheyearwhenwageswereseriouslybargained $ ) over,oftenwithgroupsoflaborersbandingtogethertemporarily % * toworkforthem,asMorgandescribed.LaborerMarkRushton, H&!+ bornneartheEssex/Suffolkborder,rememberedthat:"Wewere  allushiredbytheweek,exceptatharvest.Thenitwaspiece x wukk."OnSirRobertPeel'sestateinStaffordshire,whenwheat @ wasreaped,itwasusuallydonebytaskwork,"onaccountofthe X ratepaidforit,fromthescarcityoflabourinharvest,"the   costoflaborperacreharvestedwashigh.Lateinthe  nineteenthcentury,BearinBedfordshirefoundthatpieceworkwas `  availablenormallyonlyforhoeingandhedging,sometimesat ( x harvest,andwithalittlemowing,inpartbecauseinareaswith  @ muchpermanentpasturemadeithardertopaylaborersbythe    piece.Henotedtheonewaypieceworkcouldbackfireonthose    offeringit,wheretheinfamousbackwardbendinglaborsupply H   curvephenomenontakeshold:"Severalemployersinformedmethat `  themendidnotcaretotakepiecework,ortoexertthemselves (  toearnmuchatitiftheydidtakeit;alsothatafterdoing   enoughtocometo2sadayamanwouldoftenleaveofftoworkon h  hisallotment."   529      ׀Sowhilepieceworkcouldgetthelaborersto 0  workharderbypayingthemproportionatelymorefortheir H  increasedefforts,farmersoffereditbecauseofthepremium  involvedonlywhensometypeoflaborshortagethreatened,  whetherseasonal(harvest)orgeographical(sparsepopulation). P Otherwise,payingbythedayorweekwasthenameofthegame, h exceptinthoseplaces(andtimes)whenfarmservantswere 0 employed.    Closelyrelatedtothedecisionstopaybythedayorbythe 8 piececoncernedthelaborers'relationshiptotime.Assigning P taskworkmademoresenseforpeoplewithapreindustrial  mentalitywhohavearelativelyweaksenseofmethodical,  punctualworkhabits,butprefertoworkhardinburstsfollowed X byaslackperiodwhichisagainrepeatedthenextweek.In  p agriculture,muchoftheworkwasinevitablytaskoriented,such 8 asgettinginharvestormakinghay,becauseoftheobjective   necessityofcompletingthetaskinquestion,unlikemonotonously x! addingrepeatedlyonemorewidgetononemoregadgetona @" seeminglyendlessassemblylineinmodernindustry,wherehaving  X# atimeorientationmakesmoresense.Onemotivebehindthe  $ enclosuremovementwasthedesiretoimposeworkdisciplineon !% thelaborers.Thoseekingoutalivingoffthecommonshada `"& senseoftimetheelitecriticizedaswastefulandresistantto (#x' doingwagelabor:"Insaunteringafterhiscattle,heacquiresa #@( habitofindolence.Quarter,half,andoccasionallywholedays $ ) areimperceptiblylost.Daylabourbecomesdisgusting."Other % * agriculturalimproverscomplainedlaborerslosttimetoseasonal H&!+ fairsandweeklymarketdayswhennovillageshopexistednearby.  LikethepoorwhitesintheSouthwholivedlargelybyhunting, x fishing,anddoingsomesubsistenceagriculture,thislifestyle @ ismuchmorecasualthanthetightdisciplineaslavelived X under,drivenintothefieldssixdaysaweekfortwelveormore   hoursaday.Laborerscrapingtogetheralivingoffthecommons,  supplementedbysomecasualwagelaborforthingstheyneedto `  buywithcash,liveamorerelaxedlifestylecomparedtothe ( x regularwageearnerorfarmservant,whoworkmorehours.The  @ hoursseemstilllongerduetoworkingforsomeoneelse,notfor    themselvesintaskstheydidtodirectlysupportthemselves.    Hence,oneofthepurposesforimposingenclosurewasnotjustto H   moreefficientlyusethecommons(thepublicspiritedmotive)or `  fortheruralelitetomakealandgrab(themorelikely,self (  interestedmotive),butalsotoplacemoreworkdisciplineonthe   laborersbyfullydestroyingthesubsistenceeconomyandforcing h  themtoworkforlocalfarmersoremployinglandowners.   530      ׀ 0  Ironicallythisbackfiredontheelite,becauseenclosureleadto H  greaterdependenceonparishrelief,especiallyinarableareas  inwinter,andtheSpeenhamlandandroundsmansystemsdidmuch  moretoundermineworkdisciplinethanenclosuredidtoimprove P itbeforethepassageoftheNewPoorLaw. h @44TheLegalSystemandItsInfluenceontheLaborers    Asmentionedabove(pp.27677),thelegalsystemhadamuch 8 greaterdirectimpactonthelivesofEnglishfarmworkersthanon P Americanslaves.Thiswasbecausethefarmworkerswerestill  legallyfreemenandwomen,despitetheprivationsandoppression  theysufferedunder.Insteadofsummarilypunishingsome X farmworkerwhohadcommittedsomeoffenseagainstthem,the  p landowner,parson,orlargefarmercouldnotdirectlyretaliate 8 intheirrolesaslandowners,etc.,becausethestatehada   fundamentallyeffectivelegalmonopolyontheuseofforce, x! despitesuchexceptionsastheupperclass'sduels.Whilethis @" monopolytheoreticallyalsoexistedinAmerica,theviolent  X# heritageofthefrontierandthelynchmobmadeitmuchlessofa  $ reality,overandabovetheneedofslaveownerstobeableto !% immediatelypunishtheirslavestomaintaineffectivecontrol `"& overthem.Underslavery,thestatethroughtheslavecodes (#x' delegatedmuchofitslegalpowerstouseviolencetoprivate #@( individualssolongastheyweredealingwiththeirhuman $ ) chattels.Inevitably,thehabitofusingforceoutsideofthe % * legalprocessspilledoverintoencounterswithotherswhowere H&!+ notslaves,especiallyontheunpolicedfrontierorother '`", sparselypopulatedareas.InEngland,theruleoflawwasmore '(#- ofareality--atleastsoitseemed--asagainsttheAmerican (#. penchantforemployingpersonalviolence. h)$/ Ї@TheJusticeofthePeace/CountyCourtSystemNecessarily  ExpressedClassBias x   Comparedtotheupperandmiddleclasses,theruleoflaw X wasoftennotmuchofarealityfortheworkingclass.Dueto   thesystemofjusticesofthepeace,thelocallandholders,  sometimesparsons,asmagistratescouldruleoncasesthat `  indirectlyorevendirectlyaffectedtheirpersonalselfinterest ( x asagainstanylaborerbroughtbeforethem.Consideredinhis  @ roleasalandholderalone,squireSmithcouldnotdoanything    againstfarmworkerJonesotherthanhavehimfiredand    blacklisted.Butinhisroleasajudgehecouldsitoncasesin H   thepettysessions(oreventhequartersessions,wherethe `  justicesofthepeacesatasagrouptoruleonmoreserious (  casesandadministermanycountylevelaffairs)involvingthis   samefarmworker,andcontrivetobendthelawtoconvicthimor h  havehimsentencedtothemaximumpossiblepunishment.Evenif 0  thesquirewasnotactuallythejudge,hissocialconnectionsto H  themagistratescouldservetohelpruinanyoneoflowsocial  standingbroughtbeforethelocalpettysessions(where,  dependingonthegravityofthecases,aquorumofoneortwo P justiceshadtobepresenttohearthem).Archdescribed h hypotheticallyhowthisworkedusinghimselftoillustratea 0 fairlycommonsituation:  8  SupposeIamhadupbeforethemagistratesonsome 8 slightchargenotinanywayconnectedwithgame,andI P seesittingonthebenchincloseproximityacertain  squire,onwhosepropertyIhadoncehappenedtoknock  overahareoralittlerabbit.Ifthatsquire X recognisedme,ashewouldbesuretodo,hewouldtell  p themagistrates,andtheywouldbeverylikelyto 8 inflictonmetheheaviestpenaltyintheirpower.The   casetakenonitsownmeritsmighthavebeentrivial; x! butIshouldhavetobearthewholerushofthelaw, @" becausethemagistrateswerefriendsofthissquirewho  X# hadabitterfeelingagainstme. $   Whencertaintypesofcasescouldbetriedbysinglejusticesout `"& ofsessions,theabusesescalatedsincetheywereconcealedfrom (#x' directpublicscrutiny.Forexample,in1822theDukeof #@( Buckinghamoncetriedandconvictedafarmer(notjustamere $ ) laborer)forcoursingonhisproperty,withthewitnessesbeing % * hisowngamekeepers.Inonecaseheldbeforeaquartersession H&!+ inwhichalaborerstoleatenfootplank,theleadingjustice '`", hadthesupremesatisfactionofpronouncingasentenceof '(#- transportationforfourteenyears--becauseitwasfromhimthat (#. theplankhadbeenstolen!JeffriesoncedescribedPetty h)$/  Sessionsas"apartfromthecriminalbusiness,...practically 0*%0 aninformalweeklyParliamentoflocallandowners."   531      ׀Actually   itremainedsuchaparliamentwhentryingcriminals,withelite x prejudicesmanifestingthemselvesonpoachingandothersubjects. @ Additionally,thefearoftheFrenchRevolutionspreadingto X Englandencouragedtheuseofthelawbytheupperclassasa   cleartoolofreactionaryrepressionforaperiodofroughly  twentyfiveorthirtyyears(c.17931820),regardlessofthe `  meritsofthelawaswritten.WilliamPittillustratedthiswhen ( x hewhitewashedtheconvictionofthereformerMuir(sentencedto  @ fourteenyearstransportationforsedition)bythenotorious    Braxfield,whohadpackedthejurytogainthedesiredresult.    Hesaidthat"thejudgeswouldhavebeenhighlyculpableif, H   vestedastheywerewithdiscretionarypowers,theyhadnot `  employedthemforthepresentsuppressionofdoctrinesso (  dangeroustothecountry."x   532      ׀Soforasubstantialpartofthe   periodthisworkdealswith,thebiasofthecourtsagainstthe h  laborers(andothermembersoftheworkingclass)wouldhavebeen 0  worsethanfortimesbeforeandafter. H  @TheBiasesoftheCourtsAgainsttheLaborersShouldNotBe  Exaggerated P   Despitethegeneralsituationdescribedabove,thebiasof 0 thecountycourtsofEnglandshouldnotbeoversold.Themiddle  stratainEngland--thefarmers,craftsmen,shopkeepers, p etc.--staffedmanyofthelocalpositionssuchasjurymanand 8 constable,pressedmanyofthechargesthatsetthecourt P system'smachineryinmotion,andcouldusethelawfortheirown  purposes(which,admittedly,werenotnecessarilyfavorableto  thelaborers!).AsStylesnoted:"Indeedeventhelabouring X poorwereabletoengage,toamorelimitedextent,insomeof  p theseusesofthecriminallaw."Illustratingthisgeneral 8 point,Jeffriesdescribedacaseinwhichashopkeepersueda   laborerfornotpayingeightshillingsforgoodsboughton x! credit.Withanumberofmoreimportantcaseswaitingtobe @" heard,thecountycourtjudgepatientlywentovertwodirty,  X# semilegible,chaoticallyorganizedledgerstofinallydetermine  $ thatthelaborer'swifewastryingtocheattheshopkeeper'swife !% outoftheeightshillingsbyshowingthesamereceiptfortwo `"& differentdebts."Thepettyvillageshopkeeperandthehumble (#x' cottagerobtainasfullorfullerattentionthanthewelltodo #@( PlaintiffsandDefendantswhocanbringbarristersfromLondon."  Relativetothelegalsystem,manyfundamentaldifferences x existedbetweenthewayHodgewastreatedontheonehand,and @ Samboontheother.Hodge,aslowlyashewas,stillwasfullya X personunderthelaw,andcouldwitness,sue,andbringcriminal   chargesagainsthissocialsuperiorsatleasttheoretically,  whiletheblackman'stestimonywasruledautomatically `  inadmissibleagainstwhites,whetherrichorpoor.But,although ( x thefarmworkercouldsuehissuperiors,hiscasecouldbe  @ dismissedduetoclassbias,suchasthecasementionedaboveof    themasterwhosuccessfullysuedalaborerwhoquitbeforehis    week'scontractwasup,butwasunsuccessfullysuedinturnby H   anotherlaborerforhisweek'swageswhowasdismissedbeforehis `  weekwasup--beforethesamejudge!Anotherriskoftakinglegal (  actionsagainstone'ssocialsuperiorsortheirdirectdependents   wasretaliationbysocialoreconomicmeansoutsideofthelegal h  system,resultingin"ablackmarkagainsthis[thelaborer's] 0  nameforeverafter."   533       H  @ IgnoranceoftheLawasaControlDevice    Ignoranceofthelawservedasacontroldeviceagainstthe h laborers,justasitdidinmuchelse.Archdescribedone 0 policeman'serrorwhenhetoldhimthatplacingasnarefor  rabbitsonhisgardencouldmakehimcriminallyliable.Whenthe p CommissiononGamedeniedthis,hecommented:"Ifthepoliceman 8 waswrong,howwerewetoknow?Thelabourerhasmostlytolearn P hislawbybitterexperience."Instead,thedistinctimpression  thelaborerreceivesisthatifhemoleststhegameinanyway,  eventoprotectthecropsonhisallotment,"Hefeelsasif X 'Noticetoquit'isbeingshakenlikearodoverhisbackallthe  p time,whenit'saquestionofgame."   534      ׀Thelocalpowersthatbe 8 surelywerenotgoingoutoftheirwaytocorrectsuch   misimpressions,sinceitwasnotintheirselfinteresttodoso. x! Evenifalaborerhadbeenaggrievedbysomeoneinauthority,he @" mightnotknowofanylegalrecourse.OnenightArch'sbrother  X# wenttogettheweek'sgroceries.Hewasunjustifiablysearched  $ byapolicemanwhosuspectedhimasapoacher.Hedidnotknow, !% nordidArchheuntiltestifyingtoParliamentonthegamelaws, `"& thattheconstablecouldhavebeen"countycourted"forundue (#x' search.Butsuchalawdoesnogoodforthoseignorantofits #@( veryexistence:"Howwerewetoknowthatwehadalegalremedy $ ) forsuchtreatmentasthis?Wewereignorantofthelaw,we % *  fearedthelaw,andIthinkwehadgoodreasonto,considering H&!+ thewayitwasoftenadministered."   535      ׀Butthisbiasinthe   applicationofjusticeduetoignoranceofthelawisnot x directlythefaultofthesystemitself,butresultsfrom @ differentialeducationalopportunities,accesstopaidlegal X advice,etc.EventhoughArchfeltgenerallytoomuchpartiality   andclassfeelingexistedamongthemagistrates,hestill  admittedsomewerenotbiased: `  8  IbelieveLordLeighandsomeothersthatsatuponour  @ benchalwaysdidjustice;thoseweknew,wesaidamong    ourselves,"Oh,ifIwastobebroughtbeforethebench    Ishouldprefersoandso,andsoandso,totryus. H   Justicewouldbedone;evenifthedaywentagainstus, `  weshouldbesureitwasthefaultofthelawandnot (  ofthewayinwhichitwasadministered."    HementionedhowonepolicemannearCoventrywouldneverbring 0  poachingcaseswhenonegentlemanwasactingjudgeunlesshehad H  veryclearevidence.Butwhenthatmanwasabsent,"hebrought  upseveralcaseswheretherewasonlyslightsuspicion,hegot  convictions.'Wepickedourcustomersinthemagistrates,'he P said."    536      ׀Sowhileanundeniableamountofbiasexistedinhow h thelawwasadministeredinruralcourts,thisshouldnotbe 0 exaggerated.  @ExamplesofHowtheContentsoftheLawCouldBeAgainstthe 8 Laborers P   Amoreimportantsourceofbiasagainstthelaborers  concernedtheactualcontentsofthelawitself,nottheill X resultsduetotheprejudicesofthejudgesapplyingit.As  p mentionedabove(pp.27980),thecustomaryrightsofthepoorto 8 thevillagecommonswasusuallyignored,whiletheformaltitle   tolandoftheneighborhood'slandholderswasrecognized.The x! commissionersinvolvedinenclosureappliedthelawoftenfairly @" impartiallyamongthosewhoheldlegaltitle,butuseditto  X# oftenvirtuallyassaulttheparishpoor,whosecustomaryrights  $ werenotrecognized,oriftheywere,receivedallotmentswhich !% theexpensesofenclosureitselfnormallyforcedthemtosell. `"& Thegamelawsdisplayedsimilarbias,whicharecoveredbelow (#x' (pp.36770)withthelaborers'resistanceagainsttherural #@( elite.Lawsthatatleasttheoreticallyinflicteddraconian $ ) punishmentsforrelativelyminorcrimesweresimilarlybiased % * becausetheirviolatorsnormallyaremembersoftheworking H&!+ class.Lawsthatpotentiallyinflictcapitalpunishmentfor '`", sheepstealing,machinebreaking,rickfiring,ortakinghalfa  crownarenotapttoaffectmanyofthehighandmighty.The x samegoesforthoselawsthatmadeanentirecrowd,judgedtobe @ amobbypossiblyjustoneotherperson,liabletothedeath X penaltyifoneormoreamongitrobbedorwoundedsomeoneelse.!   537      ׀   True,rathernotoriously,theEnglishlawofthelateeighteenth  andearlynineteenthcenturieswasfestoonedwithdeathpenalties `  thatwerenormallynotactuallycarriedoutevenwhenhandeddown ( x atsentencing,butweredowngradedtotransportationand  @ imprisonment,orsimplypardoned."   538      ׀Still,theycontaineda    deterrentvaluefromwhatpotentiallycouldhappentoalaborer    whensuddenlyhauledbeforethemagistratesforsomeoffense.As H   theHammondsnoted,becausethelawsweresobroadlydrawnandso `  manyhadviolatedthem,duringthespecialassizesheldat (  WinchesteraftertheSwingRiots:"Mostoftheagricultural   populationofHampshirehadmadeitselfliabletothedeath h  penalty,iftheauthoritiescaredtodrawthenoose."#@   539      ׀The 0  classbiasinthelawsthemselvesisshownbyhowthelaborer's H  violationofacontracttoworkforagivenperiodweresubject  tocriminalpenaltiessuchasimprisonment,whiletheemployer's  breachesofalaborcontractweresubjecttoonlycivilpenalties P suchasfinesortherestitutionforunpaidlabor.$   540      ׀Another h problemforthelaborersdraggedintocourtwasthatcertain 0 legalprocedureswereheavilyweightedagainstthoseoflittleor  noeducationortraininginpublicspeakingandunusedtodealing p withthelawortheirsocialsuperiorsinthefullyintimidating 8 formalatmosphereofahighcourt.Underthelawextantwhenthe P SwingRiotsoccurred,acounselforthedefenseofsomeone  chargedwithafelonycouldnotspeaktothecourtforthe  accused.Instead,hehadtopresenthisdefensehimself,which X wassomethingratherfrighteningtodointhesocialsettinghe  p wassuddenlythrustintoafterhavingsatinadingyjailcell 8 forsomanyweeksormonths.%`    541      ׀Evensuchaprotectionastrial   byjurywascommonlyinoperativeforlaborers,forthelawoften x! permittedonemagistratealonetosendthemtoprison.&    542      ׀ @" Clearly,theactualcontentsofthelawoftenposedagreater  X# threattothelabourersthanhowandwhetheritwasadministered  inabiasedmanner.Sincetheupperandmiddleclasseswereits x mainwriters,thelawnaturallyandautomaticallyoverlookedthe @ interestsofthelaborers,suchasinenclosure,orwas X intentionallywrittenwiththeperspectivetoseekingtodeter,   control,orpunishthem,suchaspermittingdeathpenaltiesfor  trivialoffensesonlythepoorwereapttocommit. `  @ddTheImportantDifferencesbetweenControllingtheLaborersand  @ SlavesatWork      Turningfromthelegalsystem'seffectsonthelaborersto H   howtheywerecontrolledwhileonthejob,majordifferences `  existedbetweenbetweenthetreatmentoftheEnglishfarmworkers (  andAmericanslaves,whichhadanimportantinfluenceontheir   overallqualityoflife.Mostsignificantly,thefarmworkersdid h  notsufferfromcorporalpunishment(atleastasadults)whileon 0  thejob,andwereabletochangeemployerswhentheircontractof H  service(ifany)hadended,advantagestheslavestotallylacked.  Neitherthelargeestate'sstewardnorthebailiff,towhoma  gentlemanfarmerwoulddelegatedirectsupervision,wereexactly P belovedfiguresamongthelaborersthemselves,muchlike h contemporarybosses.Buttheystilllackedtheterriblegeneral 0 reputationforbrutalityandviolencethatcharacterizesSouthern  overseersordrivers--eventhoughCobbettthoughtlittleof p bailiffs,especiallyfromScotland.Thelaborers'general 8 animosityfocusedonthefarmerswhoemployedthemanddidmuch P ofthesupervision.Thestandardcomplaintsofsomeonelike  Arch,theheadofaunionoffarmworkers,thesonofalaborer,  whohadnecessarilyanantagonisticrelationshipwithfarmersas X agroup(althoughhefeltaultimateunityofinterestslinked  p thelaborersandfarmerstogether)focusedaroundlowwages,not 8 hiringenough(topreventunemployment),andwantingtokeepthe   laborersinthesameplaceinsociety.Buttheleadinggrievance x! ofslaves,besidesthelackoffreedomitself,concerned @" whippingsandotheractsofcorporalpunishment,followedby  X# inadequatefoodrations,demonstratingtheslavesinevitably  $ sufferedfromfarmorepersonalhumiliationwhileonthejobthan !% thefarmworkers.Arch'sunionmayhavewantedtoraisethe `"& respectgiventoworkersinhusbandryfromsocietyasawhole, (#x' butthelevelofpersonaldisrespectshowntolaborersbythe #@( farmerswasnowherenearwhattheslavessuffered,especially $ ) sincethefactorofracewasabsent.Considerthescaleof % * disproportionbetweenthetypicaltreatmentmetedoutbysomeone H&!+ likeSouthernplanterBennetBarrow,adisciplinarianbutopposed '`", tocrueltyforitsownsake,whoneverthelessadministereddozens '(#- ofbeatingsandotheractsofcorporalpunishmentayear,anda (#. particularlybadmasterdescribedtoHudsonbyaveryoldand h)$/ retiredlaborernamedJoan.Attheageoftenin1830s 0*%0 Wiltshire,sheandheryoungerbrother,ageseven,hadtogoto *H&1 workbecauseherfatherhadbrokenhislegwhileplowing.She +'2 endedupworkingfora"veryhardmasterandoverseer"described ,'3 thusbyHudson:  8  Hewasknowninalltheneighbourhoodas"Devil @ Turner,"andevenatthattime,whenfarmershadtheir X menundertheirheelasitwere,hewasnotedforhis   savagetyrannicaldisposition;alsoforacurious  sardonichumour,whichdisplayeditselfintheformsof `  punishmentheinflictedontheworkmenwhohadtheill ( x lucktooffendhim.Themanhadtotakewith  @ punishment,howeverpainfulordisgraceful,withouta    murmur,orgoandstarve.     Nowaftergivenadescriptionlikethis,onewondersthenwhat `  thespecificpunishments,etc.consistedof,andwhatthesetwo (  merechildrenwereinfor.Whatwasthesingleworstexperience   ofJoan'sbrotheratthehandsof"DevilTurner"?Hewas h  punishedby"standingmotionlessforlongerhoursatatimeona 0  chairplacedoutintheyard,fullinsightofthewindowsofthe H  house,sothathecouldbeseenbytheinmates;thehardest,the  cruellesttaskthatcouldbeimposedonhimwouldcomesasa  reliefafterthis."'   543      ׀Whilethiswashardlykindnorexactly P contemporaryenlightenedlabormanagementtheory,suchatale h palessharplybeforethepageafterpageofbeatingsandharsh 0 mastersdescribedin(say)Drew'scollectionofslavenarratives,  TheRefugee.Especiallywhenconsideringthatlaboringchildren p sometimesdidsuffercorporalpunishment,thiswashardlythe 8 worstimaginablecaseofabuseonthejob.Likely,the P humiliationsinflictedby"DevilTurner"werecongruentto,but  probablysurpassed,thoseinflictedonsubordinatesby  particularlyillhumoredmanagersincontemporarybusinessand X industry.Theseadmittedlyareemotionallypainfuland  p distressfultoexperience,butaresmallpotatoestowhatthe 8 socialequalsofBennetBarrowregularlyandbanallyperpetrated   ontheirslaves,orthroughtheiroverseers,asroutinemeasures x! toenforceworkdisciplineandgeneralsocialcontrol. @" @IdeologicalHegemony,Paternalism,ClassConsciousness,and  $ Farmworkers !%   Whenexaminingtheeffectivenessofideologicalcontrolover (#x' thefarmworkersbytheEnglishruralelites,apotentialproblem #@( ariseswhichisalmosttheoppositeofthataboutpaternalismand $ ) Americanslaveholders.Inthecaseofslaveowners,theybilled % * themselves--orallowedthemselvestobebilledinproslavery H&!+ polemics--aslaidbackgentlementowhomquestionsofpersonal '`", honorandlookingoutfortheinterestsoftheir"blackchildren" '(#- werehigherprioritiesthanprofitmaking.Thequestionthen  becomeswhetherinfacttheywereinthemain,asmaintained x above(pp.24752),outsideofthehereditaryplantersof @ TidewaterVirginiaandlowlandGeorgiaandSouthCarolina, X strivingindividualistsouttoraisetheirrankinsocietyby   makingfastbucksbyowningslavesincommercialagriculture.  ConcerningtheEnglishelite,acommonviewpointofthe `  eighteenthcenturywasthatthearistocraticethoshadbeen ( x overtakenbybourgeoisindividualismandagrowingindustrial  @ capitalism.InthewakeofJ.C.D.Clark'sselfproclaimed    "revisionisttract,"EnglishSociety16881832,suchviewshave    becomesimplyunsustainable,atleastfortheperiodpriortothe H   FrenchRevolution.(   544      ׀TheburdenofClark'swork,inwhichthe `  politicalidealsofpaternalism(whichhecalls (  "patriarchalism"),istodemonstratethatEnglishsocietywasan   ancienregime,fundamentallydominatedbytheidealsofgentlemen h  andtheChristiandoctrineofobediencetothepowersthatbeof 0  thearistocracy,gentry,andtheclergyoftheAnglicanChurchup H  untilthetransitionperiodof1828-32,whentheCorporationand  TestActswererepealedandtheReformBillwaspassed.Clark  doessuccessfullyprovetheelite'spoliticalideologywasnot P dominatedbyLockieancontractarianism,butbypatriarchalideals h ofnaturalsubmissionbasedonthemodelofthefamily,atleast 0 untilc.1795.Butthentheissuebecomeshowmuchofthissank  downintothelowerclasses-- p especially,forourpurposeshere,thefarmworkers.Unlikethe 8 casefortheAmericanslaveholders,wholikely,inthemain,did P notseriouslybelieveinthepaternalisticidealsofreciprocal  dutiesbetweentheenslaversandtheenslavedandallits  concomitantideologicalbaggageofbeingagentleman;thetypical X squire,noble,clergyman,evenlargefarmer,ofEnglanddidmost  p likelybelieveinpaternalisticideals,atleastupuntilthe 8 timeoftheFrenchWars.   @DidSomeintheEliteBegintoRepudiatePaternalistic,Communal @" Values?  X#   DidtheEnglishlandedelite'sideologybegintochangeaway !% fromthepatriarchal,gentlemanlyethosattheendofthe `"& eighteenthcentury?Clarkwoulddenythis,butitstruthhas (#x' seriousimplicationsfortheirsuccessathegemony.Earlyinthe #@( nineteenthcentury,Mandlermaintains,amajorsectionofthe $ ) landedelitebegantobeheavilyinfluencedbyMalthusianismand % * Classicaleconomics,whichwerecastinaChristianformbysuch H&!+ menasJ.B.Sumner,andpropagatedinasomewhatmore '`", intellectuallysophisticatedmannerbyChalmersandCopleston.  Thebestproofhecitesforthiswasthegenerallackof x resistanceamongthegentryandaristocracyagainsttheNewPoor @ Law,whichhadcentralizingandrationalizingaspectsthat X underminedtheirindividualdiscretionindealingwiththepoor.   Nolongercouldasinglemagistrateorderrelieftobegiventoa  laborer'sfamily.Now,ithadtobeapprovedbytheunion's `  boardofguardians.TheestablishmentofthePoorLawCommission ( x inSomersetHousetohelpadministertheNewPoorLawwasanother  @ steptowardsthekindofcentralismtypicalofFrance,butnot    England.Whywaslandedoppositiongenerallysofeebleagainst    thisweakeningoftheirlocalpowersofcontrol?Partofthis H   resultedfromhowthelandedinterestsstillcouldthoroughly `  controlthelocalboardsofguardians.Thesquiresortheir (  tenantfarmersoftenservedonthem,andtheseboardshadgeneral   practicalautonomyfromSomersetHouse.)   545      ׀Butadditionally,as h  Mandlerconvincinglyargues,duetothepenetrationofthese 0  ideas"turningtheground,"castofteninaChristian H  individualisticformtomakethemmorepalatable,madeitmuch  easierforthelandedelitetoreconcilethemselvestotheNew  PoorLaw,iftheyhadnotbeenthoroughlyconvertedearlier. P Mostoftheassistantcommissionerswhogatheredtheinformation h forthe1834PoorLawReportandhelpedtoimplementitwere 0 landedgentlemen.SuchmenasThomasFranklandLewis,the  leadingCommissionerafter1834andtheputativeauthorofthe p 1817report,andWilliamSturgesBourne,thechairmanoverthe 8 1817committeeandacommissionerin183234,wererural P landowners.Forthesereasons,theimpositionofthe1834Poor  LawAmendmentActcannotbeseenasthealienimpositionof  bourgeoisbelieversinindividualisticlaissezfairecapitalism, X butwaslargelythedirectcreationoftheruraleliteitself.*X   546      ׀  p @HowtheRuralEliteTriedtoHavePaternalismandCapitalism   Simultaneously x!   Sothen,whataretheimplicationsofasubstantialnumber  X# oftheruralelite(thoughprobablynotamajority)beginningto  $ acceptbourgeoisindividualismasanideology?BeforetheFrench !% Wars(17931815),seeingEnglishsocietyascomposedoforders `"& insteadofclassesmakessensesinceonlytheuppermoststratum (#x' couldbecalled"classconscious,"i.e.,ascognizantofitsown #@( interestsanditsdifferencesasagroupfromtherestof $ ) society.Butduetothestrainsintheruralsocialfabric % * causedbywar,continuedpopulationgrowth,thedeclineof H&!+ service,enclosure,theSpeenhamlandandroundsmensystems,and '`", finallytheNewPoorLawof1834,thelaborersgradually '(#- developedasenseofgrievanceagainsttheirrulers,whether (#. squire,parson,orfarmer,outofwhichtheirsenseofclass  consciousnessdeveloped.TheSwingRiotsbythemselves,because x oftheirspontaneous,ratherspasmodicnature,andtheirrather @ minimaldemands,cannotbeseenasproofthatthelaborers X collectivelyhadrejectedthetraditional,paternalisticmodelof   deferenceandreciprocalduties.Swinginsteadshouldbeseenas  adesperateprotestbylaborersdemandingthattheruralelite `  liveuptoitscustomaryobligationstothepoor.AsEvans ( x maintained:"Theriotswereinpartaprotestagainstthe  @ declineofpaternalism."Buttheywereasignthat"businessas    usual"couldnotcontinue,especiallyinthemattersofparish    relief,masspauperization,andrisingpoorrates.Thefearthey H   inducedamongtheruralelitedirectlyleadtothepassageofthe `  NewPoorLawwithitsbanonoutdoorrelieffortheablebodied (  andtheworkhousetest.Thislaw'sunderlying   values--individualistic,capitalisticones--symbolizedthe h  practicalrepudiationoftheruralelite'spaternalismandits 0  obligationstothepoor.AsHobsbawmandRudecommented:"The H  NewPoorLawof1834knockedthelastnailsintothecoffinof  theirancientbeliefthatsocialinequalitycouldbecombined  withtherecognitionofhumanrights."But,crucially,the P landedelitestilldemandedtheritualsandappearancesof h submissionanddeferencefromthelaborers,yetbyincreasingly 0 embracingthevaluesimplicitincommercialagricultureunder  capitalism,theyincreasinglyalsoabandonedtheirdutiestothe p poor.Thelaborersenormouslyresentedthisrentintheimplicit 8 socialcontract,virtuallyallofwhom,especiallyiftheylived P longenoughorlivedinarableareas,woulddependorhad  dependedonparishrelief.Thefirststormymeetingswhenthe  boardsofguardiansundertheNewLawwentoverthelistsof X thosealreadytakingrelief,determiningwhoshouldbestuckoff,  p andtheattacksonworkhouses,avertedandactual,areenoughto 8 illustratehowopposedthemassesinmanyruralareasweretothe   neworder.HobsbawmandRudesummarizewelltheresultsofthe x! Englishruralelitetryingtosquarethecircleofcommercial @" capitalismandgentlemanlypaternalism:  X# 8  [Thelaborers]paidforthefailureofBritishrural !% societytocombinetraditionandcapitalism,forthey `"& gotthebenefitsandhopesofneither.Stretchedon (#x' therackbetweenthepauperisationofacaricatured #@( marketeconomyandthesocialoppressionofthosewho $ ) grewrichfromit,theylackedeventheonlyreal % * resourceoftheBritishlabouringpoor,thecapacityto H&!+ constitutethemselvesasclassandtofight '`", collectivelyassuch.+   547      '(#-   ЇTheNewPoorLaw'spassageandimplementationsymbolizedhowthe  ruralelitedecidedtoalleviatethiscontradictionintheir x societybyleaningmorestronglytothesideofindividualism, @ yet,byleavingthesettlementlawsinplacewithlittlechange X otherthanabolishingayearofserviceasaheadofsettlement,   theywerestilltryingtorigthelabormarketintheirfavor.  @((PaternalismVs.Capitalism:TheTradeOffsbetweenFreedomand ( x Security  @   Fromthesubordinateclass'sviewpoint,whatarethe    advantagesanddisadvantagesofpaternalism?Underthissocial H   system,asubordinateclasstheoreticallymadethebargainof `  choosingtoobeyanupperclassinexchangeforitsprovisionof (  physicalsafetyandgeneralwellbeing.Thesubordinateclass   thustradesfreedomforgreatersecurity,whethereconomicor h  againstcriminals.Withthewaningoffeudalism,thepartofthe 0  bargainconcerningphysicalsafetyandprotectionagainst H  criminalsorinvaderslargely,ifnotcompletely,dropsfrom  view.Concerningthecontractbetweenclasses(though"orders"  maybealessanachronisticterm)theupperclasswouldmaintain P itsprovisionforthepoorwasaprivilege,butinevitablythe h lowerclassmadethatprovidedbycustomaright,makingit 0 hazardousfortheupperclasstochangethetermsofthedeal.  InacomplaintsimilartothatmadebyAmericanmastersabout p theirslaves'actionswhentheydidnotdeferrightlytothemout 8 ofappreciation,Chadwicknotedthat:"Nogratitudeisever P created(forreliefreceivedasaright)towardsanumerousbody,  investedwithacorporatecharacterandofficialfunctions.",X   548      ׀  Sincethepoorhadturnedthecustom--onebasedonlaw,of X course,butthatdoesnoteliminateitsconditionalcharacter  p sincetheupperclasstheoreticallycanalwayschangelaws--into 8 aright,thedesireofsometoabolishthepoorlawoutrightand   endallparishreliefintheearly1830swasdeemedimpractical x! becausetheelitefearedasocialrevolt.Thelaborersaccepted @" thecrustofbreadprovidedbythelocalparishatahighprice,  X# especiallyunderthesettlementlaws'restrictions,becausethey  $ lostmuchoftheirfreedomtochangeemployersandmigrateto !% wherebetterjobs,oranyjobs,wereavailable. `"&   Serviceasaninstitutionalsoreflectsthetradeoff #@( betweenfreedomandsecurityunderpaternalism,sinceitgavethe $ ) farmservantsinvolvedmoresecurity--aguaranteedjob,foodto % * eat,andaplacetostayforanentireyear--atthecostof H&!+ havingmorefreedomtopursueshortertermjobsthatweremore '`", financiallyrewardingintheirgiventimespan,suchasbeinga '(#- migrantharvesterinseason.Jeffriesnotedthelatter (#. advantage,maintainingthatbyhistimeofwritingyoung  farmworkerspreferredthelatteroption:"[Theyounglaborer]is x rarelyhiredbytheyear--hepreferstobefree,sothatwhen @ harvestcomeshemaygowherewageschangetobehighest.Heis X anindependentperson,andfullofyouth[and]strength."Those   inservicewerealsoburdenedbybeingatthebeckandcallof  hisorhermasterpotentiallyallwakinghours,oratleastfor `  allthecustomarytasksdonebyfarmservantsintheirparticular ( x locality.Sincetherisktakingentrepreneurialattitudeof  @ pursuingeconomicopportunitywhereveritknocksisgenerally    weakeramongthepoor,andthedesireforeconomicsecurity    greater,theynormallyresentedthefailureoftheirsocial H   superiorstotakethemortheirteenagechildrenintotheirhomes `  toworkinhusbandry.Thefamilyoforiginwasburdenedwithits (  childrenforalongerperiodintheirteenageyears--butthis   alsoarguablystrengthenedthefamilyasaunit.-   549      ׀Thedecline h  ofservicemadeitnotonlyhardertogainasettlement,but 0  increasedthesocialsegregationbetweenfarmworkersandthe H  farmersandlandowners.Insteadoflivingandeatingtogether  underoneroof,thefarmworkersnowlivedincreasinglyseparately  intheirowncottagesevenwhenunmarried.Itsdecline P undeniablymadeclassrelationsworse,asillustratedbythelack h offarmservantsinvolvedinthe"BreadorBlood"riotsofEast 0 AngliaorSwingitself.  @DDHowtheWaningofPaternalismMadetheLaborers'Class 8 ConsciousnessPossible P   Thewaningofverticalrelationships(clientpatron)andthe  growthofhorizontal,intraclassonesmadethedevelopmentof X classconsciousnesspossible,asSnellandEngelsbothnoted.  p Makinglargenumbersofthelaborersliveontheirownintheir 8 owncottages,oftengatheringthemintolargeopenvillages,   combinedwiththeeffectsofdecliningmigrationtourbanareas x! orevenothernearbyruralparishesinthesouthintheearly @" nineteenthcentury,reducedtheinfluence,control,and  X# supervisionofthedominantclass,becausepaternalismismost  $ effectiveonafacetofacebasis.Subordinatesfinditmuch !% easier(especiallywhenilliterate,etc.)toidentifywiththe `"& interestsofanupperclasswhensomebodyphysicallypresent (#x' aroundthemembodiesandrepresentsit,asNewbyhasstated.A #@( dropincontrolmightnotbeforthegoodofthechildor $ ) teenagerwhowouldhavebeentakenintoservice,asArchnoted: % * "Heearnedmoneyenoughtobeindependentofhismother,andten H&!+ chancestoonehewouldgetintoallsortsofmischief,andthere '`", wasnoonetocontrolhim.Hismasterdidnotcare,asarule, '(#- whathedidoutofworktime."Thislamentillustratesthe (#. essenceofpaternalism:thecontrolsofthesuperiorareforthe h)$/ goodofthesubordinate,evenwhenthelatterdoesnotknowitor 0*%0 appreciateit.Considerthebehaviorofonesquire'sdomestic  servants,whichdescribeswelltheannoyancesthatcomewith x constantsurveillance,evenwhenhehadakindlydisposition: @ "He[thesquire]wasthemeanest[meaning,"stingiest"]master X they[thecoachmanandfootman]hadeverknown;yettheycould   notsaythathepaidlesswages,orthattheywereillfed--it  wasthismeddling,peddlinginterferencetheyresented."The `  relationshipofthefarmservantandfarmerwassignificantly ( x closer,forbetterandforworse,thanthatofmereemployerand  @ mereemployee,onlybroughttogetherbythecashnexusinan    impersonallabormarket..   550      ׀Hence,evenfromthefarmworkers'    viewpoint,someadvantagescamewiththedeclineofservice, H   sinceitincreasedtheirfreedomandreducedthedirect `  supervisionandcontroloftheiremployers,allowingforthe (  developmentofstrongerhorizontalrelationshipsandideasof   selfinterestasacollectiveintheirsubordinategroup,butat h  thecostofgreatereconomicinsecurity,moreunemployment,and 0  worselivingconditions. H  @ThePowerofGiftstoControl,andWhenTheyDoNot    Whentheupperclassmakesgiftstothesubordinateclass h whichitcannotpayback,thepowerofpaternalismismanifest. 0 Asnotedabove(pp.15152)whendealingwithhowtheparson's  charityinArch'sparishofbirthwasapowerfulcontroldevice p forhelpingtokeepthelaborersinline,theabilityofone 8 persontoputothersinhisdebtincreaseshiscontroloverthem, P evenwhentheyarenotlegallyobligatedtopayanythingback.  ThisreasonnodoubthelpedmotivateonewitnesstotheCommittee  onAllotmentstosayhedidnotwanttocreateanarrangementin X whichthelaborerthinksithisrighttohaveanallotment,  p insteadofakindarrangement,duetopassingaParliamentary 8 Act.Butapparentlyfreelygivengiftscomeataprice.The   DukeofWellingtonvoluntarilysupportedonewidownearhis x! estate,evenprovidingherwithacottage.WhenSomervillecame @" tovisittheDuke'sparkinHampshire,hewantedtogoin,but  X# shewasinitiallyhesitanttoallowhiminwhiletheDukewas  $ presentintheparkbecause"shecouldnotdoanything,onany !% account,togivehisGraceoffence."Hudsondespisedthe `"& "servility,hypocrisy,andparasitism"thatgrewuparounda (#x' dominantsquireinavillage,judgingitbettertosufferpoverty #@( withoutgiftsof"thecustomaryblanketsandsackofcoalstoold $ ) women"inordertogain"greatermanlinessandselfdependence % * whenthepeoplearelefttoworkouttheirowndestiny."But H&!+ whenthegiftbecomessomethingautomaticallysuppliedbylaw  throughagovernmentalentity,thesocialeffectsofthe"gifts" x radicallychange.Bythemerepassageofalawproviding @ somethingtosomeone,theyarepronetothinkingovertimethat X theywereentitledtoitasaright--eventhoughthelawcanbe   changedjustasquicklytotakeitawayfromthem,showingitwas  anarbitrarycreation.Forthisreason,rulingclassmembers `  foughtalosingwarwhentheymaintainedthattheallowance ( x systemofsupplementingwagesthroughtheparishwasan  @ "indulgence"tothepoor,inparticulartothedeservingpoor,    notan"entitlement"foreveryone./   551      ׀Becausetheystillhada    deepseateddesiretostandontheirowntwofeeteconomically, H   andnotdependonhandouts,thelaborerscametoresentwhatthey `  neverthelessmaintainedwasaright."Theparishmoneyisnow (  chuckedtouslikeastoadog,"saidoneSussexlaborerinthe   1834PoorLawReport,whichwasfullof(fromtheelite's h  viewpoint)insolent,churlishcomplaintsbypaupersconcerning 0  theirrighttorelief.Sincetheratepayersthemselvesresented H  payingtheincreasingpoorrates,andfoundallsortsofwaysto  deterapplicantsforreliefevenbeforethepassageoftheNew  PoorLaw,thelaborersnaturallyfeltthisnegativeattitude P themselves,andwishedtoreplyinkind.Giftsgivenby h paternalistsintheupperclassclearlylosemuchoftheir 0 abilitytopositivelyinfluencethebehaviorofthesubordinate  classwhentheyareperceivedasaright,whichisespeciallyapt p tohappenwhenguaranteedbylawforlongperiods,aswasthe 8 casefortheTudorPoorLaw.0   552      ׀ P @TheFailureofPaternalismasanIdeologicalControlDevicefrom  C.1795 X   Fromtheupperclass'sviewpoint,thebottomline 8 considerationaboutpaternalismwasitssuccessasasocial   controldevice,especiallythroughideologicalhegemony,because x! thelatterwouldgivethesocialorderlegitimacythrougheliding @" "is"and"ought"together.Whilethisprogramwasreasonably  X# successful(sofarasthethoughtsofaveragepeopleinhistory  $ arediscernable)upuntilabout1795inEngland,itbeganto !% seriouslyfailinthefirstdecadesofthenineteenthcentury,in `"& whichasomewhatinchoatesenseofresentmentanddesperation (#x' begantosweepoverthefarmworkersinsouthernEnglanddueto #@( theeffectsofenclosure,populationgrowth,thedeclineof $ ) service,masspauperizationcomingfromrisingunemployment,and % * skyrocketingincreasesintheirdependenceonparishrelief,not  justinbadyearssuchas18001801or17951796,butroutinely x asamatterofcourse.Theirincreasinglossofeconomic @ independence,definedbothaslossofdirectaccesstothemeans X ofproduction(throughenclosure)andthroughtheinabilityof   laborers'wagestosupporttheirfamilieswithoutsupplements  fromtheparishthroughsuchmeansastheSpeenhamlandand `  roundsmensystems,createdasensethatthepasthadbeenbetter ( x thanthepresent.TheSwingriots,the"BreadorBlood"riotsof  @ EastAnglia,thetraditionalfoodriotsthatoccurredespecially    inbadyears--allthesereflecteddesiresforapaternalistic    economyinwhichtheupperclassreallydidcareaboutthe H   materialneedsofthepoorandforjustpricesandjustwages, `  sincethecrowd'spublicdemandswerenotrevolutionary,but (  generallyhighlylimitedandincremental,evenwhentheyhadthe   coverofanonymitytomakedemands,withlittleuseofoutright h  violence.However,theseprotestsstillsignaledthatthe 0  laborers'mindswerebeginningtoceasetoidentifywith H  individualswithpoweramongtheruralelite,astheemptying  pewsoftheChurchofEnglandtoswelltheranksofDissentand  theindifferenthelpillustrate.1   553      ׀Butalagofabouta P generationbetweenthegrowingrejectionofpaternalismandthe h embracingofclassconsciousnessintheperiodc.17951840 0 occurredbecause,asObelkevitchobserved:  8  Whiletheobjectiveconditionsoftheirliveswere 8 thoseofaworkingclass,subjectivelytheywere P reluctanttoabandontraditionalvalues,andpreserved  acommunaloutlookinaclasssociety.Ifbeing  determinesconsciousness,itdoesnotdoso X instantaneously.Thedecisiveperiodofchangecame  p lateforthelabourers,inthesecondandthird 8 quartersofthenineteenthcentury.2x   554          TheSwingRiotsof183031shouldbeseenprimarilyasdemandsby @" therurallowerclassthattheelitepracticeitstraditional  X# obligationstothepoor,ratherthanadecisiverejectionof  $ paternalism. !% @TTTheLaborers'GrowingClassConsciousness,C.1834to1850 (#x'   Ruralsocialrelationsweredamagedespeciallybythe1834 $ ) PoorLawandearlierattemptstotightenthescrewsonrelief  suchasbyinflictinghumiliatingactsonthepaupers,like x harnessingthemtoparishcarts.Resentmentagainstworkhouses @ wasshownbytheSwingRiotsearlierthemselves,wheretwowere X pulleddownatSelborneandHeadley,Hampshire,andbythe   generalresistanceagainstbuildingthemlater,especiallyin  northernEngland.Onewitnesstoldin1853aParliamentary `  Committeethat:"Myfirmpersuasionis,thattheseworkhouses ( x [inSuffolk]mighthavebeenpulleddownornearlydestroyed,if  @ wehadnothadtheassistanceofthepolice."Theattitudes    beneaththeseattackswereillustratedbyonelaborerwhosaid    hisUnionwas"thegreatestcursethateverhappenedtothepoor H   man,"whileonefireengineoperatorheardduringafire,"Unless `  somethingbeabsolutelydoneabouttheseunions,thefireswill (  goon."3   555      ׀TheruralEnglandSomervilletouredinthe1840swas   fullofsullenandresentfullaborers.Shouldathreshingmill h  bebuilt,"theferociouspopulationoftheneighbourhoodwill 0  burndownbarns,cornricks,andall,"eventhoughthe H  Oxfordshirefarmerinthiscasealreadyemployed50percentmore  laborersperacrethananyofhisneighborsandhadgreatly  improvedtheland.Anotherfarmer,inBuckingham,ifhedidthe P same,fearedsimilarresults,andthenhecouldneverrest"on h hispillow,himselfnorfamily,inpeace."Whiletravelingin 0 England,hefound,whenraisingthepossibilityofenclosingany  commonsofsizetolaborersnearby:"inallcasestheyreply p withabitternessexpressiveofnomilderbeliefthanthatthey 8 thinkmeanagentofsomeoneabouttorobthem,abouttoinvade P theirlittleprivileges,anddespoilthemofanindependence  which,evenifnotworthapenny,theywouldstillcherish."One  Wiltshirelaborerheencounteredontheroad,alreadyquoted X above(p.286)forhisespecialresentmentagainstthefarmers,  p plainlythoughtinclassterms.Merelyuponthesightof 8 Somervilleappearingrelativelywelloff,hecondemnedhim   withoutknowingwhohewas: x! 8  "Ah!youbeapreciousloto'hardscrewsonapoor  X# man,thewholelotofyou.""Whichlot?Youseemto  $ includeme,andyetyoudon'tknowwhoorwhatIam?" !% "Don'tIthough?Iseeyouha'gotagoodcoatonyour `"& back,andafacethatdon'tlooklikeanemptybelly; (#x' therebenohungerlookingoutatweenyourribsI'll #@( swear.Youeitherbeafarmerorsomebodyelsethat $ ) livesonsomebodyelse."4x   556      % *   ЇAsshownbytheseconditionsofsocialunrestplainlyjust  underneaththesurface,classconsciousnessdevelopedamongthe x laborersduetotheaccumulatedgrievancestheyhadagainstthe @ ruralelite,showingpaternalism'sfailuretoideologicallyhold X theirminds,eveniftheoutwardsignsofdeferencemaylargely   stillhaveheld.5   557        @ddWhentheLaborersasaClassInItselfBegantoActForItself ( x   Thedecisivesteptofullclassconsciousnessamongthe    farmworkershadtowaituntilthetimeoftheformationof    farmworkers'unions,beginninginthe1860s,culminatingin H   Arch'sAgriculturalLabourers'Unionofthe1870s,especiallyto `  theextentitinvolvedthefarmworkersseeingtheirfortunes (  linkedtourbanartisans,miners,domesticoutworkers,or   industrialworkers,i.e.,theworkingclassasawhole.To h  appropriatesomeofMarx'slanguage,itwasonlythentherural 0  laborersasaclassinitselfreallybeganactingforitself, H  withleadersraisedfromitsownrankssuchasArchwho  articulateditsinterests.6    558      ׀Itisonethingtohavealotof  sullenlaborerswhoareresentfuloffarmers,parsons,squires, P andaristocrats,whoincreasinglyrealizeatsomeleveltheyare h gettingtheshaftasgroupfromsomeothergroupinsociety, 0 whichwasthegeneralconditionofthelaborersbetweenc.1795  and1870sufferingunderthepressuresofenclosure,thedecline p ofservice,themasspauperizationoftheOldPoorLawandthe 8 workhousetestsoftheNew.Itisquiteanotherforthisgroup P toriseup,organizeitselfatleastsomeformally,andmake  demandsofitsrulersonawidespreadscale,whichitwastodo  throughfarmworkers'unionsinthe1860sand1870s.Muchofthe X baggageofpaternalismhadtobedropped,whichwasagradual  p processfromthemid1790suntilthepassageoftheNewPoorLaw, 8 whichshowedtherulingclasshadlargelyabandonedthoseideals   itself.Thelaborers'classconsciousnessgrewrapidlyasthey x! begantodiscardpaternalismasanideologicalconstruct @" themselvesaftertheirsocialsuperiorsmanydidthesame.The  creepingrealizationcameoverthebulkoflaborersthatlittle x positivecouldbegenerallyexpectedfromtheruraleliteof @ aristocrats,squires,parsons,andlargefarmersasagroupto X helpthemoutoftheirplight,evenifscatteredexceptions   existed,suchasthegreataristocratswhoworkedatimproving  thecottagesontheirestates,mentionedabove(pp.7173)inthe `  sectiononthestandardofliving,orthosewhogaveallotments ( x earlyon,suchastheEarlofWinchilsea.Atthisstage,  @ paternalismincreasinglybecamemereemptyrhetoricwithoutmuch    realityofoutgoingconcernforthelowerclassesbackingit    up.7   559      ׀OnewitnessproclaimedtotheCommitteeonAllotmentsin H   1843that"therearenobetterdisposedpersonsintheworld `  towardsthepoorthanthelandedproprietorsofEngland,"while (  anotherinaletterextractsaidthatprovidinggardenallotments   was"amostimportantone[matter],mostespeciallytothe h  landowners,whomustnaturallyhavethewelfareofthelaboring 0  classesmuchatheart."8   560      ׀InthecountrysideSomervilletoured H  insouthernEngland,theseproclamationswouldhaverang  especiallyhallow,as"faithwithoutworks."EventhoughArch  himselfmaderepeatedstatementsaboutthefarmersandlaborers' P interestsbeingfundamentallyone,whichdisplayedsomeremnants  oftheoldpaternalisticideology(muchlikeCobbett,whose x Toryismnevertotallydied),hisautobiographyissaturatedwith @ asenseofclassconsciousness.Thisclassperspectivewasthe X basisfortheinitialsuccessesofhisunioninorganizing   workers,evenifitsmembershipnevercomparedanythingneara  majorityofallfarmworkersinEngland.Themereexistenceof `  classconsciousnessdemonstratestheeventualfailureofthe ( x ruralelitetomaintainideologicalhegemonybytheendofthe  @ periodwithwhichthisworkismostlyconcerned(1875).9   561          @AComparisonofRespectiveEliteControlStrategies:Slaveowners H   andSquires `    ThegoalsofslaveownersandtheEnglishruralelitewere   fundamentallythesame:togainlaborservicesfroma h  subordinateclassatleastcosttoitselfinmoneyand 0  surveillancetime.Nowsometrulypracticedpaternalismcanbe H  foundinbothcases,inwhichtherewassomesacrificeofprofit  oradvantagetothesubservientgroupbysomemastersorEnglish  landowners.Nevertheless,withhumannaturebeingwhatitis, P selfinterestinevitablyprevailsastheleadingupperclass h objective,althoughthismaymanifestitselfbyseekingprestige 0 orpowerinsteadofprofits.Botheliteclassesproclaimed(or  allowedtobeproclaimedinitsname)acommunitarianpaternalism p asitsideology,althoughthiswasparticularlyshallowor 8 unlikelyamongthesmaller,recentlyestablishedAmerican P plantersininteriorregionsoftheSouth,andhadevenwornthin  amongmanyintheEnglishruraleliteinthefirstdecadesofthe  nineteenthcentury.Bothelitesfacedafundamental X contradictionbetweenthevaluesofcapitalisticcommercial  p agricultureandpaternalism,wheretheelitewastoprovide 8 protectionandsecurityinreturnfortheobedienceofthe   subordinateclassaspartoftheimplicitsocialcontract.Since x! themarketincapitalismrulesovertherulingclasses,andits @" economicpowerandvariablenesscanneitherbecontrollednor  X# deniedinthelongrun,theslavesandlaborersweremade  $ promisesbytheirrulersthatcouldnotbekept.Hence,wefind !% theslaveholderssellingoffslavesanddividingfamiliesin `"& timesofbankruptcyandeconomicdistress,whiletheEnglish (#x' elitefoundthattheOldPoorLawwassimplyeconomically #@( incompatibleinthelongrunwithenclosure,thedeclineof $ ) service,andhighlevelsoflaborproductivity,andsoeventually % * terminateditwiththeNewPoorLaw'sworkhouses.The H&!+ individualistic,selfseekingbehaviorassociatedwithcommercial '`", agricultureundercapitalismtendedtoswampthecommunalvalues '(#- proclaimedbypaternalisminthecaseofbothelites.Inmany (#. individualcasestheelite'smemberswerenotalwaysespecially  happyaboutthiscontradiction'sresults.WilliamFord, x Northrup'sexceptionallykindmaster,neverthelesssoldeighteen @ slaveswhenfacingbankruptcyduetobeingsecurityforhis X brother.TherectorofPetworthparish,attackedaspectsofthe   NewPoorLaw,yetadmittedhadhebeenamemberofParliament,he  stillwouldhavevotedforitevenifamendingithadbeen `  impossible.:   562      ׀Havingembracedcommercialcapitalism,the ( x slaveholdersandgentryfacedtherawfactthatitwasnot  @ especiallycompatiblewithpaternalisticobligationstotheir    respectivesubordinateclasses,whichoftenopenedayawninggap    betweenideologyandperformancefromthelatter'sviewpoint,one H   whichintheEnglishruralelite'scasebecamewiderduringthe `  periodsurveyedhere(c.17501875). (    Whilebothelitesexercisedtraditional,facetoface h  authoritywithmembersoftheirsubordinateclasses,theEnglish 0  ruralrulingclasstendedtodothismorethroughtheagencyof H  thestateasamagistrate,whilethesouthernslaveholders,with  theassistanceofoverseers,exercisedtheirauthorityasa  masterontheworksite.Thelatteralsosometimesresortedto P extralegalmeans,suchasparticipatinginmobswithpoor h whites,anoptionbarredtoEnglishgentlemendealingwithsocial 0 inferiors.TheEnglishlandownersweremoreconcernedwith  generalsocialcontrolthroughtheparishandcountyas p governmentalentities,leavingtothefarmersandtheirbailiffs 8 mostoftheimmediatesupervisorytasksofimposingwork P disciplineontheworksite.ButAmericanslaveholders,  especiallyiftheylackedoverseers,weredeeplyinvolvedin  imposingdaybydayworkdisciplineontheslavesandother X supervisoryfunctions.Sincetheyownedtheslaves,andowned  p thepieceofpropertytheyworkedon,theirabilitytocontrol 8 theslavesoffworkinghourswasmuchgreaterthanthatof   Englishlandholdersandfarmersrelativetothelaborers,who x! oftenwenthometosomeopenvillagesomedistanceawayfromthe @" worksite.;   563      ׀BoththeSouthernUnitedStatesandEnglandhad  X# strongtraditionsoflandownersstayinginresidenceontheir  landedpropertyforatleastforpartoftheyear,sotheir x personalinvolvementinmanagingtheirestates,especiallythe @ slaveholders',wasparticularlyhighcomparedto(say)thatof X Frenchnoblesandlandholders,gatheredintoresidenceinParis,   variousprovincialcities,or(before1789)Versailles.Amajor  differencebetweenthetwoeliteswasthattheAmerican `  slaveholdersweremuchmorelikelytousepersonalviolence,such ( x asbycorporalpunishmentoroutrightkillings,includingby  @ extralegalmeans,toimposetheirwillsontheslaves.Sincethe    stateundertheslavecodesdelegatedsomuchpowertomasters    andmistressestouseforceagainsttheirslavesattheirown H   discretion,thisnaturallytendedtospilloverintohelping `  otherslaveholderscontroltheirslavesextralegally.The (  practicalweaknessofthestateinsparselypopulated,recently   settledfrontierregions,wherethepoliceasaprofessional h  institutionweresimplynonexistent,andwhites,richandpoor, 0  werequicktouseviolencetosettledisputesamongthemselves, H  wasanotherreasonforthemtoresortto"judgelynch"during  panicsaboutslaverevoltsorforpunishingslaveswhoattacked  theirownerindividually.IntheEnglishcase,sincetherural P eliteshadconsiderablylessfearofthelaborers'revolting, h especiallybeforethe183031SwingRiots,correspondinglyfar 0 fewer"policestate"measureswerenecessarytocontrolthe  behaviorandmovementsofthelegallyfreelaborers,suchas p throughthepass/patrolsystem.Asthenineteenthcenturydrew 8 on,especiallyaftertheSwingriotsandtheimpositionofthe P NewPoorLaw,thisbegantochange,andthegentryand  aristocracylargelycametoseetheadvantagesofhavingrural  policeonthemodelofLondon's"bobbies"orFrance'sgendarmes. X Nevertheless,theamountofviolenceemployedandblooddrawn  p routinelybytheEnglishruralelitewasfarlessthanthatby 8 Americanslaveholders,astheirrespectivetreatmentsofthe   SwingriotersandtheTurnerrevoltersdemonstrates,whether x! legallyor(especially)extralegally. @"   Beingemployingcapitalists,albeitinagriculture,the  $ Englishruralelitehadtheadvantageofbeingabletousemuch !% moreinthewayofpositiveincentivesthantheAmerican `"& slaveholderscouldpossiblyhopeto,evenunderthetasksystem. (#x' Themotiveforthelaborerstoworkwaswages,whilethatforthe #@( slavesinevitablycamedowntothelashorthefearofit,when $ ) thethreattodissolvetherecalcitrantbondsman'sfamilywasnot % * used.Thelaborershadtosupporttheirfamiliesindependently, H&!+ whiletheslaves,beingprovidedautomaticallywithsustenance '`", regardlessofworkperformance,hadfarlessofapositive, '(#- internalmotivetowork.Thisdifferencedidnarrowconsiderably (#. towardstheendoftheOldPoorlaw,undertheSpeenhamlandand h)$/ roundsmensystems,becausetheparishpromisedtosupport 0*%0 directlymuchofalaborerandhisorherfamily'sneedsthrough *H&1 allowances,regardlessofanygivenlaborer'sworkeffort.But, +'2 aslaborproductivitybegantofallandthepoorrateshad ,'3 enormouslyrisenbythe1830sfromthe1770s,theEnglishelite  reimposedthefullpoweroffiringemployeesbythepassageof x theNewPoorLawandtheworkhousetestfortheablebodied.<   564      ׀ @ Thepowerofthechiefweaponofworkdisciplineunder X capitalism,dismissingemployeesforpoorperformancewiththe   consequentlossofwagestosupportthemselves,hadbeenrestored  bythefearoftheworkhouse,butthistoolwassimply `  unavailabletoslaveholdersbytheverynatureofthesystemthey ( x hadcreated.Slaveholderscouldsellrecalcitrantslaves,but  @ thiswasamuchmoretroublesomeprocessthanfiringanemployee,    andthemerefacttheseslaveswerebeingmarkedasundesirable    loweredtheirsalevalue,injuringthenetworthoftheirowners. H   Slaveholdersnecessarilyhadtousemuchmorephysicalforce, `  suchasbycorporalpunishmentandoccasionalkillingspour (  encouragerlesautresbyexample,togettheirslavestowork   thanEnglishfarmers,whobydismissingtheirlaborersamidstan h  overstockedparishlabormarkettofacetheworkhouse,migration, 0  orpossiblestarvation,didnotneedtoemployhighlevelsof H  violenceonthejobtocreateanincentivetothemtowork.The  fundamentaldifferenceherelayinhowthelaborers,asemployees  paidonlyastheyperformedacertaintask,hadanatural P incentivetowork,whiletheslaves,beingprovidedautomatically h withthenecessitiesoflifesuchasfood,shelter,andclothing, 0 hadtobecompelledtoworkbytheirowners.Incentives  necessarilyremainedsupplementalinthecaseofcontrollingthe p slaves,suchaspayforSundaysandlatenights,whilethesein 8 theformofwagesremainedthedominatingmotivatorforthe P farmworkers,whoreceivednothingtosustainthemselvesifthey  didnotwork,exceptincaseswheretheOldPoorLawprovided  themstraightreliefrequiringnowork.Soevenwhenthe X laborerswerenotpaidbypiecework,therestillremained  p positiveincentivestoworkfortheirfarmeroremploying 8 landlordbythemerefactofthembeingpaidforwhattheydid.     Thesetwoelitesdideventuallyenduptakingdifferent @" approachestousingknowledgetocontroltheirsubordinate  X# classes.Asdiscussedabove(pp.1079)inthesectiondealing  $ witheducation,elitescancontrolusingsheerignorancetheir !% subordinateclass,ortheycanuseskewedknowledge.The `"& slaveholders,withoutquestion,usedignorancetocontroltheir (#x' bondsmen,asshownbytheirlegalwaragainstslavesgaining #@( literacy.WhilethismodeldidtemptanumberofEnglish  landholders,intheendtheyoptedtoprovideeducationbythe x statetothelaborers.Anyway,theyhadallowedonapiecemeal @ basissomelaborerstobetaughtinschoolsrunsbytheclergyor X otherindependentschoolmasters.Sincethelaborerswerelegally   free,andEngland'sProtestantcultureplacedapremiumon  learningtheBible,itwasdifficulttodenythemliteracy. `  Besidesthecontentofthecurriculum,theschoolcouldalso ( x teachpunctualityandasenseofdisciplinedtime,suchashow  @ theMethodistSundaySchoolsinYorkmadethefirstruleforthe    childrentorememberwastoarrive"afewminutesbeforehalf    pastnineo'clock."=   565      ׀WhiletheantebellumSouthwasaboutas H   ProtestantasEngland,thedangersofrebellion,forgedpasses, `  andgeneraldiscontentcomingfromgreaterintellectualawareness (  werejudgedsogreatthatthesouthernelitewillinglyjunkeda   keytenetofProtestantismtokeeptheirsubordinateclassin h  line.Sincetheslave'sfreedomofreligionwaslegallytotally 0  dispensableatthechoiceofhisorherownertobeginwith, H  theirelite'sdesireforselfpreservationtrumpedtheirfaith.    Howmuchsuccessdidthesetwoeliteshaveatideological P hegemonywiththeirrespectivesubordinateclasses?Muchofthis h hastoremainunknowable,becausethethoughtsofaveragepeople 0 oftenwereonlyfortuitouslypreservedinthedocumentationnow  availabletoustoday.Mostofwhatlittlethesubordinate p classesinquestiondidsaythatwaspreservedisinthepublic 8 transcript,whichthedominantclasslargelyshapesandcontrols. P Thesocialsiteswherethesubordinateclassspokefreelyamong  themselves,outoftheearshotoftheirmastersoremployers,  rarelyproducedanyrecordsavailabletoday,althoughtheslave X narrativesandworkers'autobiographiesaretheclosestexception  p tothisrule.Anotherdistortionexistswhenjudginghow 8 successfulthesetwoeliteswereathegemony:Becausetheslaves   wereunderamuchmorerestrictiveregime,theirmaskwas x! typicallythickerthanthatofEnglishlaborers.Itishardto @" imagine,forexample,awhiteslaveholderbeingsubjectedtothe  X# verbalabuseHawleyexperiencedwhiletravelingtheroadsfrom  $ semiemployedpaupersworkingalongthem.Theslaveholder !% insultedbyslaveswould,especiallywithSouthernwhites `"& possessingsuchanoverdevelopedsenseofdefendingpersonal (#x' honoragainstinsults,likelyalightfromhiscarriageand #@( performapublicwhippingonthespot,asBarrowdidonce,or $ ) otherwisereporttheoffensetotheslave'smastertodealwith, % * withlikelysimilarresults.>    566      ׀Theriskstoaslaveforspeaking H&!+ outwasconsiderablyhigherthanthatforalaborer,apoint '`", whichisdealtwithinthesectiononresistancebelow:Theone '(#- couldbewhipped,soldawayfromhisfamily,possiblyeven  killed,whilethelaborermightfacelossofjob,blacklisting, x andselfimposedexiletofindmorework,perhapsprisoninsome @ casesforsedition.AnothercloudingissueScottdescribeswas X thesubordinateclass'smanipulationsoftherulingclass's   ideology,suchastheformerinstrumentallyproclaimingits  loyaltytothelatter'sidealstogetsomethingoutofthem, `  whileprivatelydenyingtheseideasamongthemselves(cf."rebels ( x inthenameofthetsar.")  @ @HowMuchSuccessDidTheseTwoElitesHaveatHegemony?      Grantedtheabovedisclaimer,whataretheindicationsfor `  thesetwoelites'successathegemony?IntheEnglishcase, (  judgingespeciallyfromthedemandstypicaloffoodriotersin   timeofdearthandtheSwingRioters'minimalisticdemands,the h  paternalisticmodelappearedtobelargelyacceptedbythe 0  laborersatleastpriortotheFrenchWars,andatleastinpart H  forsometimeafterwards.Thecrowdsappearedtodemandits  practicalimplementationbytheelite,notaradicaloverturning  ofsocietyinthenameofegalitarianismwithequalrightsand P equalpropertyforall.Evenwiththecloakofanonymity h protectingtheauthorsofSwingletters,etc.,theEnglishcrowds 0 andriotersdidnotdemandthelandofthegentryand  aristocracy.Ittookthepilingupofoffensesoveroneortwo p generations,suchasenclosure,thedeclineofservice,mass 8 pauperization,underemployment,andunemploymentundertheOld P PoorLaw,and(especially)theworkhousetestsoftheNew,before  thelaborersrealizedasaclasstheruralelitesasaclasswere  notgoverningintheirinterests,andsawthegapgrowbetween X paternalisticrhetoricandpracticalactionsthathelpedthem.  p Contributingtothischangewastherepudiationofcommunal 8 paternalisticvaluesofasubstantialpartoftheruralelitein   favorofindividualismandcapitalismundertheswayof x! MalthusianismandClassicaleconomics.Asthelaborerscameto @" realizeovertimetheirsocialsuperiorshadrepudiated  X# paternalismlargelypracticallyandevensomeideologically,  $ symbolizedbytheNewPoorLawof1834anditsimplementation, !% fullclassconsciousnessbegantoappear,whichwasoutwardly `"& shownbyunionismdevelopingamongthefarmworkers,especiallyby (#x' thesuccessesofArch'sunioninthe1870s.Thefailureofthe #@( elite'shegemonicobjectivesisdemonstratedbytheextentclass $ ) consciousnessexistsamongthesubordinateclass,whichhad % * becameplaininthemidnineteenthcenturyEnglishcountryside. H&!+   Inthecaseoftheslaves,twoavailablehistoriographical '(#- modelsforhegemonyexist.?   567      ׀OneisFogelandEngerman'sconcept (#. thatbourgeoisindividualisticslaveholderssuccessfully  inculcatedbondsmenwiththeProtestantworkethic.Thesecond, x andmorepersuasive,isGenovese'smodelofpaternalism,of @ reciprocaldutiesbetweentheenslaversandtheenslaved.Both X models,butespeciallyFogelandEngerman's,areunderminedby   thecentralityofviolenceandforcebeingusedtocontrolthe  slaves.IfBarrow'sslavesreallydidhaveandpracticethe `  Protestantworkethic,whydidhehavetowhipthemsooften? ( x Whydidmastersandmistressesalmostuniversallycomplainabout  @ theshamminganddeceitfulbehavioroftheirhumanchattels?But    FogelandEngerman'smodelstillhastheadvantageofidentifying    theideologyofthetypicalslaveholdermuchmoreaccuratelythan H   Genovese's.Genovesefacestheproblemofprovingthatthebulk `  ofslaveholders,especiallytheplantersoftheinteriorareasof (  theSouthawayfromtheAtlanticSeaboardandNewOrleans,really   hadthevaluesofcommunalpaternalisminsteadofselfseeking, h  individualisticcapitalism.Iftheelitedoesnotholdcertain 0  values,oronlyholdsthemveryshallowly,asmererhetoricto H  deceivetheunderlings,itsabilitytoinculcatethemintolatter  iseithercompletelydestroyedorseriouslylimited.Itishard  tosuccessfullyteachvalueswhichonedoesnotbelieve,orlive, P oneself.WhileGenoveseisawarehowtheslavesdidmanipulate h theirmastersandmistresses'ideologyfortheirownpurposes,by 0 turningcustomsintorights,theimplicationsofScott'smodel  areominousforhisanalysis,becausetheslaveshadtowear p thickermasksthanlaborersdidbecauseoftheimportanceof 8 violentcoercionasadisciplinetoolunderslavery.Becauseof P themuchgreaterbrutalityofthesystem,whetherthrough  corporalpunishmentonthejob,executionscarriedoutbythe  judicialsystem,orhangingsbyawhitemob,orthedevastation X wroughtbymanipulatinganddestroyingfamilybondsinthename  p oflabordisciplineand/orprofit,itismuchhardertobelieve 8 theslaveswouldaccepttheimplicitsocialcontractbargain   theirrulingclasshadmadewiththem,comparedtothatbetween x! thefarmworkersandtheEnglishruralelite. @"   Imaginingayoung,teenagedEnglishfarmservantthinkingit  $ isagooddealtohaveguaranteedfood,shelter,andajobfor !% oneyearinexchangeforbeingatthebeckandcallofhis `"& master,thefarmer,muchofthewakingday,isfairlyeasy. (#x' BelievingSambowouldfindbeingpermanentlyboundbyanaccident #@( ofbirthtothisorthatwhitemaster,whomaywhiphim $ ) mercilessly,orsellhiswife,hismother,hischildren,etc. % * awayfromhimforanyreason,wasagoodbargainismuchless H&!+ plausible.Hecouldeasilyseefromhowhiswhitefamily,his '`", overseer,thepoorwhitesnearby,and/orfreeblackslived,the '(#- advantagesoflibertyasopposedtoslavery.Themassesof (#. slaveswhofledwheneveranarmyhostiletotheSouthernwhite h)$/ elite'sinterestswasnearbyduringtheRevolutionaryandCivil  Warsaregoodevidenceforthis.Doubtless,thepaternalistic x ideologydidmakesomeactualconvertsamongdriversandthe @ domesticservantsespecially,aswellasamongtheslaveswhohad X beenownedbygreatplantersoveraperiodofgenerationsinlong   settledregionsalongtheAtlanticSeaboard,butitisunlikely  itwasreallyacceptedinthemainbymostslavesotherthan `  tacticallytogetsomethingoutofthewhitesandbeyondoutward ( x behavioralsignsofdeference,suchasnotlookingthemasterin  @ theface.Partoftheessenceofpaternalismisforthe    subordinateclasstoidentifyitsinterestswithitsmaster'sin    apersonalway,whilethesuperiormaintainssocialdistanceto H   avoidlosingrespectofthesubordinatethrough"fraternization." `  ItismucheasiertoimagineEnglishlaborersidentifyingwith (  theirfarmerorsquire,atleastbeforec.1795,thanthetypical   slavewithhismasterbecauseoftheendemicviolenceandfamily h  divisionsmanymastershadtoinflicttomaintainorderor 0  financialsolvency,whiletheEnglisheliteavoidedemploying H  anywhereasmuchforce,andmostlyonlymanipulatedfamilybonds  totheextentalaborerappliedforparishrelieffromasystem  tiedtotheworkhousetest.Inshort,communalpaternalism P becomesamoreplausiblepossibilityforthemassestoaccept h ideologicallythemoretheeliterespectstheprivileges/rights 0 ofthesubordinateclasstobeprotectedfromcriminalsand  economicinsecurity.Fortheslaves,thecostsoftheirmasters p andoverseers'particularbrandofpaternalismunderslaverywas 8 farhigherthanthatrequiredbyEnglishfarmeroftheEnglish P farmworkerinservice,oreventhesquireandparsoningeneral  deference.AlthoughScott'sobjectionsaboutthemasses  manipulatingtheelite'sideologytheoreticallyapplytoboththe X EnglishlaborerandAmericanslave'scasesequally,thereis  p reasontobelievethepaternalisticideologymademuchgreater 8 inroadsamongthelaborersthantheslavesintheperiodpriorto   theFrenchWars,andthentheEnglishruralelitelostwhat x! hegemonytheyhadduetotheiractions,causingclass @" consciousnesstodevelopinthefirstthreequartersofthe  X# nineteenthcentury.  $ 6.ONRESISTANCEBYASUBORDINATECLASS `"& @ $TheInfrapoliticsofDailyLife #@(   Foranysubordinateclass,daytodayresistance,not % * spectacularrevoltsorrebellions,dominatetheirlives.The H&!+ smallvictoriesanddefeatsofinfrapoliticscomingfromthe '`", ongoingstrugglebetweenthesubordinateclassandthedominant '(#- classoftenhaveasignificantbearingonthelevelofcomfort (#. theformerhas,andsocannotbedismissedasirrelevant. h)$/ Whethersomeone,aslaveorfarmworker,hasastomachfullor 0*%0 emptyonagivennight,baseduponthesuccessfulorunsuccessful *H&1 theftoffoodorpoachingofgame,isamatterofparticular +'2 importancetohimorher.Suchdailystrugglesoftendonot ,'3 receivethejournalisticandhistoriographicalinkthat  spectacularrevoltsandriotsdo,butoftenhavemoredirect x bearingonthelivesofthesubordinateclassinquestion. @ Indeed,enoughlittleguerrillaattacksontheprerogativesof X thedominantclassmayendupunderminingsomeprincipalaspect   ofthewaytheyexploitthesubordinateclassiftheelitedoes  notworktocontinuallyenforceit.Forexample,totheextent `  poaching(inthecaseoftheEnglishfarmworkers)orpilfering ( x fromthemaster'sstock(moreanAmericanslaveissue)becomesso  @ banalandroutinefromsomanyviolationsofthedominantclass's    laws,thenthoselawsincreasinglyceasetoexistaspractical    realities.Lawscanbedestroyedbythedeathofathousandcuts H   duetothesubordinateclass'sexertionofcontinualpressure,as `  itprobesforweaknessesinthedominantclass'sstrengthand (  willtoenforceitsprerogatives,unlessthelatterpushesback   justassteadilythroughsurveillanceandforce.Sincethe h  dominantclass,atleastwhenunifiedandnotthreatenedby 0  foreigninvaders,normallycanwinanydirectfrontalattackson H  itsprerogativesbythesubordinateclass,thelattertendsto  resorttocircuitous,coverttacticstogainitsendsanyway.In  thecaseofAmericanslavesinparticularcomparedtotheirLatin P AmericanandCaribbeanbrethren,significantrevoltswererare h events,especiallyintheperiodthisworkanalyzes.Besidesthe 0 complicatedcaseoftheSeminoleWar,actualinsurrectiononly  occurredtwicebetween1750and1865:Turner'sin1831andthat p nearNewOrleansin1811.TheabortiveconspiraciesofGabriel 8 Prosser(Virginia,1800)andDenmarkVesey(SouthCarolina,1822) P receivelotsofattention,butnevergotofftheground.  Similarly,althoughtheSwingRiotsof183031wereimpressivein  theirnationalscope,theEnglishfarmworkerssimplydidnot X regularlytaketomakingfrontalassaultsenmasseagainstthe  p ruralelite.Becauseoftheseconsiderations,thissection 8 emphasizesthedaytodayresistance("infrapolitics")ofthe   slavesandfarmworkerstotheirrespectiveelites,notthe x! spectacularrevoltsorriotsthatmaderulingclassesquiverin @" theirbootsforsomeshortperiodsoftime,butwhichlargely  X# cametonoughtintheend.@   568        $ @AnalyticalProblemswith"DaytoDayResistance"(Infrapolitics) `"&   Afterlistingsomeactstypicalofit,Genoveserather #@( skepticallyviewsdaytodayresistancethus: $ ) 8  Stealing,lying,dissembling,shirking,murder, H&!+ infanticide,suicide,arson--qualifyatbestas '`", prepoliticalandatworstasapolitical....[It] '(#- generallyimpliedaccommodationandmadenosense (#. exceptontheassumptionofanacceptedstatusquothe h)$/ normsofwhich,asperceivedordefinedbytheslaves,  hadbeenviolated.x   Whileheadmitsthatseeminglyinnocuousactivities,suchasa X blackpreacher'ssermononloveanddignity,couldserveas   groundworkforpoliticalactionbystrengtheningthecohesionof  thesubordinateclassagainsttheirmasters,hedeniessuch `  activitiesaredirectly"political."FogelandEngermanare ( x similarlyskeptical,whileusingratherdifferentpremises.They  @ argue,againstStamppinparticular,thatcharacterizingthe    slaves'behaviorasconsistingofstealing,lying,dissembling,    shirking,etc.,effectivelyconcedesthetraditionalstereotypes H   ofblacksunderslavery.Thedifferencemerelywasitgavethese `  actsanonracist,nongeneticinterpretation,maintaining (  resistanceagainsttheirownerscausedthem:   8  [HerskovitsandBauerandBauer]hadmerelyarguedthat 0  lazinessandirresponsibilitywerereallyformsof H  resistancetoslavery.Stamppgavethisresistancea  moraltwist.Ineffect,heattributedtoslavesthe  moralityofabolitionists.Indoingsohenotonly P gavetothoseengagedinresistanceapolitical h consciousnessthatDouglassdidnotfindamonghis 0 fellowbondsmen...hesimultaneouslycastastainon  thosewhostrovetoimprovethemselveswithinthe p system.Stampp'ssecondpathalsoledhimtoconcede 8 thetruthofPhillips'sdescriptionofthebehaviorof P blacks,buttoarguethatitwasthesystemratherthan  racewhichwastoblame.   Strikingly,theyarguethatsuchlowintensitytypesof  p resistanceshouldbecomparedtohowoftentheseactsweredone 8 byfreeworkers,overandabovetheproblemsofdetermining   actualmotivationandfrequencyforthem.A   569      ׀SoFogeland x! EngermanandGenoveseallshareskepticismaboutdaytoday @" resistance.ButFogelandEngerman'sdisavowalsaremuch  X# strongerbecausetheybelievetheslaveswereimbuedwiththe  $ Protestantworkethic.Althoughtheseargumentsaremadeinthe !% contextofAmericanblackslavery,thesametheoreticalarguments `"& couldbeappliedtoEnglishfarmworkersaswell,withpoaching (#x' addedtothelistoftypicalactsofresistance,andalesser #@( emphasisonshirkingandtheft. $ ) @TheContinuumofResistancefromInfrapoliticstoOrganized H&!+ Insurrection '`",   AgainsttheimpliedtheoryofresistanceheldbyFogeland (#. Engermanand(toalesserextent)Genovese,thestruggle h)$/ manifestedindailyinfrapoliticsispartofacontinuumof  resistancewhichincludesrevolts,riots,rebellions,strikes, x etc.arepartof.Tofocusonthespectacularactsofresistance @ missesalargepartofhowasubordinateclassopposesthe X dominantclass'sdemands,especiallywhentheformerknows   suicidalmostfrontalattacksagainstthelatterare.Resisting  withinaparticularsocialsystem'sbounds,oftenquietly, `  anonymously,andcovertly,doesnotmeanthosesoinvolvedaccept ( x itsoveralllegitimacyortheirpositionasanoppressedgroup.  @ Instead,thismaybetheonlypracticalwaymanymembersofa    subordinategroupcanstrikebackatthedominantgroup,orto    simplymeetsomephysicalneedstherulingclass'slawsor H   customswouldprevent.Sincethemembersofasubordinateclass `  mayusetacticallytheideologyofthedominantgroupto (  accomplishsomeimmediategoal,recordsofthemspoutingelite   ideologydonotprovetheyreallyaccepttheseideaswhen h  offstage,awayfromthepresenceofthemembersofthedominant 0  class.Whileinvolvingsomedoublemindednessanddissembling, H  thathardlyprovesitdidnothappen,sincethegreaterthe  degreeofoppression,thethickerthemasksubordinateclass's  memberswear,andthemoreliesittellstoprotectitselffrom P theheavierextractionsofthedominantclass.Genovese'sgreat h themeconcerningthehegemoniceffectsofpaternalismasan 0 ideologyontheslaves,evenastheytailoredittosuittheir  owninterests,necessarilydeniesthispossibilityatsomelevel, p evengrantinghispointthatgreaterpolitical 8 awareness--organizedclassconsciousness--ismuchmoreclearly P manifestedbytheactsoftheminoritywhoattemptedtorunaway  orfightheadonagainsttheirmasters.B   570      ׀    Sincethementalityoftypicalilliterateslavesor  p farmworkerswasgenerallyratherlimitedduetoalackof 8 education,itisharderforthemtoimaginethemselvesabstractly   aspartofverylargegroupofthousandsormillionswhoneedto x! organizeasagrouptoresistcollectivelythedemandsofanother @" group.Instead,theysawthemselvesandtherelativelysmall  X# numberoffamilymembers,friends,andmembersoftheirgroup  $ theypersonallyknewasbeingoppressedbytheirmasteror !% mastersinsomesmalllocalareainveryspecificways,suchas `"& byalackoffood,whippings,lackoffreedomofmovement,etc. (#x' Theyknewtheconcretesthroughpersonalandlocalexamplesof #@( andabouttheiroverallclass,buttheabstractionslargely $ ) escapedthem,whichplacedabstract,systematicpolitical % * consciousnesslargelybeyondthem,evenastheyweresurely H&!+ consciousofgenerallygettingtheshaftfromsomemasteror '`", farmerwhenreceivingstintedrations,whippings,lowwages,long '(#- hours,etc.Daytodayresistanceamongtheslaves,seeninthis  light,becomesanactperformednotagainstslaveryasasocial x system--eventhoughifaskedoffstagemostslaveslikelywould @ havesaidtheywantedtobefree--asmuchasstrikingback X againstaparticularmasterortryingtogetsomemorefoodto   survivemoreeasily.Togainsomepracticaladvantagewithina  systemofoppressiondoesnotmeantheoppresseddonotobjectto `  theiroverallstateofsubordination,especiallywhenknowing ( x open,frontalattackswerebothfutileandselfdestructive.  @ However,evengrantingthispointofScott'sdoesnotmeanthat    themembersofasubordinateclasshaveafullydeveloped    counterideologyandpoliticalprogramforopposingtheelite's H   demands,whichmeansGenovese'sperspectivemustbetaken `  seriously.Anderson,althoughdeeplycriticalofwhatwasdrawn (  fromthisviewpoint,statedGenovese'spositionthus:   "Resistance,inhisterms,presupposestheformationofideology, h  organizedeffort,andpoliticalingenuity.Resistancerestsupon 0  soundandconsciousmentalactivity;inotherwords,itis H  politicalbrilliance."C   571      ׀InthecaseofAmericanslaves,afully  developedclassconsciousness(onewhichwasacteduponbroadly  inanorganizedmanner)nevercametoexistintheSouth,at P leastinpartbecauseofthegreaterrestrictionsplacedupon h themandthegreaterwatchfulnessoftheirrulingclass,while 0 withthefarmworkers"politicalbrilliance"nationallycame  ultimatelyonlyinthe1870swiththeformationofArch'sunion. p @TheNeedforaSubordinateClasstoWearaMasktoConcealTheir P Knowledge    Thebasicmeansbywhichtheslaves(ormembersofanyother X subordinateclass)resisttheirmastersconcernsdenying  p superiorsinformationthatwouldaidtheirattemptstokeepthem 8 inline.Wearingamaskaccomplishesthisend,inwhichthe   slaveplayedacertainroleandactedacertainwaywhenonstage x! beforehismasters,butacteddifferentlywhenjustamongmembers @" ofhisowngroup,orsomeoneelseperceivedasbeingfriendly.  X# Subordinatespresentacommonfrontagainsttheirmastersby  $ followingacodeofsilence,thuspurchasingcommonprotectionby !% doingso,asGeorgiaplanterCharlesC.Jonesobserved: `"& 8  TheNegroesarescrupulousononepoint;theymake #@( commoncause,asservants,inconcealingtheirfaults $ ) fromtheirowners.Inquiryelicitsnoinformation;no % * onefeelsatlibertytodisclosethetransgressor;all H&!+ areprofoundlyignorant;thematterassumesthe '`", sacrednessofa"professionalsecret":forthey '(#- rememberthattheymayhereafterrequirethesame (#. concealmentoftheirowntransgressionsfromtheir h)$/ fellowservants,andiftheytelluponthemnow,they 0*%0 mayhavethelikefavorreturnedthe[n].   OncetheConfederatetroopsinRutledge'sMountedRifles @ encounteredslaveswhogavethemveryfriendlygreetings.Later X on,aftertheservantofonemasterandConfederateofficersaid   nottotrustthem,hewentbackagain,thistimedressedasa  Federalofficer.Henowfoundtheslavesvolunteeredtoaidthe `  Unionwareffort:"Massa,youcomeforketchrebels?"and"We ( x showyouwheyyoucanketchthirtytonight."Theyshowedor  @ pointedouttohimtheRebelCamp,andadded:"Wekinketch    officerforyouwheneveryouwant'em."Mastersandmistresses    themselvesknewtheirslavesdissembledintheirpresence,but H   foundithardtostop.MaryBoykinChesnutsensedtheambition `  ofDick,thebutler,whoshehadtaughthowtoreadwhenyoung, (  andwhopresentlywouldnotlookherinthefaceastheSouth's   fortunesplungeddownwardsinthesummerof1863: h  8  HeisthefirstNegrothatIhavefeltachangein. H  Theygoaboutintheirblackmasks,notarippleoran  emotionshowing;andyetonallothersubjectsexcept  theWartheyarethemostexcitableofalltheraces. P NowDickmightmakeaveryrespectableEgyptianSphynx, h soinscrutablysilentishe.D   572      0   Dissemblingseriouslyrestrictedtheslaveholders'attemptsto p controltheirhumanchattels,forindividualslavesoften 8 withheldinformationinordertoprotectthemselvesasagroup. P @ $EarlyTraininginMaskWearing    Whereandhowwasthisbehaviorlearned?Youngslaves  p learnedearlyonfromtheirparentsthattheycouldnotgoaround 8 sayingwhateverfirstpoppedintotheirmindsaboutsome   situationontheirplantationorfarm.Ex   573      ׀Clearlyageneraldread x! andmistrustofwhitesdevelopedamongslaves,sincethewhites @" weretheoneswhocouldpunishthem,orturntheminwhenrunning  X# away.F   574      ׀DavidWest,asaslave,wascheatedoutofahalfbushel  $ ofgrainoutofabarrel'sworthbyarichslaveholder.Hehad !% toconsenttotheunfairdeal,because"heknewIwouldnotdare `"& sayanythingaboutit,--thelawwassuchthathecouldhaveme  whipped,ifIweretocontradicthim."Whenyoung,slaves x learnedtheconsequencesofspeakingtheirmindscouldeasilybe @ disastrous,evenwhentheyweredefinitelyright.Asexslave X LeeGuidonofSouthCarolinarecalled:"Theydidn'twantthe   slavestalking'boutthings.OnetimeIgotruffedup,andsayI  sawgoingtofreedom...Mymaputherhandovermymouthlike `  thisandsay,'Youdon'tknowanything'boutwhatyousaying, ( x boy.'"Whenhisfatherandothermenmadeabreakforfreedomas  @ agroup,andthemasterwentonthewarpath,freedwomanMary    Graysonwastoldbyhermother:"Ifanyofyouyoungunssay    anythingaboutanystrangemencomingtoourplaceI'llbreak H   yournecks!"HarrietBrentJacobs'sonhadsecretlyfoundout `  shewashiddenawayinthehousehelivedin,butnevertold (  anyoneaboutit:"Suchprudencemayseemextraordinaryinaboy   oftwelveyears,butslaves,beingsurroundedbymysteries, h  deceptions,anddangers,earlylearntobesuspiciousand 0  watchful,andprematurelycautiousandcunning."WhenKemble H  praisedLondon'scharacter,notinghehadthoroughlyrefusedto  revealhowhehadlearnedtoread,shecomplimentedhimbysaying  "besideshisothergoodqualities,heappearstohavethatmost P unusualoneofallinanuneducatedpersondiscretion."G   575      ׀ h Havingcomefromalifeoffreedominafreesociety,this 0 statementshowsshedidnotrealizethatslaveslearnedsuch  habitsearlyinlifeassurvivalstrategiesforenduringasystem p ofoppression.Themembersofasubordinateclass,especially 8 oneastightlycontrolledasAmericanslaves,naturallylearnhow P towearamaskandtodevelop"discretion,"exceptingforthose  slaves,mainlyamongthedriversandhouseservants,whothrowin  theirlotwiththeirmastersandmistresses,andbecomespiesfor X them.  p @` ` TheCostsofBeingOpenandRemovingtheMask     Whenthemaskdidcomeoffforsomereason,perhapsbecause @" ofanemotionalexplosion,direconsequencescouldresult.  X# Barrownarratesonecasewhereaservantwaswhipped,although  $ onlytwicelightly,because,accordingtohismotherinlaw,"the !% girlforgetherself[whenbeing"saucey"onetime]thoughtshe `"& wastalkingtonegrosAfineComplimentindeed."Thisdomestic (#x' servantgotofffairlylightlyforherapparentcarelessness. #@( Enoughexperiencewiththehighcostsoffreelyandclearly $ ) expressingsomeofthethoughtscontainedinthehidden % * transcriptwereasufficientremindertowary.FreedwomanAnnie H&!+ Hawkins,onceaslaveinGeorgiaandTexas,hadendureda '`", particularlyharshmaster.Whenhedied,sheandhersister '(#- laughed,because"wewasgladhewasdead."Theirmistressthen (#. whippedthemwithabroomstick,buttheemotionalreleasecoming h)$/ fromventingone'sfeelingsandbeliefsopenly"didn'tmakeus  sorrythough."Similarly,exslaveFannieMoore'smotherwas x whippedwithacowhidefordeclaring(inpart):"I'ssaved. @ ...Iain'tgwineagrievenomore.Nomatterhowmuchyouall X donebeatmeandmychildren,theLordwillshowmetheway.And   somedayweneverbeslaves."Despitebeingpunished,shestill  wentbacktothefieldssinging.Barrowwhippedtwoslavesfor `  lyingtohim.Hesaidoneofthem,Margaret,hehadneverknown ( x hertodothisbefore.Southernwhites,eventhemistressesand  @ masterswhoweredailyattendeduponbyblackslaves,simplydid    notknowtheirmindsaswellastheythoughttheydid,sincethe    slaveswishedtoavoidbeingpunished.Theslaves'masks H   systematicallykepttheminthedark,althoughmoreinsightful `  onesamongthem,suchasChesnut,knewverywelltheyroutinely (  concealedmanyoftheirthoughtsfromtheirowners.Olmsted,   afteraskingwhethertheslavesdiscussedfreedomamong h  themselvesandwhetheritwasdonefrequently,wastoldbyone 0  Louisianaslavethatthatwasindeedthecase:"Yes,sir. H  Dey--datis,deysaydeywishitwasso;dat'salldeytalk,  master--dat'sallsir."H   576      ׀Evidently,sinceOlmstedwasneithera  slaveholdernoraSoutherner,thisslavehadlethismaskdown, P calculatingnegativeconsequenceswereunlikely.Forwhilea h subordinateclasshastowearamask,thepsychologicalpressure 0 torevealsomethinginthehiddentranscriptcreatescontinual  temptations,becauseitalwayswantstospeak"truthtopower," p butforprudentialreasonsitsmembersnormallyrefrainfrom 8 doingso,oroftendosoanonymouslyorindeniableandsemi P vagueforms.  @  TheSubordinateClass'sCompulsionstoLie X   Lyingwasroutineaspectofwearingamaskforslaves,for 8 tellingthetruthcouldbecomeverycostlyfortheminthehere   andnow,evenastheirChristianbeliefstoldthemitspotential x! costsinthehereafter.Onetravelerchallengedaslaveholder @" thathewouldcatchacertainslaveinaliebeforeheleft,  X# althoughtheslaveholdersaidthisslave,namedJohn,neverlied.  $ Hegottheslavetoopenupacovereddishbytellinghimnotto !% uncoverit,afterplacingamouseunderit.Itjumpedawayafter `"& heuncoveredit,buthedeniedhehadliftedthecover.Its (#x' disappearanceprovedJohnwouldlie,sothetravelercommented, #@( "Seethere,Johnbeenlyingtoyouallthetime,youjustain't $ ) knowedit."Thecommentbytheslavetellingthisstoryis % * particularlytelling:"AndIreckonheright,'causeushadto H&!+ lie."Becausethecostsofthemaster'soroverseer'shand '`", comingdownonthemcouldbesohigh,slavesroutinelyliedin '(#- ordertoprotectthemselves.Afterayoungslavewhoattendedon (#. herdenieddesiringfreedom,Kemblesaidhedidsobecause"he  comprehendedimmediatelythathisexpressingeventhedesireto x befreemightbeconstruedbymeintoanoffense,andsought,by @ eagerprotestationsofhisdelightedacquiescenceinslavery,to X concealhissoul'snaturalyearning,lestIshouldresentit."   Forsuchreasons,herhusbandmaintainedthat"itwasimpossible  tobelieveasinglewordanyofthesepeoplesaid."I   577      ׀ `    Whilesuchactsareunderstandableundertheconditionsof  @ oppressiontheysufferedunder,maintainingdoublemindednesson    tellingthetruthalwaysextractedacost,forsituationalethics    thatfavorone'sgrouporclassasagainstanotherunderminesthe H   closecalculationsnecessaryinaneconomyandcommunitybasedon `  economiccredibility.Thishabitinflictedlongrundamageon (  thefreedmenafteremancipationandasoldhabits(understandable   intheworldofReconstructionandtheKKK)lingered.Employers h  inacapitalisteconomyneedaccurateinformationtosuccessfully 0  makeprofits,andnaturallydislikehiringordealingwiththose H  whoseunwillingnesstotellthetruthinuncomfortablesituations  underminesthecorporation'sorcompany'sprofitabilityor  abilitytosurvive.Unquestionably,therootsofthispractice P layintraditionalAfricanculturalcustom,asEuropeantravelers h andanthropologistsdiscoveredthroughcaseswherethosetelling 0 lieshadnothingtogainfromdeceivinganother.Itwasregarded  asadiscourtesytotellsomethingtoanotherpersonthatheor p shedidnotwishtohear,seeinghumancomfortasmoreimportant 8 thattellingwhatwasstrictlytrue--themotivebehindmanya P "whitelie"toldtoday.AsGenovesenoted,aftercitingthecase  ofaslavewhofelthehad"liedonhimself"bysayingnice  thingstoanewrelativeofthewhitefamily: X 8  [Thoseethicallytorn]werestrugglingtowarda 8 moralitynecessarytofunctioninamoderneconomyand   society.Totheextentthattheexigenciesofsurvival x! suffocatedtheirimpulses,theydealtcripplingblows @" tothelongrunprospectsfortheblackcommunity,  X# whileprotectingitagainstitsoppressors. $   Condemningtheslavesfortheirelasticmoralityremains `"& difficult,asKembleknew.AftercatchinghercookAbrahamina (#x' lieaboutsomemissingmuttonandgettingrepeateddenialseven #@( thoughthetruthwasobvious,shecommented:"Dirtandlyingare $ ) thenaturaltendenciesofhumanity,whichareespeciallyfostered % *  byslavery.Slavesmaybeinfinitelywrong,andyetitisvery H&!+ hardtoblamethem."J   578         @$ $ WhytheRitualsofDeferenceStillHadMeaning @   Thebehaviorsandritualsofdeferencewereanother   componentofthemasktheslavesworebeforetheirmastersin  particular,andwhitesingeneral.Asdescribedabove(pp.316 `  17),theseritualsarenotwithoutmeaningevenwhentherole ( x playerrejectstheideologyofthesocialsystemheorsheis  @ subordinatedunderanddoesnotrespectaparticularmemberof    theeliteinactuality.Thebalancingactofpaternalism    involvesgettingthesubordinatetobesociallycloseenoughto H   identifywiththeelitememberandhisinterests,while `  simultaneouslymaintainingsocialdistancebetweenthetwothat (  canbelostbythedailycloseintimatecontact--the"familiarity   thatbreedscontempt."Thephysicalactsofbowing,avertingthe h  eyesdownward,touchingtheforelock,etc.allowtheeliteto 0  maintainatypeof"ceremonialpurity"that"sanitizes"the H  "pollution"thatcomesfromhavingcloserelationshipswiththe  subordinateclassthatmight,withouttheserituals,leadto  "uppity"servantsandfieldhands. P   ThroughouttheAmericanSouththeslavesroutinely 0 ridiculouslyexaggeratedtheseritualstodoublydemonstrate  theirapparentsubmissiontotheirmastersandmistresses. p Kemble,whofrequentlywastreatedbylargegroupsofslaves 8 congregatingaroundhertobeg,petition,andpleadalmostasif P shewastheMessiahwhilestayingatherhusband'sestates,knew  fullwellhowtheslaves'desperationtosecureherfavorworked  themupintopatheticscenes.Beinganactressbytrade,she X couldeasilyseehowtheslaveswereplayingarolebeforeher.K    579      ׀  p Whenonawalkwithherhusband,oneslavecomingtowardsthem 8 8  halted,andcausedustohaltstraightinthemiddleof x! thepath,when,bendinghimselfdowntillhishands @" almosttouchedtheground,heexclaimedto[her  X# husband],"Massa----,yourmostobedient;"andthen,  $ withakickandflourishaltogetherindescribable,he !% drewtothesideofthepathtoletuspass,whichwe `"& didperfectlyshoutingwithlaughter...sosudden, (#x' grotesque,uncouth,andyetdexterousagambadonever #@( cameintothebrainoroutofthelimbsofanything $ ) buta"niggar."% *   OnthestreetsofRichmond,Virginia,Olmstedwitnessedthe '`", blackswereoftenwelldressed,whichmadehimcomment:  8  Therewasnoindicationoftheirbelongingtoasubject @ race,exceptthattheyinvariablygavethewaytothe X whitepeopletheymet.Once,whentwoofthemengaged   inconversationandlookingateachother,hadnot  noticedhisapproach,IsawaVirginiangentlemanlift `  hiswalkingstickandpushawomanasidewithit.... ( x theirmannertowhitepeopleisinvariablyeither  @ sullen,jocose,orfawning.L   580           Olmstedpersonallyexperiencedhowtheseritualsofdeference H   couldcreatesocialdistanceundesirably.Once,whenintroduced `  toarespectedblackpreacherandslavedriver,heshookhis (  hand,andsaidhewashappymeetinghim."Heseemedtotakethis   forajoke,andlaughedheartily."AfterOlmsted'sfriendmadea h  slightlyhumorouscomment,thepreacherinitiallyansweredwith 0  somescripturalphrase,"butbeforehecouldsaythreewords, H  begantolaughagain,andreeledofflikeadrunkenman--entirely  overcomewithmerriment."Afterafurtherexchange,clearlynot  intendedasajoke,wherehestaggeredofflaughinghard,Olmsted P commentedthathehadreallydesired"totreathimrespectfully, h wishingtodrawhimintoconversation;buthehadgotthe 0 impressionthatitwasintendedtomakefunofhim,and  generouslyassumingamerryhumour,Ifounditimpossibletoget p aseriousreply."Thisincidentillustrateshowasubordinate's 8 actsofdeferencecouldserveasamask,whichmightnotseemat P alltoconstitute"resistance,"yetstillprotecthimorher.  Theritualsofdeferencehelpedtheslavesconcealtheirtrue  thoughtsfromtheirmastersandmistresseswhilesimultaneously X assuringtheirownersoftheirsubmissiveness.Thisslave  p preachersucceededinevadingaconversationthathethought 8 judgedthreatening,whiledoingsoinawaynotseemingatall   defiant.Thesocialdistancetheseritualscreatedalso x! benefitedtotheslavesasasubordinateclass,sinceaftergoing @" throughtherequiredphysicalactstoputofftheirowners,being  X# sufficientlyappeased,mayavoidfurtherinquiriesintotheir  $ stateofmind.Theyalsocouldsecureahearingabouta !% grievancefromtheirmaster,whentheyactedhighlysubmissively `"& first.M   581      ׀Inaworlddominatedbyunpredictablypassionatewhites (#x' inwhichthewronglook,comment,orgesturecouldleadtoa #@( whippingorevendeath,theslavesdidwhathadtobedoneto $ ) survive,sufferingmuchindignityintheprocess. % * Ї@ Elkins's"Sambo"HypothesisandItsProblems    ItisimpossibletoignoreStanleyElkins's"Sambo @ hypothesis"andthetorrentofhistoriographicalinkunleashedin X responsetoit,whenconsideringthemaskslaveswore.His   thesiscanbebrieflystatedthus:"Sambo,"meaningslaves  conformingtothestereotypicalbehaviorsofbeingchildlike, `  loyalbutundependable,giventolaziness,lies,andtheftas ( x wellassillytalkfullofexaggeration,reallyandcommonly  @ existedonAmericanplantations.Sincegeneticfactorscannot    explainthisstereotype,andLatinAmericanslaveholdersdidnot    seetheirslavesinasimilarmanner,theremustbesomething H   differentaboutslaveryintheUnitedStatesthatcaused"Sambos" `  toexist.Duetoalackofpowerfulcompetinginstitutionssuch (  asthechurchandthecrownthatinLatinAmericaheldthe   planters'financialinterestsasentrepreneursincheck,American h  commercialcapitalismcreateda"closedsystem"thatcutoffthe 0  slavesfromcontactwithfreesocietythrough(inparticular)a H  legalsystem'sslavecodesthatbasicallydeniedthehumanityof  theslavesandmadeemancipationrelativelyhardtoobtain.The  NaziconcentrationcampsduringWorldWarTwowereaclosed P systemthatproducedinfantilebehaviorremarkablylikethatof h "Sambo,"withtheinmatescomingtopersonallyidentifywiththe 0 SSguardsduetotheabsolutepowertheywieldedoverthem.A  similarprocessissaidtohaveoccurredonAmericanplantations, p whereyoungslaveswouldcometoidentifywiththewhitemaster 8 asthechief"significantother"intheirlives,asafather P figuretoallhis"blackchildren."Asaresult,littleserious  resistanceandhatredtowardsthewhitemasterandmistress  existed.WhatbroughtElkins'worksuchattentionwasits X ingeniousharnessingofpsychologicaltheory,inparticular  p Sullivan'stheoryaboutthedevelopmentofasenseofselfbased 8 upontheexpectationsofcertainpowerfulothers(suchas   parents)insomeone'slife,toshedlightonahistorical x! controversy:WeretheslavesasU.B.Phillipsportrayed--lazy, @" lying,undependable,childlike"Sambos"--orasStampp's"white  X# menwithblackskin,"continuallyfullofschemestoresisttheir  $ owners?Elkins'work,likeFogelandEngerman'sTimeonthe !% Cross,hasbeensubjecttowitheringscrutinyfrommanyangles. `"& Itproblemswillbeonlybrieflysurveyedhere.N   582       (#x' Ї  ThecontroversyoverElkins'thesisarisesinconnectionto  whethertheslavesreallywere"Sambos"inpersonality,ordid x theyroleplay"Sambo,"puttingonamaskwhenonstagebeforethe @ whites.Elkins'sleadingmistakecomesfrommakingafairly X closeanalogybetweenconcentrationcampsandplantations.The   mainpurposeforonewastokillpeoplewhiletheotherwasto  exploitpeople,mostofwhomhadtostayaliveinorderto `  profitablyraisecashcrops.Whileslaveholdersdidholdimmense ( x powerovertheirblacksubjects,theirpurposesinusingitwere  @ verydifferentfromtheSSguards',whosebasicobjectivewasto    killoffprisonersbymethodsbothquickandslow.Personality    bending,"brainwashing"effectsonlytakeeffectinextreme H   caseswherethedominantgroupisnotjustouttocontrolthe `  subordinatestoprofitablyexploitthem,butarebentinanight (  anddaytasktoextinguishanypossiblecreviceinwhichthe   subordinatescouldcarveouttheirownsocialsitesawayfromthe h  surveillanceoftheirsuperiorsoranyotherkindoffreedom. 0  OnlyincasessuchastheChineseP.O.W.campsAmericanswere H  keptduringtheKoreanWarorhostagesheldbyterroristsfora  longperiod("theStockholmsyndrome")doesthesubordinateclass  begintobe"brainwashed"into"lovingmaster"andaccept P uncriticallywholesaletheideologyofthedominantgroup.In h totalinstitutionssuchasasylumsandprisonsforcommon 0 criminals,personalitybendingdoesnotoccur--situationsmuch  moreanalogoustoslavery.Slaveholderswerenotouttodestroy p everyvestigeoffreedomoftheslavesassuch,whichwould 8 impracticallyconsumeenormouseffortinsurveillancetimeand P money,buttoobtainthesufficient("optimum")amountof  submissionnecessarytoprofitablyraisecrops.AsFogeland  Engermannoted:"'Perfectsubmission'wastherhetorical X positionofthemasterclass,notitspracticalobjective."Ox   583      ׀  p   TheflawinElkins'useofSullivan'stheoryabout   significantotherslayinfailingtoseetheotherrolesslaves x! playintheirdailylivesbeyondtheoneplayedbeforethewhite @" masterandoverseer.Theyhadsignificantothersintheirlives  X# besidesthewhitesexercisingauthorityoverthem.Inthecourse  $ ofadayorweek,aslavemightbeprincipallyactingasa !% husbandorwife,amotherorfather,anauntoruncle,adaughter `"& orson,abrotherorsister,afriend,aworker,abuyerand (#x' seller,etc.Byseeinghowpoorwhitesand/orfreeblackslived, #@( perhapsinsomecasesworkingwiththemsidebyside,orevenhow $ ) theirwhitemaster'sand/oroverseer'sfamilylived,theyknew  practicallyhowfreepeoplelived,asDavisobserved.Thesocial x spacegiveninparticularbyfamilylife,andthequarters @ generally,preventedanyoveridentificationwiththewhite X master,overandabovethesocialdistanceproducedbythe   ritualsofdeference.Clearly,"alternativeforcesformoraland  psychologicalorientation"didexistfortheslaves,allowingfor `  thedevelopmentofconsciousaccommodationandanautonomous ( x personalitybeneaththefrontslavesputupbeforetheirowner.  @ TheElkinsthesis'sbiggesthurdlelayindenyingslavesused    theirmaskofdeferencetoaccomplishtheirgoalsagainstthe    elite.If"Sambo"wasamaskputontodeceivethemaster,such H   asbyfeigningstupidityorclumsinesstheycouldevadeworking `  oransweringprobingquestions,itjustaseasilycameoffwhen (  amongjustthoseoftheirownsocialgroup,andnotbewhothey   reallywere.Asoneinsightfulplanterwrotein1837: h  8  ThemostgeneraldefectinthecharacteroftheNegro, H  ishypocrisy;andthishypocrisyfrequentlymakeshim  pretendtomoreignorancethanhepossesses;andifthe  mastertreatshimasafool,hewillbesuretoactthe P fool'spart.Thisisaveryconvenienttrait,asit h frequentlyservesasanapologyforawkwardnessand 0 neglectofduty.   Thelevelofviolenceslaveholdersroutinelyemployed 8 demonstratesthat"Sambo"wasamask,certainlynotthegeneral P reality,forAmericanslaves.Also,asLewisobserved:  8  Toviewcomplianceasaconvenientmechanismemployed X byseveralgenerationswouldnecessarilydestroy  p [Elkins']assumptionoftheslave'sinternalizationof 8 the"Sambo"role.Consequently,thepossibilitythat   conformityandcompliancemightbeextortedwithout x! significantpersonalitydistortionisnotconsidered. @" Ifthe"Sambo"rolewereinternalizedthentheuseof  X# forcewouldnothavebeenasprevalentasthe  $ literaturereveals.!%   TheslaveholdingelitedidnotalwaysseetheirslavesasSambos, (#x' andindeedhadtobeselectivelyinattentivetorealslaves' #@( behaviorandmisinterpretingwhattheydidobservetopropagate $ ) thisstereotype.Blassingameseesthepersistentplagueof % * conspiracyandrevoltpanicsthatperiodicallysweptthroughthe H&!+ whitecommunityasshowingthatitsawslavesalsoasdeceitful '`", Nats,concealingbloodthirstydesiresforrevengebehinda '(#- compliantobedientexterior.Ultimately,Elkins'moreextreme (#. versionofhegemony,inwhichnotjustthebeliefsbutthe h)$/ personalityoftheslavesareshapedandmoldedbytheirmasters 0*%0 inthelatter'sdesiredimage,hitsthesamerocksGenovese's *H&1 modelofslaves'acceptingandadaptingpaternalismandFogeland +'2 Engerman'sviewofslavesbecomingimbuedwiththeProtestant ,'3 workethicdo,withitsfailuremerelybeingeasiertoprove.  Thesemiautonomythatslavesachievedindividuallythroughrole x playingamaskandcollectivelythroughtheirculture(especially @ intheirreligion)refutesanyoverarchingthesisofsuccessful X hegemonicincorporationonamassscale.P   584         @ AnActofRoutineResistance:Stealing `    Oneofthebiggestmanagementheadachesmastersand  @ mistressesfacedwastheftoftheirpropertybysomeoftherest    ofit.Slavesstoleaboveallfood--corn,pork,hogs,chickens,    fruit,evenpumpkins--allwerefairgame.Money,household H   possessions,evencottonwerealso"appropriated."Q(    585      ׀OnceBarrow `  complained:"Mynegroesorsomeothersaredeterminedweshall (  nothaveanyChickens."Fieldhandsfacedgreatertemptationsto   stealthanhouseservants,becausethelattergenerallybenefited h  fromthewhitefamily'sleftovers.Theslaveholders'general 0  responsetotheirslavesstealingwaspredictable.Theywatched H  todetectandpreventthievery,andpunishedthosecaught.  Barrowwhippedanumberofslaveswhostolefromhim,including  fieldhandsforhogsthatturnedupmissingandhouseservants P whobrokeintohisstoreroom.Onedayhestoppedthree--probably h nothisown--fromgoingtotowntosellcornmeal.Hesetupa 0 nightlypatroltocatchchickenthieves,andhadstandingorders  foranightwatchof"twoormoremen.theyareanswerableof p alltrespassescommittedduringtheirwatch,unlesstheyproduce 8 theoffender.orgiveimmediatealarm."Healsoprohibitedhis P slavesfromsellinganything"withoutmyexpresspermission"  partlybecausethey"wouldbetemptedtocommitrobberiesto  obtainthingstosell."RH    586      ׀Prohibitingslavesfromsellinggoods X wasameasuredesignedtounderminetheillicittrafficthrough  p whichpoorwhiteswouldencourageslavestostealhogs,corn, 8 cotton,orotheragriculturalproducetoexchangeforliquoror  money.Thisblackmarketwasamajorproblemforplantersand x farmersthroughouttheSouth.S   587      ׀ExslavesJosephSanfordand @ JohnWarrenconfirmedthesepractices,theformerdescribinghow X acowhidewasappliedonhimfortakingsomesaltfromhis   Virginianmaster'shouse,whilethelattersaid"thewhitefolks  downsouth[hewasaslaveinMississippi]don'tseemtosleep `  much,nights....Theylistenandpeeptoseeifanythinghas ( x beenstolen,andtofindifanythingisgoingon."T    588      ׀  @   Somemasterstriedgivingadequaterationsandusing    religiousteaching(anattemptathegemonyonceagain)to H   restrainthefts,butthesegeneralproactivemeasureswerenot `  especiallysuccessful.DavismaintainedthattheBarrow (  plantation'sslaveswerewellfed,buthisclaimthattheydid   notstealthatoftenisunderminedbytheincidentsrecordedin h  Barrow'sowndiary.Despiteallthepreventionmeasures,theft 0  remainedamajorproblem.Russellcommented,whilevisitinga H  friend'splantationnearNatchez:"Largeplantationsarenot  suitedtotherearingofhogs;foritisfoundalmostimpossible  topreventthenegroesfromstealingandroastingthepigs." P OverseersononelargeDeepSouthplantationtoldOlmsted, h offhandedly"asamatterofcourse,"thattheirslavesstolecorn 0 tofeedthechickensandhogstheykeptontheirown.One  slaveholderinsistedontakingandlockingupOlmsted'sblankets p andsaddlebagsforsecurity,evenfollowingthemtotheirplace 8 ofsafety,explaining:"Someofourownpeopleinthehouse P mightcometothem.Suchthingshavehappenedhere,andyou  nevercantrustanyofthem."Molly,adomesticservant,  explainedtoChesnutinaremarkablymatteroffacttonehowthe X whiteneighborsnearbyhadlostalltheirfood.Herrevelation  p illustrateshowthehiddentranscriptwasbreakingoutintothe 8 openastheSouth'sfortuneswereplainlyontheropesinearly   1864:"Niggersstoleit.Nobodyelsecouldbethatmeanbut x! theirownniggers.Youneedn'tlookscared,missis.Whyshould @" wetakeemindebulk?Wetakesemaswewantsem."U   589      ׀Inthe  X# incessantwarofwitsbetweenslavestryingtostealandmasters  $ tryingtopreventthemfromdoingso,eachsidewonitsshareof !% battles. `"& @'VariousMotivesforTheft #@(  $ )   Whydidthebondsmensteal?Sometimestheystolebecause  theslaveholderwassostingyinhisrationsthattheslavesfelt x compelledtostealtolive,whileanothermotivewasduetoa @ lackofvarietyintheslavediet,aproblemnotedabove(pp.21 X 22).Thepressuresofperceivednecessitymadeforanelastic   slaveconscience,similartoitsapproachtolying.AsThomas  Jeffersonnoted,amanwithnolittleexperiencedealingwith `  slaves: ( x 8  Thatdispositiontotheft,withwhichtheyhavebeen    branded,mustbeascribedtotheirsituation,andnot    toanydepravityofthemoralsense.Themaninwhose H   favournolawsofpropertyexist,probablyfeels `  himselflessboundtorespectthosemadeinfavourof (  others.    Buttheslavesjustifiedtheirbehavioronanother,deeperline 0  oflogic.Theirculturesawtheftassimplejustice,ofthe H  laborertakingwhatwasduehimorher,asOlmstedfoundthat  slaveholdersthemselvesknew:  8  Itistoldmeasasingularfact,thateverywhereon h theplantations,theagrariannotionhasbecomeafixed 0 pointofthenegrosystemofethics:thattheresult  oflabourbelongsofrighttothelabourer,andonthis p ground,eventhereligiousfeeljustifiedinusing 8 "massa's"propertyfortheirowntemporalbenefit. P Thistheyterm"taking"anditisneveradmittedtobe  areproachtoamanamongthemthatheischargedwith  it,though"stealing,"ortakingfromanotherthan X theirmaster,andparticularlyfromoneanother,isso. p   Theslaves,bydubbingtheftas"taking,"rejectedtheirowners'   morality,sayingitdidnotapplytotheirspecificsituation. x! AsKemblenoted:"Itisverynaturalthesepeopleshouldsteala @" littleofourmeatfromusoccasionally,whostealalmostall  X# theirbreadfromthemhabitually."V   590        $ @TheIntrinsicCostsofDoubleStandardsinMorality `"&   Justifyingstealinghadintrinsiccosts,forevidentlysome, #@( atleast,didnotjuststopattheirmaster'sstores.ALiberty $ ) County,Georgiamissionaryoncecomplainedthatmasterspunished % * theirslavesfortheftscommittedagainstthem,butnotforthose H&!+ committedagainstotherslaves. '`", Ї8  Hence,insomeplaces,thievesthriveandhonestmen  suffer,untilitbecomesapracticeto'keepifyoucan x whatisyourown,andgetallyoucanbesidesthatis @ yourneighbour's.[']Thingscometosuchapass,that X thesayingofthenegroesisliterallytrue,'The   peopleliveupononeanother.'   Theslaveowners'harnesseduniversalChristianmoralitytostop ( x theirbondsmenfromstealingwhilenot,inasignificantnumber  @ ofcases,feedingthemenough.Theirclassinterestwaspatently    obvious.Butrepudiatingthisrulehadspillovercostssince    someslaves,atleast,chosetoignorethelinesdrawnevenin H   theirowncultureabout"taking"and"stealing,"althoughthis `  costisnotnecessarilyseenbyotherswhohaveanalyzedthis (  issue.Theintrinsiccostswereadeeperproblem,sincesome   slavesexperiencedmixedfeelingsabout"taking,"similarto h  thoseaboutlying.AsGenovesenoted:"Buttheslaves' 0  resistanceinevitablyweakenedtheirselfrespectandtheir H  abilitytoforgeacollectivedisciplineappropriatetothelong  termdemandsoftheirnationalliberation."Thelifeof  accommodation,deception,andtheftwereseeminglynecessary, P evensuccessfuladaptationstoconditionsofslavery,butwere h poorpreparationsforalifeoffreedom,wherethebadhabits 0 learnedfromtheinstitutionofbondagedidnotgoaway  overnight,provedmaladaptiveasresidualtheftscontinued p againstwhiteemployersafterfreedomcame.WillieLee"Rose 8 forciblyarguedin1964[that]learningaccommodationwasnot P healthyoncefreedomcame."AsPaquetteconcluded:  8  Slavetheftorshirking,forexample,maychallenge X discreteelementsofalargermoralcodebutgiven  p mutualdependency,alsomayentaildrawbacksforthe 8 slaves'constructionofacoherentandmorejust   alternativeorder....Tosucceed,oppressed x! peoples,unlikesomesocialhistorians,canillafford @" tomisconstruelicenseasmoraleconomy.W   591       X#   @0 0 #EvadingWorkbyClaimingSickness !%   Themainbattlegroundbetweenmastersandslavesconcerned (#x' work.Theslaves,beingunpaidforregularwork,hadalmost #@( everyincentivetoslackoff.Theywerekeptinthefieldand $ ) steadilyworkingbythewatchfulnessoftheoverseer,driver, % * and/ormaster,andthethreatandapplicationofphysicalforce.  Despitethepressuresbroughtagainstthem,slavesresourcefully x foundmanyawaytoshirkwhileatwork,ortoavoidshowingup @ atittobeginwith.Notoriously,slavesfakedsickness, X disease,orinjurytoescapework.OneofBarrow'sslaveswas   particularlyinventive--heavoidedworkformonthsbypretending  tobeblind.Afteradoctorexaminedhimandsaidnothingwas `  wrong,Barrowgavehimtwentyfivelashes,andorderedhimto ( x showupforwork,afterwhichheabsconded.Onefemaleslave  @ evadedworkforovertwoyearsbysupposedlybeingintheprocess    ofdyingfromphthisis[tuberculosis].Itturnedoutshehad    becomeinthattimeacapablemillineranddressmaker,keptbusy H   bylocalblackladies!Thesesituationspresentedthemaster `  classwithamajordilemma.Theslavecouldbereallysick,and (  orderingahimtoworkthreatenedhishealth.Oneoverseer   lamentedhow,thinkingaslaveworth$800wasshammingby h  claimingsickness,heorderedhimtowork.Theslaveturnedup 0  deadtwodayslater.Hispolicynow,likehisnewemployer's, H  wastogenerallygiveslavesthebenefitofthedoubt--apolicy  inevitablycongenialtothem.Ontheotherhand,theslavecould  beperfectlyhealthy,yetbyusingcolorfullanguageandpitiful P criesandmoans,trytogetoutofworkforadayormore.The h slaveholderthusremainedalwayssomewhatinthedark,yet 0 suspectingatleastsomeofhisorherslavessometimeswere  fakingit.Barrow'sdiarynotesfairlyoftenthatsomanyslaves p weresickandsomanypretending,but(evidently)receivingthe 8 dayoff.Hecomplainedoftwofemaleslavesbeingterrible P shirksforbeinglaiduptwiceamonth.Hetestedandrejected  theclaimofoneslavethus,whichbackfiredagainsthim:"Ginny  Jerry...hasbeenshirkinforsometimecametomeFriday X morningsick--suspectinghimExaminedhimfoundnothingthe  p mattercomplainingofpains&c.toldhimtogo&workit 8 off--hehasconcludedtowoodsitoff."Olmstedsummarizedthe   problemsSouthernslaveholdersfaced,showingonceagainthereal x! powerofthemaskslavesworebeforetheirmastersinsubverting @" labordiscipline:  X# 8  Itissaidtobenearlyasdifficulttoforma !% satisfactorydiagnosisofnegroes'disordersasitis `"& ofinfants',becausetheirimaginationofsymptomsis (#x' sovivid,andbecausenotthesmallestrelianceisto #@( beplacedontheiraccountsofwhattheyhavefeltor $ ) done.% *   Oneletterwriter,whowasfromVirginiabuthadlivedinNew '`", York,estimatednothinglessthanonesixthofthelabordaysa '(#- slavenormallycouldhaveworkedwaslosttoillness,realor (#. imagined.TheslavediverswhoworkedalongNorthCarolina's h)$/ shorelineillustratewelltheremarkabledifferencebetweenfree 0*%0 laborandslavelaboraboutwhetherandhowmuchsicknesswas *H&1 faked.Theydivedtoplacegunpowderinsubmergedtreestumps +'2 thatsnaggedlargesweepingnetsthatcaughtfish.Theywere ,'3 paidaquartertoahalfdollaradayabovetheonedollartheir  ownersreceived,andrewardedwithwhiskyaswellforworking. x "Hisdiversveryfrequentlyhadintermittentfevers,butwould @ veryrarelyletthiskeepthemoutoftheirboats.Eveninthe X midstofasevere'shake,'theywouldgenerallyinsistthatthey   were'wellenoughtodive.'"X   592      ׀Suddenly,themomentserious  incentiveswereoffered,lazy,shirking,"sick"slavesbecame `  healthyandhardworking!Solongasslaveshadlittleself ( x interestinwhetherandhowmuchworktheydid,theirinterestin  @ "puttingonoldmassa"abouthowsicktheywereinordertolie    inbedalldayeasilytrumpedanyintrinsicdesirestowork.    @0 0 #Work:SlowdownsandCarelessness `    Whentheslavesfoundtheycouldnotavoidworkaltogether,   thenextlineofdefensewastodoitslowlyand/orcarelessly, h  attemptingtodeceivetheoverseerandmasterabouthowmuchthey 0  coulddo.Slavesoftenworkedonlysolongastheywerebeing H  watched,andthemomentthemasterturnedhisback,theywould  slackoff.InSouthCarolina,Olmstedwitnessedaparticularly  nakedexampleof"eyeservice": P 8  Theoverseerrodeaboutamongthem,onahorse, 0 carryinginhishandarawhidewhip,constantly  directingandencouragingthem;but...asoftenas p hevisitedoneendofthelineofoperations,thehands 8 attheotherendwoulddiscontinuetheirlabour,until P heturnedtoridetowardsthemagain.   SometimesBarrowwasimpressedwiththeworkofhisslaves,such X asoncertainrecordcottonpickingdays,butothertimeshesaw  p hisslavesorthoseofotherplantersasterribleslackers. 8 Whilevisitingarelative'sproperty,hecommented:"Neversaw   negroeshoeasslowastheydoonRobt.H.Bplace."After x! whippingeightortenslavesonedayfornotpickingenough @" cotton,henotedthatlowweightsdidnotnecessarilymakefor  X# higherquality:"Thosethatpickleastweightsgenerallymost  $ trash."Anumberoftimeshewhippedslavesforslacknessat !% work,illustratingcoercionplacedaflooronproductivity,but `"& didlittletowardsachievinganykindofexcellence.Y   593      ׀The (#x' fundamentalproblemslaveholdersfacedconcerningtheirbondsmen #@( was,inthewordsofaVirginiancapitalistandslaveholderwho  hadexperiencewiththembothinthefactoryandonthefarm: x 8  Theywillnotlabouratallexcepttoavoidpunishment, X andtheywillneverdomorethanjustenoughtosave   themselvesfrombeingpunished,andnoamountof  punishmentwillpreventtheirworkingcarelesslyand `  indifferently.Italwaysseemsontheplantationasif ( x theytookpainstobreakallthetoolsandspoilall  @ thecattlethattheypossiblycan,evenwhentheyknow    they'llbedirectlypunishedforit....Theyonly    wanttosupportlife:theywillnotworkforanything H   more.`    Whenofferedincentives,theabilityofthemostslothfulto   instantlyturntoworkcanbelittleshortofmiraculous.One h  slave,whocouldhaveearned$150/yearifhehiredhisowntime 0  madeamere$18oneyearwhilecostinginmedicalbillssome$45. H  Theexecutoroftheestatewhoownedhimofferedhimhisfreedom  ifhewouldearn$400(Olmstedbelieved).Hesoonearnedthe  sum,andwasgrantedhisfreedom.Thisstorydemonstrateshow, P contrarytowhatthisVirginiancapitalistandslaveholder h thought,theslaves'slacknesswasduetoslavery,andnotdueto 0 anygeneticfactors.Havingrobbedtheslaveoftheproductof  hislaborandcorrespondinglyanyinterestinworkingwell,the p slaveownerhadtousethepoorsubstituteofexternalcompulsion 8 andviolencetoreplacehishumanchattel'sinternalmotivation. P Theslave'sownsenseofjusticerevoltedagainstasystemthat  enrichedhisowner,andlefthimwiththeproverbialcrustof  breadlargelyregardlessofworkperformance.Thatslaveowners X founditsofrustratingtodealwiththosewhoseselfinterestby  p thesystemtheyhaddevisedwassototallyopposedtotheirown 8 isonlynaturalandinevitable--butfullyselfinflicted!Z   594         @ddTheStrategyofPlayingtheWhiteFolksOffAgainstEachOther @"   Byusingthestrategyofpittingonewhiteagainstanother,  $ slavessoughttogainsomeadvantageoutoftheensuingconflict. !% Themostobviousfaultlineamongthewhiteswasbetweenthe `"& masterandtheoverseer,sincethetwonormallywereofdifferent (#x' socialclasses,withthemasternaturallytendingtoholdhis #@( overseerincontempt,oratleastaslessrespectablethan $ ) himself.Theslaveswereperfectlycapableoftryingtodrivea % * wedgebetweenthetwo,attemptingtohavetheoverseerfiredor H&!+ mademoreconstrainedinhisactions.Illustratingthisstrategy '`", ofslaveresistance,considerthiscasehistory:Twoslaves,Ben '(#- andJim,ranawayfromPolk'splantationtoA.O.Harris,his (#. brotherinlaw.Theyaccusedtheoverseer,EphraimBeanland,of  whippingoneofthemespeciallyseverely,andsaidhedidnot x encouragethematall,butwasfullofcurses,inaletterHarris @ wrotetoPolk.Benrefusedtoreturn,soHarrisrentedhimout X toalocalironworksforthetimebeing.Anotherbrotherinlaw,   Dr.SilasCaldwell,passedalongsimilarlyuncomplimentarynews  abouttheoverseerafterarrivingattheplantation,althoughhe `  expressedsomeskepticism:"Ithinkhelacksstability.Ithink ( x hehasgotalongbadlywiththenegroes.Thenegroessayhe  @ likeshisliquor,butletthatrestasnegronews.Ifitisthe    factitwillappear."Beanlandstruckback,arguingthatif    thesetwoslaveswereallowedtorunawayagainsthisauthority, H   thenothersweresuretofollow.InalettertoPolk,he `  objectedtoBenbeingrentedoutinsteadofbroughtbacktothe (  plantation:"Idonotthinkthathe[Ben]oughttobebefriended   inanysuchanmanernowifIcorectanyoftheotherstheyar h  shoretoleavemethinkingthatiftheycangetbackto[o]that 0  willdo."BeanlandwrotealettertoJamesWalker,yetanother H  ofPolk'sbrotherinlaws.Hecomplainedaboutbeingcaught  betweenthedemandsofHarrisandCaldwellontheonehand,and  theneedtodisciplinetheslavesontheother: P 8  IdonotlikeinthefirstplaseImustpleaseCalwell 0 andMr.HarisasitapearesandthenifIdonteplease  everrynegroontheplacetheyrinawayritestrateand p thenifIdonotmakeacropmyimploierofcorsewill 8 notlikeitandIwouldliketonowhowIcanplease P themallandmakeacroptwo.   InanotherlettertoPolk,hedescribedhowotherslaveswere X runningawaybecauseofhowBen'snotbeingreturnedallowed  p otherslavestoflouthisauthority:"Ifbenisnotbroughtback 8 misterharishadbetertaketherestofthemuntilIgetbenI   nowthattheywillrunawayuntillIgetben."Beanland's x! abilitytodisciplinehisslaveswasbeingsurelyunderminedby @" Polk'sinlawssidingwiththeslavesandlisteningtotheir  X# negativetestimonyabouthim.SincehecouldnotpunishBen  $ afterheranawaybecauseofHarris'sinterferenceinparticular, !% hispowertopunishoneslaveasanexampletotherestto `"& intimidatewasbeingeffectivelynullified.Intheend,Polk (#x' sustainedhisoverseer,nothisslavesorhisinlaws,andhad #@( Benreturned.Soonafterwards,Beanlandreportedhowallthe $ ) slaveswhohadrunawaywerebackandhow"allapear[ed] % * satisfied."Nevertheless,thisoverseerplainlyhadaclose H&!+ brushwithlosinghisjobduetothepowerofslavewitnessesto '`", swingotherwhites--here,threeofPolk'sbrotherinlaws--onto '(#- theirside.OutsideaSoutherncourtroom,thesubordinate (#.  class'stestimonywasbynomeanswithoutavail,especiallywhen h)$/ mastershadreasonstodistrusttheiroverseers.[   595         @ManipulatingWhiteAuthorityfortheSlaves'OwnPurposes @   Slavessometimesmanipulatedwhiteauthoritybyusingitto   getbackatsomeotherslavewhohadinjuredthemsomehow.  Suddenly,theslaveturnsintoaninformant,inordertosecure `  hisownpurposes,notsomuchtocurryfavorwiththeoverseeror ( x master.FreedmanMasonofMississippidescribedwhyheand  @ anotherslavewerewhippedbypatrollerswhilepursuingwomenon    thenextdoorplantationwithoutpasses:"Mean'mycousinwas    projecting'eroun'doin'alittlecourtin'widtwogalsonde H   jinin'plantation.Didn'havenopass.Boysoverdargotawful `  jealous.Slipan'telldeoverseeronenight.Hecallde (  pattyrollers!"Similarly,anotherfreedmandescribedhow,ifa   womanwasoffendedbyamanpursuingherfromanotherplantation h  whoshedidnotknow,"an'shegitmadan'calldeoverseer,yo' 0  betterduckdowndefiel'rightquick,caiseyougwinegit H  whipped."Asomewhatdifferentexampleofthisphenomenonwasby  howoneoldslavewomanorderedotherstoshooawayturkeyswhose  gobblingsweremakingitdifficultforOlmstedtogetdirections P fromher:"Ifsomeofyouniggersdon'tshewthemturkeys,I'll h haveyouallwhippedassoonasyourmassJohncomeshome."At 0 thispoint,hercommandwasperformed.\   596      ׀Shethreatenedtobring  downwhiteauthorityonotherslaves,notforherownselfchosen p objectives,butmerelyhavesomethingdonetoaidherintalking 8 toOlmsted.Thisincidentstillshowshowslavescould P collectivelyusewhiteauthoritytoaccomplishtheirownends,by  turninginformant(orthreateningto)fortheirmasters.  @HowPleadingsandPetitionsCouldRestrainMastersandMistresses  p   Thecomplaintsandpleadingsofslaveshadtheabilityto   reachtheheartsormindsoftheirowners,eventhoughtheycould x! theoreticallytotallyignoretheirpetitionsfromtheirposition @" ofnearlyabsoluteauthority.Becausetheslaveholdersoften  X# wishedtohaveapositiverelationshipwiththeirbondsmen,at  $ leastthosetheyhadclosedealingswith,suchasdomestic !% servants,theyfrequentlywerewillingtochangetheirdecisions. `"& Sometimesbyreferringtovaluesinthemasters'ownreligionor (#x' codeofpaternalism,theslavescouldrestrainthem,which #@( constitutesaclassiccaseofthesubordinateclassmanipulating $ ) theideologyofthedominantclasstoprotecttheirown % * interests.Forexample,onemistresssuddenlyendedalong H&!+ whippingaftertheslavesaid,"OldMiss,ifIwereyouandyou  wereme,Iwouldn'tbeatyouthisway."Someslavessuccessfully x persuadedtheirmasterstobuythemorselltheminordertokeep @ theirfamiliestogether.Onefreedmanrecalledhowoneslave, X whenhiswifewasbeingmovedawaywiththemaster,successfully   pleadedtobesoldtothesamemasterhiswifebelongedsothey  wouldstaytogetherthus:"'Sellme,Marster!Sellme!'hesay `  overan'over.Soterstophispleadin',Marstersoldhiman' ( x las'Iseeno'himhewaswavin'hisarmsan'singin',goin'off  @ behin'datwagon!"Whilesuchcaseswerenotnormal,theslaves    themselves,despitebeingthelegallypowerlesspersonalchattels    oftheirowners,stillhadtheabilitytoencourageslaveholders H   tosellorbuythemasitwasdeemedintheirinterests.Stampp `  notedthatafewslavesevenhadsuccessatpersuadingtheir (  ownerstofreethemintheirwills.Barrow'sslavessuccessfully   persuadedhimtoextendtheChristmasholidayfromFriday, h  January2,1846untilthefollowingMondaybecause,ashesawit, 0  therewas"notmuchtodo."]   597      ׀Illustratingthetruthbehindthe H  propositionto"Ask,anditshallbegiventoyou,"slaveowners  condescendedtograntsomerequestsbytheirbondsmen,despiteno  legalcompulsionswereinvolved.Persistentpleadingand P petitioningcouldanddidbringusefulresultstothedejure h powerlessatleastuponoccasion. 0 @  TheGeneralProblemofSlavesRunningAway p   Slavesrunningawayconstitutedaseriousformofresistance P totheslaveholders'continuedcontrolovertheirworkforce.By  thisactaslaveopenlyrepudiatedthemaster/slaverelationship,  atleastincaseswhereheorshewastryingtoescape X permanently.Incasesinwhichthebondsmanhangedaroundthe  p generallocalityofhome,runningawaylackedthisclearmeaning, 8 butmayhavebeensimplyameanstotemporarilyduckpunishment   orgetanillicitvacationawayfromworking.Thesecaseswere x! tryingenough.Butwhentheslavedidgetfar,thehassleand @" expensestomastersandmistressesincatchingtheirhuman  X# chattels,punishingthem,andgettingthemtoworkagaincouldbe  $ enormous.InordertocaptureandreturnoneslavenamedJack !% whohadrunawayasfarasArkansasfromTennessee,Polkfaceda `"& billfromtheslavecatcherofsome$126byhisoverseer's (#x' calculationsforhisexpensesalone,whileinoneletterhesaid #@( it"costverrynear$200."Theslavecatcherwanted$140forhis $ ) expensesalone,butDr.Caldwellobjected,offeringtopay$100. % * Thesefigureseasilyequalorexceedtheannualrentalforhiring H&!+ aprimefieldhand--theaforementionedBen(pp.34243)was '`", temporarilyrentedtoanironworksfor$100/year.Andthese '(#- figuresignorethelostrevenuecomingfromopportunity  costs--thelosscausedbytheslavenotworkingforhisorher x owners,overandabovetheexpensesofcapture.Runawaysalso @ presentedamajordanger,asoccurredinBeanland'scase X temporarily,becauseiftheywerenotcaughtandpunishedtheir   examplewouldencourageotherslavestoimitatethem.David  Gavin,asmallslaveholderinSouthCarolinacomplainedinhis `  diaryin1857whenRemusranaway:"Thisisthe2dor3dtimehe ( x hasranaway,andlosttogethernearlyayearswork,Icannot  @ affordtokeephimatthisrate,hewillspoiltherestofmy    peoplebyhisbadexample."ItisnowonderthatBarrow    lamented,ascitedabove(p.239),thathewouldratherhavea H   slavedoanythingthanrunaway.^   598       `    Whydidslavesrunaway?Sometimes,wherereachingthe   Northwasapracticalgoal,suchasinDouglass'scaseanda h  numberofotherslivingintheBorderStates,itwasacalculated 0  bidtogainfreedomandpermanentlydissolvethebondsof H  bondage.EscapedslaveMrs.IsaacRiley,whohadlivedmostof  herlifeinPerrycounty,Missouri,whichisalongtheborderof  Illinois,hadexperiencedexcellenttreatment--shehadagood P master,andhadneverknownorseenoverseers,patrols,family h separations,ortheuseofthepaddleandlashinherarea.But 0 withherhusbanddesiringfreedominCanada,andafterarelative  ofhermastertoldhershemightbetreatedmuchworseifher p mastershoulddie,shefled."IusedoftentothinkthatIwould 8 liketobeasfreeasthewhitepeoplewere.Ioftentoldthem, P whentheymademeangry,thattheyhadnomorebusinesswithme,  thanIhadwiththem."_    599      ׀Inothercases,becauseofathreatened  saleorbecauseofadesiretobereunitedwithfamilymembers X aftertheyortherunaway(s)hadbeensoldthemselves,theyleft.  p MaryGrayson,onceaslaveinwhatwasthenIndianTerritory, 8 recalledhermotherranawayandhidinaclaypitafterbeing   soldtoaslavetrader.Itwaslateinthenightbeforethey x! foundheragain.JohnLittle,ninemonthsaftermarriage,was @" suddenlysold.Afterrestingfortwoweeksathisnewmaster's  X# place,heranaway,andwasthrowninprison--withanotherslave  $ there"underthesamecircumstances...goingtoseehiswife, !% asamanhasarighttodo."Tryingtoavoidpunishmentwas `"& anotherreasonslavesfledfromtheirmasters.Herethemasters (#x' facedamajordilemma:Ontheonehand,iftheycrackeddown, #@( and(say)whippedshirkingslavesfortheirslackness,theycould $ ) runawayorfightback.But,iftheyletsomeoffense(s)slide,  otherscouldimitatetherulesviolator,andsoonalltheir x slavescouldbedefyingthem.Barrowrepeatedlyfacedthis @ problem,andsometimesslavesranawaytoavoidpunishmentorin X responseafteritwasinflicted.Afterwhippingeightorten   slavesfornotpickingenoughcotton,hewrotethenextday:  "Dennisranoffyesterday--&afterIhadWhipedhim."Inanother `  case,hisslaveGinneyJerrywasoneofagroupofeightorten ( x whippedandduckedforstealingsomeofhishogs,and"Mr.Ginney  @ JerrynextmorningFeltinsultedathistreatment&putout,    wouldgive'freely'$100togetashotathim."`   600      ׀Harriett    Robinson,onceaslaveinTexas,toldastoryaboutherstep H   fatherthatillustratedaparticularlynastyCatch22mastershad `  whenpunishingrunawayslavesandgettingtheminthefields (  again.Afterabscondingforanotherreason,hereturned,the   masterhadhimwhipped300times--andthenheranoffagain!ax   601      ׀ h  Thisslaveownersurelyknewifhedidnotpunishthisslave, 0  othersmightimitatehisexample,butwhenhedidso,theslave H  ranawayinretaliationonceagain,whichputhimthatmuch  furtherbehindinputtingthismanbacktowork.Becauseofthe  threatofitbackfiring,themomentamasterpunishedaslavewas P dangerous,becausethechancesforhimresistinghimwasatits h highestcamewhenthelashwasappliedorinitsimmediate 0 wake--suchasbyrunningawayorfighting.Soslavesranawayto  seekfreedom,pureandsimple,torejoinrelatives,orasaway p toretaliateagainstorevadepunishment. 8 @ &TemporaryandLocalFlight    Slaveshadseveraldifferentpossibleobjectiveswhen X fleeingtheirowners.Mostcommonly,theyfledonlytemporarily  p andstayedintheirlocalarea,remainingaroundfriendsand 8 relativeswhomightsecretlyfeedorotherwisehelpthemwhenthe   masterormistresswasnotinsight.Becausethemaster x! controlledtheslave'sfoodsupply,therunawaymightfind @" foragingandsleepinginthewoodsuncomfortableorimpossible.  X# WhenhebrieflyfledCovey'sfarmonce,Douglassdidnotgofar,  $ becausethemastercontrolledhisfoodsupply:"Ispenttheday !% mostlyinthewoods,havingthealternativebeforeme,--togo `"& homeandwhippedtodeath,orstayinthewoodsandbestarvedto (#x' death."JamesH.Hammond'sSilverBluffplantationinSouth #@( Carolinahadfiftythreeslavesescapebetween1831and1853,but $ ) nonepermanentlygainedtheirfreedom.Twothirdswerecaught, % * whileonethirdcameinontheirown,afteratemporaryabsence  thataveragedfortyninedays.Themanagerofaverylarge x plantationintheDeepSouthtoldOlmstedthattherunawayshid @ intheswamp,andcameintothecabinsatnighttogetfood. X "Theyseldomremainawaymorethanafortnight,andwhenthey   comeintheyarewhipped."Sometimes,evenwhenaslavehadbeen  gonealongtime,theystillhadnotgonefar.Barrow'sslave `  GinneyJerryhadrunaway,andwascaughtsixmonthsandthree ( x daysafterabsconding--rightinBarrow'sneighborhood.Before  @ capture,JohnLittlespenttwoyearsrunninginthewoodsnear    hisoldmaster'splacewherehismotherlived,afterleavinghis    newmaster'splaceabouttenmilesaway.Sometimesslavesfled H   tootherlocalslaveholdersfortemporarysanctuaryagainstan `  enragedmasteroroverseerthreateningpunishmentforsome (  reason.Theformermightthenintercedefortheslave,ifthey   believedtheslavesinquestion,andaskforlighterorno h  punishmenttobeinflicted.Northrupdidthisonce,byfleeing 0  tohisoldkindmaster,WilliamFord,afterfightingwithhis H  presentcruelmaster,JohnTibault,whosoughttokillhimwitha  hatchetandanaxe.FordevengotthelattertosellNorthrup,  aftercriticizingTibaultforhisshamefultreatmentofhimin P threateningslaveswithsuchweapons,sayingifthiskindof h treatmentbecamecommonotherslaveswouldbemadediscontentand 0 startrunningaway.b   602      ׀Thedesirestostayclosetofamilyand  friendswhocouldstillhelpthem,andbeinafamiliararea p wheretheyknewtheirsurroundings,wereothergoodreasonswhy 8 manyslavesdidnotgofarwhentheyranaway. P @("Negotiating"aReturn    Localrunawaysdemonstratedtheyhadsomebargainingpower  p withtheirowners.Becauseoftheexpenseandtimeitmighttake 8 tocaptureslavesforciblyandbringthemin,mastersdidhave   someselfinterestinbeingabletogetthemtoreturnontheir x! own.FreedmanCatoofAlabamarememberedthatifarunawaycame @" inonhisown,hewaspunishedconsiderablylessthanifhis  X# ownerranhimdownwiththedogsinasearchparty.Another  $ mastersentoutarunaway'sbrothertothreatenhimwiththedogs !% ifhedidnotcomein,becauseheknewexactlywheretherunaway `"& wasinanattemptconcealhisscent.Sureenough,hecame (#x' in--butthedogswerestillunleashedagainsthimanywayandtore #@( himupbadly,afterbeingtoldhedidnothavetomovewithhis $ ) masterifhebeatthemtoabigblackgumtree.Thiswasabad % * deal,tosaytheleast!Anothermaster,afterfightingwitha H&!+ slavenamedIsaacWilliamswhothenranaway,offeredhimadeal: '`", Ifhecamein,hewouldnotwhiphim.Heliveduptothis  deal--butthenwouldwhiphiswife,tellinghertomake"Isaaca x goodboy"!Sometimestheywouldagreetoreturninexchangefor @ areducedamountofpunishment,ornoneatall,usingother X slavesastheirintermediaries.ThemasterwhoownedWilliams   lateronusedhimtorelayamessagethrougharunaway'ssister  totellhimhewouldnotwhiphimifhecameinonhisown.But `  aftertheslavecamein,hebrokehispromise,andwhippedhim ( x anyway.OneAlabamamasterfaithfullyfollowedasimilardeal,  @ andafterconveyingamessagethroughotherslaves,hisrunaways    returnedafterbeingtoldtheywouldnotbewhippediftheycame    backontheirown.Afterspendingasummerinthewoods,John H   Holmesreturned,becausehismastertoldalltheneighborsthat `  hewouldnotbewhippedifhecamein.Andwhatwashisowner's (  motivefordisplayingleniency?:"Iwasagreathandtoworkand   madeagreatdealofmoneyforourfolks."Insomecases,the h  initiativecamefromtheotherside,andoneslavemight 0  negotiatewiththemasterfortherunaway'sreturn.This H  strategywasparticularlyriskysincethecollaboratororeven  thewholeslaveforcemightbepunishedforsuchanact.c   603      ׀  Negotiationsbetweenthelegallyalmostallpowerfulmasterand P hishumanchattelsafterrunningawayshowthedefactorealities h ofslavemanagementwereverydifferentfromthetheoryfoundin 0 theslavecodesorproslaverypolemics.Evenanindividual  slave,uponoccasion,hadsomebargainingpowerwithhismaster, p dependingonthelatter'sdispositionandwillingnesstopursue 8 himatallcosts. P @0 0 #HowRunawaysCouldResistCapture    Evenwhenaslavewasbeingpursuedbyapartyofwhitemen  p andtheirdogs,slavesstillhadwaystoavoidorresistcapture. 8 WilliamStreet,onceaslaveinTennessee,waspursuedbytwo   whitemenandtheirthreebloodhounds.He,beingwellarmedwith x! apistol,knife,andbigstick,shotoneofthedogsdead.His @" ownerdecidedtohandhimovertotheslavecatcherbecausehe  X# hadkilledabloodhoundwhohewouldnotsellfor$500,  $ commenting:"Hewasworthmorethanhim,d--nhim."Stillmore !% spectacularwasoneslaveinLouisianawho,uponcaptureand `"& beingplacedinaboat,grabbedandattackedoneofhistwo (#x' captorswithahatchet,seriouslywoundinghim,thenthrewthem #@( bothoverboard.Later,thesesametwoslavecatchers,after $ ) gettingsomedogs,corneredhimneartheedgeoftheMississippi % * riveronalargeraft.Armedwithapistolandclub,heknocked H&!+ thedogsintothewater,threateneddeathtohispursuers,and '`", hadtobeshotatthreetimesbeforehewentdown.Defiantly '(#- chosingtodrownratherthanbecaptured,hesankintothewater (#. stillwavinghisclub.This"bondsman"certainlydemonstratedhe  wouldratherbedeadthanenslaved!Slavesalsopresented x seriouspotentialproblemswhileontherun,becausetheycould @ attackwhitesortheirproperty.InMississippi,Olmsted's X roommateawokehimbytryingtobarricadehisroom,explaining,   "Youdon'tknow...theremayberunawaysaround,"before  pullingouttwoloadedpistolstochecktheircaps!Planter `  Barrowhimselflostacowandnearlyahogtorunawaysownedby ( x oneofhisrelatives.Slavesalsocouldseekaidfromother  @ slavesorfreeblackswhowouldhidethemintheirhomes.This    wasalwaysrisky,becauseinformerslurkedamongtheblack    population,alwayswillingtoselloutafellowblackforthe H   whiteman'smoneyandesteem.Inacasethatdemonstratesthe `  adagethattruthcanbestrangerthanfiction,HarrietJacobswas (  hiddenforsevenyearsinacrawlspaceabovetheshedaddedto   hermother'shouseinordertoevadehermaster'ssexual h  advances.Anotherslavewoman,afterhittinghermistressand 0  beingthreatenedwiththestocksandthelash,wasabletolive H  inanearbycavesecretlyforsevenyearsuntilthetimefreedom  came.Herhusbandfixedupthecavetohaveastove,beds,  tables,andaceilingofwood.Sheevengavebirthtothree P children,whothenlivedthereaswell.Herhusbandroutinely h broughtfoodtoher.Sheandherchildrenwereeffectively 0 maroons,stayingintheslavestateswhilebeyondthecontrolof  theirowners.Someescapedslaveswerelesslucky,andwere p turnedinbyotherblacks.JohnLittle'shidinglocationwas 8 betrayedbyafreebornblackmanforameretendollarsoffered P bysomepoorwhites,afterhismasterofferedarewardoffifty  dollarsforhiscapture,deadoralive.Barrowoncehadhis  slaveDennispretendtobearunawayinordertocaptureone X ownedbyanotherplanter.Forsuchreasons,runawayswere  p hesitanttotrustanyoneelsetheyencountered,whitesaboveall, 8 butblacksaswell.Evenaftercapture,runawayscouldstill   causeproblemsfortheirowners.Barrowconfessedthatheplaced x! toomuchrelianceononecapturedrunawaytotellwhereother @" runawayswere:"Caughtonewomanthismorning&veryfoolish  X# endeavoredtomakeherdirectustotheCamp&fooledthedayoff  $ tonopurpose,Broughthertomyhousetriedthecoldwateron !% herLadyship[i.e.,duckedher]."d   604      ׀Thedifficultiesthat `"& slaveholdersfacedinrecapturinglocalrunawaysshowthat (#x' althoughtheymaynothavegainedpermanentfreedominmostcases #@( exceptperhapsasmaroons,theystillwereamajorheadachefor $ ) themandotherwhites.Theseactsofresistancemayhavebeen % * oftenindividualandratherunthinking,andnotorganizedand H&!+ collective,butstilltheykeptthewhiteregimebusyhuntingfor '`", escapeesandtamingthosetheycaptured,demonstratingtothem '(#- thatmanyslaveswerehardlycontentinbondage.Localrunaways  weresignificantbecausetheyweremuchmorenumerousthanthose x whopermanentlyescapedtotheNorthor(insomecases)Mexico, @ andpresentedthewhiteregimewithnotableeconomiclossesand X labordisciplineproblems,andencouragedthemtorestrainthe   harshnessoftheirtreatmentoftheirbondsmeninorderto  discouragefurtherflights.e   605       `  @ Maroons:SettlementsofEscapedSlaves  @   SomeAmericanslavesfledtouninhabitedareasdistantfrom    wherewhitesettlerswere,andsetuptheirownsettlementsto H   farmtheland,althoughthiswasneverascommonanoptionfor `  slavesintheUnitedStatesasinBrazilandelsewhereinLatin (  America.MaroonslavesettlementsintheSouthnevergrewtothe   sizeandstrengthofsomeofthoseelsewhereintheAmericas,but h  theycouldstillposesignificantproblemsformasterstryingto 0  hangontotheirhumanproperty.Theyprovidedrunawaysaplace H  ofrefuge,suchaswherePolk'sslaveJackfledtoinArkansas,  wherenolawofficercouldeasilytakeanyofthembackwithouta  largearmedforcebackinghimup.Uponoccasion,theyalso P launchedraidsagainstplantationsandfarmsnearbyandattempted h tofreestillmoreslaves,sometimeskillingthemastersinthe 0 process.From1705to1769Virginialegalizedthekillingofany  "outlyingslaves"withoutgettingthecolony'slegalpermission p first,andexplicitlyauthorizedtheircastrationaswell.North 8 Carolinahadasimilarprocessofoutlawingparticularly P destructiverunawayswhichencouragedslavecatcherstokill  them,especiallywhentheirownersofferedrewardsthatpaidmore  forthemdeadthanalivebecausethecolonywouldreimbursetheir X losses.fX   606      ׀DuringtheSeminoleWarmaroonsplayedtheirlargest  p roleinthehistoryofAmericanslavery.Whileexaggerating, 8 MajorGeneralThomasSidneyJesup,theleaderofAmericantroops   duringthemostcriticalstageoftheSeminoleWar,wasstill x! ontoanessentialtruthwhenhesaidinlate1836:"This... @" isanegro,notanIndianwar."AlthoughtheSeminoleWarwas  X# nominallyastrugglebetweenIndiansandwhites,itwasmorea  $ conflictbetweentheslavestheIndianshadboughtandrunaways !% whofoughtalongsidetheIndiansagainsttheUnitedStatesArmy. `"& Duringthiswarattimespossibly250to400or500blacksfought (#x' fortheIndiancauseinsomeactions,makingthisoneof #@( America'smostnotableinstancesoforganizedslaveresistance $ ) againstthewhiteregime.Itsmaincause,sincetheSeminoles % * didnotliveinthemainpathforwhitesettlersheadingwest,  wasthewhiteslaveholders'oppositiontotheirslavesrunning x awaytoliveamongtheSeminole.Theseescapeesmadethose @ remainingbehindespeciallydiscontentbecausetheylivedamore X relaxedlifestylethanthoseinplantationagriculture.Mostof   theblackslivingamongtheIndianswereslavesinnameonlyeven  whenpurchasedbythem,andmostlivedprosperouslyintheirown `  villages,whomtheyonlyburdenedbydemandingsometributefrom ( x thematharvestandbutcheringtimes.In1841,asthewarwas  @ windingdown,theWarDepartmenteffectivelydecidedtoallow    manyoftheblackstogowestwiththeSeminolesdespitemany    werethelegallyclaimablepropertyofwhiteAmericans. H   Justifyingthispolicy,LieutenantColonelW.J.Worthsaidthat `  "if...theswampsofFloridabecome...theresortof (  runaways,theirintelligence,sosuperiortotheIndian,might   imposeuponthegeneralgovernmentacontestquadruplicatein h  timeandtreasurethannowbeingwaged."Endingthiswarand 0  clearingoutFloridapresentlyofallblacksnotcontrolledby H  whitesandmostoftheSeminolesthemselvesinordertoprevent  futurerunawayswasdeemedagoodtradeoffinexchangefor  allowingmostofthoseblacksalreadyamongtheSeminoletogo P free.Maroonsettlementswerevulnerabletotheadvancing h frontieranddeterminedarmedwhitepartiesclearingthemout. 0 ThevastDismalSwampinVirginiaandNorthCarolinalargely  ceasedtobearefugeforpermanentrunawaysbythetimeOlmsted p wroteinthe1850s.g   607      ׀Sowhilemaroonrunawayslavesplayeda 8 partintheoverallpictureofresistanceagainstthe P slaveholdingelite,theycausedfarfewerproblemsintheUnited  StatesthaninBrazilandotherLatinAmericanandCaribbean  areas,wheregovernmentssometimeswagedfullscalewarswith X largemaroonsettlements,andevennegotiatedtreatiesthat  p recognizedtheirautonomy.h   608       8 @\ \ %TheMostSuccessfulRunaways x!   Themostsuccessful,aswellasthemostunlikely,runaways  X# werethosewhosecuredpermanentfreedominCanada,Mexico,or  $ theNorth,assumingtheywerenotrecapturedinthelatterand !% hauledbackintobondage.i   609      ׀Flighttofreeterritorywas `"& generallyonlyapracticaloptionforslaveslivingintheBorder  States,orthosesolightcomplexionedtheycouldpassforbeing x white,andsocouldfleegreaterdistanceswithoutsuspicionor @ detection.jX   610      ׀Theexactnumbersofthosesuccessfullyescaping X permanentlyarehumanlyunknowable,asquantifyinganyillegal   andnecessarilysecretactivityis,butsomebasicparametersand  estimatesareavailable.Alowerlimitonthenumberarrivingin `  Canadaisgivenbytheestimateof30,000blackswhowereliving ( x inUpperCanadamadebytheFirstReportoftheAntiSlavery  @ SocietyofCanadain1852.Whilemostoftheadultblacks    includedinthisestimatewerelikelysuccessfulfugitives,not    manyofthechildrencountedcouldhavebeen,becausetheymainly H   weresinglemenbetweentheagesofsixteenandthirtyfivewho `  normallyfledbythemselvesorsometimeswithoneotherslave.k(    611      ׀ (  Anotherestimateofthosepermanentlyescapingisabouta   thousandayearinthe1850s,withthenumberfallingfrom1,011 h  in1850to803in1860accordingtocensusreports.Judge 0  LumpkinoftheStateSupremeCourtofGeorgiaclaimedin1855 H  60,000slavestotaledupallthoselosttotheNorth.  MississippiGovernorQuitmanoncedeclared100,000slaveshad  fledtheSouthduringtheyears1810to1850.Thisroundnumber, P doubtlesslydeclaredrhetorically,ismuchhigherthanthecensus h dataofNorthernblackswhosaidtheywerebornintheSouth.  Nevertheless,inhisstudyontheUndergroundRailroad,William x Siebertbelievesthisfigureisreasonablyaccurate,maintaining @ that40,000slavesescapedthroughOhioalone.However,these X figuresconstituteonlyasmallproportionoftheslaveswho   livedanddiedinbondageintheantebellumSouthoverthe  decadesbefore1861.In1860,theSouthhadalmostfourmillion `  slaves,andaboutaquartermillionfreeblacks.l   612      ׀When ( x consideringthelowaveragelifeexpectanciesandtheturnoverof  @ generationseveninthefiftyyearsbeforetheCivilWar,onlya    verysmallpercentageofthoseborninbondageescapeditby    illegalmeans.Formostmasters,especiallythoseintheDeep H   South,successfulrunaways(andtheUndergroundRailroad'saidto `  them)werelargelyirritantsandtheoreticalhazardsasopposed (  toseriouspracticalthreats,outsideofcaseswhereduringwar   armieshostiletotheirinterestsroamednearby. h    Asdiscussedabove(p.174),familyconnectionsalways H  servedasamajorrestraintonescapeattempts,asoneownerof  twoplantationsinMississippicommented,althoughheknewthis  washardlyfailsafe: P 8  Onlyway[torestrainrunaways]is,tohaveyoungones 0 there[Texas]andkeeptheirmothershere  [Mississippi],eh?Negroeshavesuchattachments,you p know.Don'tyouthinkthatwouldfix'em,eh?No? 8 No,Isupposenot.Iftheygotmadatanything,they'd P forgettheirmothers,eh?   Despitetheseties,manybondsmenstillwillinglyranaway X becausethedesireforfreedombeatsostronglyintheirhearts,  p althoughthosewholeftwives,husbands,orchildrenbehind 8 sufferedmixedfeelingsontheirchoice.Theserefugeesfrom   slaveryalsoindirectlyaidedthosewhoremainedbehind,by x! helpingrestraintheillconductandharshtreatmentof @" calculatingmastersandmistressesintheBorderStatesbecause  X# thechancesofsuccessfulescapesfromtheseareasweremuch  $ higherthanfromtheDeepSouth.Makingthebondsmenmore !% contentintheirchainsgenerallyreducedtheirwillingnessto `"& flee,sincefamilyseparationscausedbysalesandpunishment (#x' frequentlyprovokedrunawayattempts.Hence,theeffectsof #@( theirdecisions,evenifnormallymadeontheirown,hadpositive $ ) collectiveeffectsupontheirfellowblackbrothersandsisters % * leftbehindinchains.m   613       H&!+ Ї@"Strikes"ConductedbyGroupsofSlavesRunningAway    Oneunderratedbutsignificanttypeofcollectiveprotestby @ slaveswerevirtual"strikes,"inwhichtheywithdrewtheirlabor X fromtheirownersinanorganizedmannerbyrunningaway   temporarilyinlargegroups.Whileuncommon,theseprotests  occurredenoughinsomeareastopresentproblemsfor `  slaveholderswhoimposedaparticularlyharshoverseeroverthem ( x ordemandedtoomuchworkfromthem.OneFloridaoverseer,after  @ trying"pushingthemupaLittle"foundhisworkforceretaliated    bysuddenlydesertinghim.AsmallLouisianaplanterhada    similarexperience,withallbuttwoofhisslavesdisappearing H   inprotestagainsthowmuchworkheimposed.JohnHolmes `  describedhow,whentheoverseerandmistress'ssonweregoingto (  whipeveryonefornothelpingtheformerwhenhefoughtwitha   slavewoman,alltheyoungablemenbesidesonefledintothe h  woodsafteradomesticservanttippedoffthoseinthequarters 0  oftheirwhitefamily'splans."Theysentofftheoverseerto H  getushome."Whiletheoverseerdidcomebacktostickoutthe  year,hechosenottowhipanyofthemenbecausetheymightrun  away.Moregenerally,asdescribedabove(p.26162)aboutthe P infrapoliticsofquotasettingintasksystemareas,ifthe h masterincreasedtheimposeddailyworkexcessivelyherisked"a 0 generalstampedetothe'swamp.'"OnerespectedDeepSouth  overseertoldOlmstedwhenhefirstarrived,manyoftheslaves p ranawayoften,butaftergettingusedtohiswayssaidthey 8 likedhimbetterthanallthepriorones.Still,heoccasionally P hadproblemswithgroupsrunningaway,whichhedealtwiththus:  "Ifmanyofthemwentoff,oriftheystayedoutlong,hewould  maketherestoftheforceworkSundays,ordeprivethemofsome X oftheirusualprivilegesuntiltherunawaysreturned.The  p negroesontheplantationcouldalwaysbringtheminifthey 8 chosetodoso"becauseiftheystoppedfeedingthem,theyhadto   comein.ExslaveAnnieColeyrecalledamuchmore x! confrontational"strike"whichyieldedsuccessalso.Afterone @" crueloverseerbeatawomanandmadehermiscarrylateinher  X# pregnancyinthefield,alltheslavewomenattackedhimand  $ threatenedtoburnhimonabrushpile.Aftertheirmentold !% themtolethimgo,themastersaidhewasgoingtowhipallthe `"& womenfortheiract.Buthesoonchangedhismind:"Allde (#x' womenshidinthewoodsdatevenin'[toavoidthewhipping],en #@( Bossneversaynomoreaboutit.Hesenttheoverseerawayen $ ) neverdidhevnomoreoverseers."OneGeorgiaoverseerovera % * smallplantation,afterwhippingsomeofitsslaves,complained H&!+ thatsixofthemranoff--"everymanbutJack."Hesuspected '`", theywerehidingoutinthewoodsuntiltheycouldmeettheir '(#- ownerorhisuncle,whichillustratesonceagaintheprinciple (#. thattheslavessoughtredressoftheirgrievancesbyplaying h)$/ uponthedivisionsamongthewhiteswhoruledthem.n   614      ׀These  "strikes"oftenseemedtoactuallywrestsomeconcessionsfrom x theslaveholdersoroverseersaffected,oratleasttheyavoided @ inspiringharshcrackdowns.Itamountstoatypeoftemporary X andlocalrunningawaydoneenmasse,sincetheslaves   disappearedintotheswampsorwoods,anddidnothangaroundin  thequartersorsomeotherplacewheretheycouldbeeasily `  locatedandwhippedfortheirrecalcitrance.Perhapsduetothis ( x lackofdirectconfrontation,incontrasttothepicketlinesof  @ modernunionswhenonstrike,andbecauseitoftentookadvantage    oftheoverseer/slaveholderfaultline,mastersatleast    sometimesgrantedconcessionstotheir"striking"bondsmen, H   thinkingthattheprotestsbysuchalargegroupatonceproved `  theyhadlegitimatecomplaints. (  @ SmallScaleOpenConfrontationsandViolence h    Smallscaleshowdownsbetweenslavesandmastersandtheir H  overseersinwhichoneormoreslavesfoughttheirownersand  supervisors,orattemptedtohitorkillthem,wereanotherform  ofresistance.Thesestrugglesandcrimesdonotconstitute P organizedresistance,inthesenseofaslaverebellion,but h stillcreatedworriesandfearsamongthewhiteregime'smembers, 0 becausetheirownlivescouldsuddenlyandunexpectedlybeat  riskwhen(say)seekingapplythelashtosomeslavewhorefused p tobewhipped.Similartowhatprovokedmanyrunaways,theflash 8 pointofresistanceoftenwasaslaverefusingtobepunishedby P hisowner,andlatterinsistingondoingitanywayinorderto  maintainhisauthorityandprovehewouldenforcedisciplineon  otherslavesaswell.Theclassicincidenthere,buthewas X hardlyalone,wasFrederickDouglass'sstrugglewithEdward  p Covey,towhomhismasterhadrentedhimoutforbreaking.Covey 8 triedtowhiphimforhavingrunaway,butafterlosingto   Douglass,henevertriedtowhiphimagain.Afterwards,solong x! asheremainedaslave,"Ididnothesitatetoletitbeknownof @" me,thatthewhitemanwhoexpectedtosucceedinwhipping,must  X# alsosucceedinkillingme."Onemaster,insistentonapplying  $ thelashtoaslavewhorefusedtobewhipped,foundonetactic !% tobeuseful,asescapedslaveMrs.JamesSewardfromMaryland `"& described:"Mymastercouldnotmanagetowhipmysisterwhen (#x' shewasstrong.Hewaiteduntilshewasconfined,andthesecond #@( weekafterherconfinementhesaid,'NowIcanhandleyou,now $ ) thatyouareweak.'"Thisattempttowhipstillbackfired, % * becausesheranaway,andgotsickafterrunningthroughwater. H&!+ FrancisHenderson,whoworkedonaplantationinWashington,  D.C.,foughthismasterandhissonwhentheytriedtowhiphim. x Afterthrowingthelatteragainstthesideofthebarn,heran @ intothewoods."FromthistimeIwasnotpunished.Ithinkmy X masterbecameafraidofme;whenhepunishedthechildren,I   wouldgoandstandby,andlookathim,--hewasafraid,andwould  stop."JohnHolmeswasanespeciallyrecalcitrantslave,and `  alwaysrefusedtobewhipped,causingshowdownsandfights, ( x gettingshotonetimeandnearlyshotanother,wheneverhis  @ ownersoroverseerssoughttopunishhim.Onhisplantation,    thereweretwoothermenandonewomanwhorefusedtobewhipped    besideshim.Theoverseergotintoaviciousfightwiththe H   slavewoman,whoafterhittingherwithastickfornotworking `  fastenough,struckbackwitharake,andexchangedblowsand (  wrestledontheground.Withtheaidofthemistress'ssonand   soninlaw,theywhippedherterribly,butitbackfired:"She h  behavedworseafterwards."Onemorning,Holmeswaslategetting 0  intothefield.Afterhisoverseersaid,"I'llmakeallthe H  handscatchyou,andI'llwhipyou,"hereplied:"Thereain'ta  manthesunshinesupon,thatshallwhipme."Byhisaccount,  hisboastwasachieved.Oneslavestruckthemanwhohadhired P himfromhismaster,andafterthestakesforwhippinghim h spreadeaglewerepoundedintotheground,hisbrothersaidto 0 him,"Charles,beforeI'dbewhippedforthatFrenchman,I'dcut  mythroat."Hedidthis,beatofffivemenwhofollowedhiminto p theriver,andaftercomingoutofthewater,wasnot 8 whipped--andhisthroathealedinafewweeks.o   615      ׀Such P spectacularincidentswhenwhippingswereopposedwerehardly  usual,aswereslaveswhorefusedtobewhipped,butthey  presentedenoughdangerthatoverseersandmastersinsomeareas X weretakentocarryingloadedpistolsand/orkniveswhen  p confrontationdidcome.Becauseofthebadexampletheseslaves 8 setforothersfromthemasters'viewpointinpreservinglabor   discipline,theirdefianceconstitutedachallengetothe x! maintenanceoforder,whicheitherrequiredemployingextreme @" measureswhenevertheywouldbeconfronted,aswiththe  X# slavewomanHolmesknew,orelsetheywouldturnablindeyeto  $ theirrefusalstobewhipped,calculating,likeCovey,further !% showdownswerenotworththerisksinvolved. `"&   Thelivesofmasters,mistresses,andoverseerscouldbeat #@( riskinconfrontationswithslaves.Someofthewaysslaves $ ) disposedofoverseerspermanentlyincludedbeingwhackedinthe % * headwithahoe,gettinghitbythestickandthenhavinghis H&!+ handsandfeetchoppedoffwithanax,andbeingwhippedand '`", thrownoffacliff.Ineachofthesecases,itwasbecausethe '(#- overseerhadwhippedaslavebeforesomekindofretaliation (#. ensued. h)$/ Chesnutdescribedhowhercousin,oneoldmistressnamedBetsey  Witherspoon,wasmurderedbyherhouseslaves.Why?Because x theyhadactedsoinsolentlytotheirownerbecauseshedidnot @ trydiscipliningthematallseriously,hersonsaidhewould X whipthem.Inordertopreventthethreatenedpunishment,they   theymurderedherinbed,andstolesomelinen,anightgown,and  goldcoins.InanothercaseChesnutdescribed,yetanother `  mistresswasmurderedbyherslaves,thenhangedtolooklikeshe ( x hadcommittedsuicide.Anotherslavemurderedhermistressand  @ hertwoyoungchildren--forwhichshewassoonlynched.Slaves    couldbemuchmoresubtleabouthowtheymurderedtheirmasters.    Houseslaveswhopreparedthewhitefamily'sfoodpreferred H   poisoning.InNorthCarolinabetween1755and1770,thecolony `  hadfiftynineclaimsforslavesbeingexecuted.Nearly25 (  percentofthesewereformurderorattemptedmurderofwhites.   Asaresult,whiletheydidnotthreatentheregime'soverall h  stability,thesecrimesstruckfearinmastersand(evidently) 0  especiallymistresses.Chesnutoncewrote: H  8  HithertoIhaveneverthoughtofbeingafraidof  Negroes.Ihadneverinjuredanyofthem;whyshould P theywanttohurtme?...SomehowtodayIfeelthat h thegroundiscutawayfromundermyfeet.Whyshould 0 theytreatmeanybetterthantheyhaddoneCousin  BetseyWitherspoon?p   KemblewrotesheknewthatSouthernwhitemenoftendeniedliving P underacontinualsenseofdanger,but"everySouthern[white]  womantowhomIhavespokenonthesubjecthasadmittedtome  thattheyliveinterroroftheirslaves."Forthesereasonsthe X domesticservantswerenotbeallowedtosleepinthesamehouse  p astheirmastergenerally--aprecautionMrs.Witherspoon 8 certainlywasnotobserving.Yet,Chesnutalsoobservedthat   "nobodyisafraidoftheirownNegroes,"andshesaidshewould x! feelperfectlysafeontheplantation"eveniftherewereno @" whitepersonintwentymiles."p   616      ׀  X# @"Nats"or"Sambos"?--SelectivePerceptionbytheMasterClass !%   Mastersandmistressespossessedarathercontradictory (#x' mindsetabouttheirownslaves.Theirselectiveperception #@( causedselfdeception.Theyimputedtowardsand/orfocusedupon $ ) differentcharacteristicsintheslavesdependinguponontheir % * moodandtheirslaves'immediateacts.Whentheslaveshadon H&!+ theirmasks,whenplaying"Sambothefool"totricktheirowners, '`", orsullenlywentabouttheirworkafterhavingchallengedwhite '(#- authorityandlosing,masterscouldbeconfidentabouttheir  relationshipswiththeirhumanproperty.Butwhentheoccasional x murder,conspiracypanic,or(muchmorerarely)actualrevolt @ transpired,andtheblackmanhaddemonstratedhisdangertothe X whites,thenhebecamea"Nat"instead--aslavewhohadbeen   welltreatedlikethoseinChesnut'sfamily,butwhosuddenly  turnedandmurderedhismasterinbedincoldblood,withanother `  slavefinishingthegrislyjob.Blassingameinterpretsthe ( x Southernslaveholders'mentalitythus:"Themorefearwhiteshad  @ ofNat,themorefirmlytheytriedtobelieveinSamboinorder    toescapeparanoia."Thispsychologicalportraitislikely    overdrawn,becauseenoughslaveholdersandoverseershaddealt H   withenoughordinarilyrecalcitrantslaves"shuffling"whilein `  thefields,whosoughtandemployedalmosteverypossibletrick (  inthebooktoevadework,letaloneactualopenrebelliousness   uponoccasion(orhadheardaboutsuch).Asaresult,thepure h  "Sambo"stereotypewasneverreallybelievedinbymostwhitesin 0  theirhiddentranscript,evenasitwasfeaturedstronglyinpro H  slaverypropagandaofthepublictranscript.Althoughsmall  scalefrontalassaultsonwhiteslaveholdersandoverseerswere  notcommon,andwerenotafundamentalthreattotheregime P becauseoftheirgenerallyindividualistic,evenanarchicnature, h theyoccurredenoughtokeepmostofthemontheirtoeswith 0 proceduresreminiscentofapolicestate,atleastinareaswhere  slavesheavilyoutnumberedthewhites.Slaveholdersknew p punishmentcouldsuddenlybackfirepossibly,overandabovethe 8 ratherrarecasesinwhichsomeofthemwerekilleddeliberately P afterconsciouscalculationbytheirbondsmen.q   617        @TheRarityofSlaveRevoltsintheUnitedStatesComparedto X Elsewhere  p   Slaverevolts--organizedinsurrectionagainstthewhite   regimebyslavesenmasse--intheSouthernUnitedStatesinthe x! period17501865wereveryrare,foralltheattentionthey @" receivedbycontemporariesandhistorianssince.Duringthis  X# time,onlyintwocasesdidgroupsofslavesactuallybeganto  $ useviolentforceagainsttheirowners:onenearNewOrleansin !% 1811andTurner'srebellionin1831.TheNewOrleansrevoltin `"& St.JohntheBaptistandSt.Charlesparishesfeaturedsomewhere (#x' betweenthreehundredandfivehundredslavesarmedwithplenty #@( ofpikes,axes,andhoes,butfewfirearms.Theyorganized $ ) themselvesincompaniescommandedbyofficersastheymarchedon % * NewOrleans,andsucceededinburningafewplantationsand H&!+ killingtwowhites.Latertheyweredispersedbyregulartroops '`", andmilitiaunderWadeHampton,withsixtysixslavesbeing '(#- killedinopenbattle,andafterwardstheexecutionsofsixteen  leadersfollowed.AlthoughmuchmoreobscurethanTurner's x revolt,itholdsprideofplaceasAmerica'slargestslave @ revolt.Turner'sbandofrebelsnevernumberedmorethansixty X orseventy,buttheymanagedtokillfarmorewhitesbeforebeing   quelled,asdescribedabove(p.272).Eventheserevoltswere  minoraffairscomparedtothesizeandfrequencyofthoseinthe `  historyofLatinAmericanandCaribbeanslavery.Forexample,in ( x whatisnowGuyana,therewereatleasteighteenrevoltsoverand  @ abovemaroonwarsandabortiveuprisingsintheperiod1731until    theabolitionofslavery.In1823,oneoftheserevoltsinvolved    between10,000and20,000slaveson50plantations.Anotherin H   thepartthencalledBerbicein1763involvedabout2000 `  bondsmen,whosucceededinkillingabout200ofthecolony's350 (  whites.InJamaica,theaveragerevoltfeaturedabout400   participants,withonein1760having1000.Duringthedecade h  173040,amajorrevoltoccurredalmosteveryyear.Bahiain 0  Brazilduringtheperiod18071835featuredatleastsixmajor H  revolts.ForaperiodofthreeyearsManoelFranciscodosAnjos  FereiraheldtheentireprovinceofMaranhaowiththeaidofhis  followersintheBalaiadainBrazil.Bycomparison,Turner's P rebellionwasamerepassingvapor.Andalltheseultimate h failuresoverlookthegreatestandmostsuccessfulrevoltofall, 0 thatofSaintDominguebeginningin1791.r   618      ׀Bycomparison,the  historyofslaveryintheUnitedStatessingularlylackssuch p drama--befittingtheemphasisondailyinfrapoliticswhen 8 discussingslaveresistanceabove. P @TheFactorsMilitatingAgainstSlaveRevoltsintheUnitedStates    ThereasonsforSouthernslaves'relativequiescenceto  p theirCaribbeanandLatinAmericanbrothersandsistersresulted 8 fromamultitudeoffactors,allofwhichfavoredrevoltinthe   latterareascomparedtotheUnitedStates.Thedifferencein x! thenumberofrevoltswasnotduetosomeinherentdocilityof @" NorthAmericanslaves,butbecausejustaboutobjectivefactor  X# nameableweighingthebalanceofforcesbetweenthewhiteregime  $ andtheslaveswastiltedtowardsmoretowardsformerinthe !% UnitedStatescomparedtoLatinAmericanandCaribbean `"& conditions.TheslavepopulationoutsideoftheUnitedStates (#x' wasmuchmorelikelytoheavilyoutnumberthewhitesandbe #@( proportionatelymoreAfricanthannativeborn(creole), $ ) especiallyasthenineteenthcenturydrewalongandthelegal % * foreignslavetradeclosedin1808,andtohaveaskewedsex H&!+ ratioinwhichmenoutnumberedwomen,especiallyonthelarge '`", plantations.EvenasearlyastheAmericanRevolution,onlyone '(#- fifthofAmericanslaveswereAfricanborn,whileaslateas (#. 1800,onefourthofthepeopleinMartinique,Barbados,and h)$/ JamaicawereAfricanswhohadarrivedintheprecedingdecade.  Malesmadeup60percentto70percentoftheslavesinLatin x America.InJamaica,blacksoutnumberedwhitestentoone,and @ theslavetowhiteratiowaseleventooneinHaiti,twentyto X oneinSurinam,andseventooneintheWestIndiesgenerally,   whileintheSoutha0.5ratioprevailedregionally.The  Africanborn,havingexperiencedtheirownenslavementandloss `  offreedom,andhavingastrongerethosofcollective ( x organization,werenaturallymorerestlessthanthecreolesborn  @ inAmerica,whotendedtoprotestinanindividualisticmanner    moreandwerehabituatedtotherigorsofbondagefrombirth.    TheAfricanslavesalsohadanonChristianreligioustradition, H   asdevelopedintoVodunintheCaribbean,whichformed `  ideologicalfoundationsforrevolt,andduetolanguageandother (  culturaldifferences,lessinfluencedbythemasterclass'   attemptsatideologicalhegemony.Theircontinualimportation h  infusedAfricanculturalpracticesamongbothearlierarrivals 0  andthecreolesthemselves.Assimilationwasaplausible H  objectiveforSouthernwhiteswhendealingwithslaves,atleast  aftertheclosingoftheforeignslavetrade.Thisobjectivewas  ratherabsurdwherethewhiteswereasmalleliteamongmassesof P blacksandmulattos.InsuchplacesasJamaica,Haiti,and h Guyana,theyhadtosegregatethemselvesfromtheblacksto 0 preservetheirculturalidentity.Duetohavinganearlyeven  sexratio,themenamongAmericanslavesexperiencedmuchmoreof p theintrinsicallytamingandsettlingaspectsofmarriageand 8 familylife,unliketherestless"bachelorherds"oflarge P CaribbeanandLatinAmericanplantations,wheremanyofthemen  couldneverhopetomarry.TheslavesintheUnitedStateswere  oftenheldinrelativelysmallunits,threequartersingroupsof X fiftyorless,andalmosthalfwereownedingroupsoftwentyor  p less.Therewere2.1slavesperwhitememberofaslaveholding 8 family,with72percentholdinglessthantenandnearly50   percentofslaveownerslessthanfivebondsmen.Bycontrast,a x! collectiveconsciousnessflourishedmuchmoreamongthoseonthe @" muchlargergroupscustomarilyheldinLatinAmericaandthe  X# Caribbean,whichaveragedonehundredtotwohundred,wherethe  $ master'sandmistress'personalpresenceandinfluencewasmuch !% lesslikelytobefeltfacetofacebytheordinaryfieldhand. `"& Asincapitalistindustry,arealpaternalismismuchmorelikely (#x' toflourishinsmallerunitsofproductionthaninlargerones, #@( wheretheownerreallycomestoknowhisworkers--orslaves--as $ ) thecasemaybe.Themasteralsowaslesslikelytobe % * physicallypresentaswell--absenteeismflourishedinmuchof H&!+ LatinAmericanandCaribbeanslavery,whereoneestimatehad90 '`", percentoftheownersofJamaicanslaveswereabsentees.Butin '(#- theUnitedStates,residentmasterswereanimportantrestraining (#.  forceonthediscretiongrantedtooverseersinpunishingthe h)$/ slavesundertheirauthority.s   619      ׀     Otherfactorsmilitatedagainsttheslavesrebellinginan @ organizedfashion.ThewhiteregimeintheUnitedStateswasfar X moreunifiedandmilitarilyefficientthanthatoftheruling   classesinmanyLatinAmericancoloniessuchasBrazilandSaint  Domingue,andcouldcountupontheautomaticsupportofafierce, `  wellarmedpoorwhitemajoritywherevertheslavesgrew ( x dangerous.TheCaribbeanelites,inparticular,facedamuch  @ greaterlikelihoodofinvasionfromwithoutaswell.Nothing    likethemarooncolonyofPalmaresdevelopedwithintheconfines    oftheUnitedStates,norwerethewhitesreducedtomaking H   treatieswithsuchentities,nordidanyrebelseverholdout `  longagainstthemilitarypowerthewhitescommanded.By (  contrast,inCuba,ittooktwomonthstopushoutsevenhundred   slavesoutofamountainstronghold,andincolonialMexico, h  theirarmyoncetookmonthstoreachwhereslaveshad 0  revolted--andstillfailedtodefeatthem.Whileundeniably H  inferiortotheNorth'sorEngland's,theSouth'sdevelopmentof  asuperiortransportationandcommunicationsnetwork,suchas  throughrailroads,steamboats,andthetelegraph,gavethewhite P regimeadvantagesoveritsslavesnootherslaveholdingelitehad h possessedbytheeveoftheCivilWar,makinglargemaroon 0 coloniesandsustainedrevoltspracticallyimpossible.Southern  slaves,especiallythoseoutsidetasksystemareas,had p relativelylittleexperienceinraisingtheirownfoodand 8 sellingittoothers,whileelsewhereintheAmericas,sincethe P slaveholdersmadetheslavesgrowtheirownfood,thereweremuch  greateropportunitiesforblackentrepreneurshipandinitiative  taking.Thesecommercialactivitiesbroadenedthemind,helpful X whenplanningrevoltsandinencouragingthemtobeginwith,  p sincemore"practicalfreedom"existedoutsidethemaster'sand 8 overseer'sdailysupervisionandcontrol,givingthematastefor   more.Becausefreewhitesweremorenumerousthantheslavesin x! theSouth,theslavescouldbeeasilyexcludedfrombearingarms @" inwartimetorepelforeigninvadersandfrommostconsequential  X# commercialactivities.ButinJamaicaandSaintDomingue,the  $ mulattosandslavesactuallycontrolledmuchofthecommerce, !% whilethecontinualwarfareinLatinAmericaandtheCaribbean `"& causedslaveholderstoarmtheirslavesformilitarypurposes, (#x' andsometimesgrantthemfreedominreturnfordoingso.In #@( America,keepingtheslavestotallyeconomicallydependentby $ ) providingthemmostoralltheirfoodandprohibitingthem % * sellingorgrowinganythingthemselveswasamuchmorepractical H&!+ objective,andonemanymasterspursuedtoonedegreeoranother '`", outsidetasksystemareas.Americanslavesdidnotgainanyof '(#- themilitaryexperiencethatcouldbeemployedinrevolts.  Positiveincentivesalsodidplayaroleindiscouragingrevolt, x sincethematerialconditionsofSouthernslaves,suchasinfood @ providedandhoursworked,wascertainlybetterthanthosewhich X prevailedinmostotherplacesintheAmericas.Bettertreatment   wasoneofthereasons(besideshavingfewerdeathsdueto  tropicaldisease)whytheslavelaborforceintheUnitedStates `  wastheonlyonewhichexperiencednaturalincreasethrough ( x birthsexceedingdeaths.WhileBrazilreceivedabout37percent  @ andNorthAmericaaboutamere6percentofallslaveimportsto    theNewWorldduringtheperiod15001825,bothwoundupwitha    verysimilarnumberofblacksin1825.Finally,theslaveswere H   morestratifiedbyeconomicfunctionandstatusduetothe `  greaterdivisionoflaboronthelargeplantationsinthe (  CaribbeanandLatinAmerica,andbecausetherewasmuchlessofa   freewhiteartisanalclasstoturntoperformcertaintradesand h  functions.Thisoccupationalhierarchyencouragedmore 0  developmentofcapableleadershipcomparedtotheUnitedStates H  abovethemassesofthefieldhandsanddomesticservantsthat  madeupmostslavesthroughouttheAmericas.Thus,eachoneof  thefactorsconcerningthelikelihoodofslaverevoltlisted P abovewhichinfluencedtherelativebalanceofforcesfavoredthe h continuedcontrolofthewhiteregimeinAmericaandprevented 0 organizedrebellionand/orencouragedpassivityamongthe  bondsmencomparedtotherestoftheNewWorld.t   620       p @ManySlavesKnewHowMuchtheDeckWasStackedAgainstSuccessful P Revolt    Americanslavesdidnotdevelopanykindofrevolutionary X ethosduetothepaucityofactualarmedinsurrectionsamong  p them,andtheeasewithwhichthewhiteelitewasabletocrush 8 theveryfewthatdidoccur,somethingwhichApthekermaintained   butfellowMarxistGenovesehasdenied.u   621      ׀Forthoseliterate x! slaveswhoroseabovethemassesoffieldhands,perhapsas @" preachers,drivers,artisans,orthedomesticservantsoflarge  X# planters,whocouldanalyzetheirsocietymoreintellectually,  $ theyeasilysawhowstrongandpowerfulthewhiteregimewasand  howthebalanceofforcesweretiltedoverwhelminglyagainst x successfulinsurrection.Frontalattacksenmasseweresimply @ hopeless,especiallyastheslaveholdingelitereadilyemployed X savagerepressionagainstthosewhodidparticipateinthefew   revoltsthatdidoccur,suchasnearNewOrleansandunder  Turner,orthosethatnearlydid,likeProsser'sand(evidently) `  Vesey's.Slaveholderssometimestoleratedtheoccasional ( x individualslavewhorefusedtobewhipped,butnormally  @ otherwisedidhisorherwork.Entertainingviolencebyslaves    inorganizedgroupswasquiteanothermatter,andwasbrutally    crushed,astheviolentnatureofthewhiteregimeascomparedto H   England'sruralelitewasshownabove(pp.27174).Furthermore, `  thoseseriouslyplanningrevoltsfacedtheproblemofinformers (  amongtheirownranks,whichdestroyedbothProsser'sandVesey's   conspiracies,resultinginthecostsofrepressionwithoutany h  whitebloodbeingdrawnorpropertydestroyed.Olmstednoted 0  casually,whiledescribingProsser'sconspiracy:"Havingbeen H  betrayedbyatraitor,asinsurgentslavesalmostalwaysare,  theyweremet,ontheirapproach,byalargebodyofwellarmed  militia,hastilycalledoutbytheGovernor."Forthesereasons, P Americanslaveswereapttoputthatmuchmoreeffortintodaily h infrapolitics,because"deliverancefrombelow,"suchasoccurred 0 inHaitiunderToussaintLouventure,wassimplyimpossibly  utopian.Perhapsforthesereasons,especiallywiththemore p informed,literateslavesseeingfreedomarriving"fromabove," 8 throughtheUnionArmywithoutthemhavingtotakeanydangerous P risks,andescapeopportunitiesmassivelymultiplied,theSouth  sufferednosignificantslaverevoltsduringtheCivilWar  despitethedrainingofyoungmenfromthecountrysidetoserve X intheConfederateArmyandthegrowingdisorganizationofits  p economyandcommunications/transportationnetworkwhilesuffering 8 invasionandblockade.WhenMr.Chesnutdiscussedoffering   freedominexchangeforfightingfortheSouth,hisheadmenwere x! interested."Now[December1864]theysaycoollythattheydon't @" wantfreedomiftheyhavetofightforit.Thatmeanstheyare  X# prettysureofhavingitanyway."v   622      ׀Unlikethosewhofoughtfor  $ theNorth,thistheoreticalofferinvolvedfightingforthecause !% ofthosewhoheldtheminbondage,sotheymayhaveliedabout `"& theirloyaltytotheSouth'scauseevenastheycould(now) (#x' safelyadmittotheirdesireforfreedom.Nevertheless,this #@( storypointstoaobviousriskavoidancestrategy--whyfightfor $ ) freedomwhenlikelywithinayear'stimetheUnionarmy's % * bayonetswilldeliverittoyourdoor?Whenthewhiteregimewas H&!+ muchstronger,beforethewar,therealizationthatopenrevolt '`", morelikelyledtodeathinsteadoflibertywasafundamental '(#- reasonforwhyAmericanslavesappearedmorepassivethantheir  LatinAmericanandCaribbeancounterparts. x @((WhyThen,IfRevoltsWereSoRare,WeretheWhitesSoParanoid? X   Grantedthelackofslaverevoltsintheyears17501865,  thenwhyweretheslaveholderssoparanoid?Whydidsomany `  insurrectionpanicsshakethroughtheSouth?Aptheker'shistory ( x ofslaverevoltsactuallyisarecordmuchmoreofwhitefearsof  @ slaveconspiracies,anumberofwhichwerelikelytheproductof    "stronggrievancesononesideanddeepfearsonanother,"than    anyactualpreparationsforrevoltabove,perhaps,idlethreats H   andgossip.WadehasevenquestionedtheexistenceofVesey's `  famousconspiracy: (  8  Noelaboratenetworkhadbeenestablishedinthe h  countryside;nocacheofarmslayhiddenaboutthe 0  city;nodateforanuprisinghadbeenset;no H  undergroundapparatus,carefullyorganizedandsecretly  maintained,awaitedasignaltofireCharlestonand  murderthewhites.w   623      P   Aptheker'srecordofconspiraciessuffersfromuncritically 0 analyzinghissources.Thosedescribedforthepost1835period  almostinvariablyweresaidtohaveoriginatedinthemindofa p whiteman,suchasanNorthernabolitionistoraSouthernfellow 8 traveler,notfromablack.x    624      ׀Thepanicthatleadto"lynchlaw" P proceedingsinthreecountiesinMississippiin1835wasnotan  exceptiontothisrule.Supposedly,JohnA.Murrell'sgangof  someonethousanddesperadoswasplanningavastinsurrectionto X takeplaceonChristmasDay,1835inordertofacilitatetheir  p plansofplunderingthecountryside.Althoughconvictedand 8 thrownintoprisonforstealingslavessomemonthsbeforethat   date,apamphletabouthissupposedplansaboutslaverebellion x! circulated,andintheJulyof1835awhitemobinLivingston @" countyhangedslaves.Someofthemhadpointedtotwowhitemen  X# intheirconfessions--whoweresoonsummarilyexecutedinturn.  $ JohnCotton,oneofthesewhites,"confessed,"sayinghewaspart !% ofaplotforalltheslavesintheSouthtorevolt,from `"& MarylandtoLouisiana,desiringtodestroythewhitepopulation (#x' oftheSouth.Theabsurdityofthistaleisevident,yetwithin #@( afewweekstwelvewhitemen(withfivehanged)andamuchlarger $ )  numberofslaveshadfallenvictimtodrumheadlegalproceedings % * andwerepunished.y   625      ׀Employingasociologicalapproach,Morris   maintainstheultimatecauseofthisscare,andbyextension x thoseinotherpartsoftheSouth,wasduetoalackofcommunity @ organizationandcontactamongthewhitesonaroutinebasisin X somelocaltownthatwouldadministerthecounty,whichcaused   themtosuspectandaccusewhitestheydidnotknowwellofbeing  theringleaders.z    626      ׀However,thereweredeeperreasonsforthese `  witchhuntsperiodicallysweepingpartsoftheSouth,overand ( x aboveanyobjectiveneedforvigilance.Anelite,whenit  @ purportedlybelievesitslaborforceiscontented,atleastin    itspropagandainthepublictranscript,isapttoblame    discontentonoutsiders,onsubversives,inflamingthemindsof H   itssubordinateclasstobecomediscontentandtoriseagainst `  theirmasters.(SimilarrumorswerepresentduringtheSwing (  RiotsinEngland,duringwhichgentlemenorforeignerswere   blamedforsettingfires,etc.)Thisstrategyservestounite h  "us"versustherelativelyunknown"other"or"them"--servingto 0  helpquellanypubliclyexpresseddoubtsSouthernwhitesmight H  haveabouttheregimethemselves.Thepanickyparanoiathat  surfaceduponoccasionalsodemonstratedthatdeepdownthe  slaveholdersdidnotbelievetheirownpropagandaabouthow P contentedSambosupposedlywas,butknewhehadgoodreasonsnot h tobehappybetweenhiscrude,coarserationsandtheoverseer's 0 lash,understandingtheslaves'veryhumanitymeanttheylikely  desiredfreedomsecretlyasmuchasanywhitedid.{@   627      ׀ p @TTResistancetoSlaveryintheUnitedStatesIsDominatedby P Infrapolitics    ThestoryofresistanceunderslaveryintheUnitedStates X ismainlyoneofdaytodayresistance--ofevadedwork,stolen  p food,andprotectivelies,ratherthanoneofrevolts,open 8 defiance,andorganized,collectiveefforts.Thiswasnot   becauseAmericanplantationswerepopulatedwithSambosinstead x! ofNatsduetotheeffectsofaclosedsystemproducingbent @" personalities(Elkins)nor,intheolderhistoriography,upon  someinnatelyrooteddispositionsincharacter(U.B.Phillips's x AmericanNegroSlavery).Partofthislayintheinevitable @ realitythattheinfrapoliticsofstrugglebetweenadominantand X asubordinateclasslargelymakeupmostbothgroups'mutual   dealings,outsideofrare,revolutionarymoments,becauseofthe  former'sstrengthcomparedtothelatter.Routinelytheweakuse `  covert,circuitousmeansofaccomplishingtheiraims,becausethe ( x costsofopendefiancenormallyareveryhigh.However,  @ Americanslaves,evenmorethantheirLatinAmericanand    Caribbeanbrethren,placedtheireffortsintodaytoday    resistancebecausetheobjectivestrengthofthewhiteregimein H   theUnitedStateswassogreat,openandorganizeddefiancewas `  evenmoresuicidalthannormalforthissubordinateclass.Due (  totheethicoftheeasyuseofpersonalviolencecomingfrom   livinginrelativelyunsettled,unpoliced,frontierareasundera h  naturallysuspiciouswhiteregimewhosepublicmoresemphasized 0  defendingone'shonorandthuswascorrespondinglyhypersensitive H  aboutpersonalslightsandoffenses,andthelackofany  substantivedejurelegalrightsmuchabovetherightnotbe  murderedbyone'smaster,theslaveslackedtheabilityto P organizeinacollectivemannerthatwasnotviolentitselfin h nature.Althoughsomeresistanceoccurredthatmimickedthe 0 withdrawaloflaborbystrikingunions,bymassesofslaves  runningawayinprotestagainstparticularlyabusiveoverseersor p overlydemandingworkschedules,thesuspicionsofthewhitesand 8 theirrefusal(asdemonstratedbythelegaltheoryoftheslave P codes)torecognizethemashavinganylegalrightstofreedomof  associationortotheproductoftheirlaborensuredthat  collectiveprotestsalmostinevitablyhadtoturntoviolence. X Theslaves,workingwithinthesystem,couldnotchangethe  p regimebyanyopenandsustainedcollectiveactivity,suchasthe 8 Englishfarmworkers'unionsconstituted.Theonlywaytochange   slaveryatallasasocialsystemwastototallyoverthrowitat x! once--whichleddirectlytothedesperateuseofviolence @" whenevertheslavesdidriseagainsttheirownersthroughoutthe  X# Americas.Thepoliciesofthewhiteregimelefttheslavesthe  $ alternativesofopenviolence,whichwasespeciallysuicidalin !% theAmericancase,orsurreptitiousinfrapolitics,through `"& wearingmasksbeforetheirmasters,ventingtheirfrustrationsin (#x' generallyunsurveyedsocialsites,andcovert,loose,informal #@( organizinginthequartersthataimedatmakingextractingwork $ ) outofthemamaximallyfrustratingprocessfortheirownersand % * supervisors.ThatAmericanslaveslackedanextensivehistoryof H&!+ revoltsandlargescalemarooncolonieshaslittletoduewith '`", anyvirtuesordefectsincharacterorpersonality,butwasdue '(#- totheobjectivestrengthofthewhiteregimeoverthem. (#. @ResidentSlaveholdersSupervisingSmallUnitsofProduction 0*%0 SmotherResistance *H&1   Anotherreasonforthelackofcollectiveresistanceby ,'3 Southernslavesagainsttheirmastersandmistresseslayinthe  smotheringeffectsoftheirsmallunitsofproductionandclose, x personalsupervisionbyresidentslaveholders,asKolchinhas @ observed.Thepracticaleffectsofpaternalism,althoughthat X ideologylikelywasnotacceptedbythebulkofmastersorslaves   inactuality,stillboreusefulfruitsfromthewhiteregime's  viewpointduetotheresidentnatureofthemasterclassand `  theirabilitytoroutinelyinterfereinthelivesoftheirhuman ( x chattels.Simplyput,thelargerthesizeoftheunitof  @ productionandthefartherawaytheownerlivesawayfromit,the    harderitisforhimtosurvey,control,andpunishthoseunder    him,regardlessoftheslavecode'slegalitiesaboutthewillof H   thebondsmanbeingmadeonewiththemaster's.Theamountof `  "practical,"defactofreedomofthesubordinatesincreases (  correspondinglywiththelesseningofthemaster'spower.To   managemostAmericanplantations,nolarge,complicated h  administrativeapparatusofmanagerssupervisingothermanagers 0  interveningbetweentheownerandtheaverageslavewas H  necessary--ifthemasterdidnotpersonallysupervisehisslaves  atwork,normallyallheneededwasoneoverseertomanagethem.  Byknowingnotjusthisdomesticservants,butmanyorallhis P fieldhandspersonally,especiallyinthosecasesoflarge h hereditaryslaveownersinlongsettledareas,hecouldinterfere 0 intheirfamilyandoffwork,"private"livesmuchmorethanwas  thecaseforthosegenerallyabsenteeCaribbeanplanterswho p oftenruledovermuchlargerbodiesofslaves.Furthermore,he 8 oftenstrivedtomakehisbondsmenaseconomicallydependenton P himaspossible,byprovidingfoodandclothingdirectlytohis  bondsmen,sometimesevenhavingfoodcookedcommunally.For  Americanslaves,outsideoftasksystemareas,thepatchesof X landtheycultivatedwerenormallysupplementstoincomeatbest,  p whentheirownersdidnotforbidthemaltogether.Theslavesof 8 theCaribbeanweremuchmorelikelytoraisealltheirownfood   themselvesonplotsoflandassignedtothem,sotheirmasters x! couldescapethehasslesofprovidingfoodforsuchlargenumbers @" ofbondsmen.AlltheclosepersonalattentionAmericanslaves  X# received,regardlessofhowmuchactualpaternalismwasbeing  $ practicedthroughit,helpedtopreventthedevelopmentof !% autonomouscollectiveorganizationsamongthem.Their"practical `"& freedom"wasmuchlessthanthatoftypicalRussianserfsor (#x' Caribbeanbondsmen,whohadmuchmoreeconomicindependenceand #@( freedomofaction.Alackofexperiencewithindependentaction $ ) haddeadeningeffectsoncollectiveresistance,asshownbythe % * differentresponsesofthosebornenslavedandthosewhosurvived H&!+ theMiddlePassage.Creoleswereparticularlyapttoengagein '`", individualisticmodesofprotest,suchasbyrunningawayalone, '(#- whiletheAfricansheldinslaveryineighteenthcentury (#. Virginia,usedtomuchmorecollaborativeeffortbeforebeing h)$/ enslavedbythewhites,weremoreapttoengageincollective 0*%0 protestsbyrunningoffingroupsandestablishingmaroon *H&1 coloniesonthefrontier.Theeffectsofslaveryonthebondsmen +'2 intheUnitedStates,underthetight,personalsupervisionof ,'3 theirownersonrelativelysmallunitsofproduction,whosought  tomakethemalmostexclusivelyeconomicallydependentonthe x standardrations,whichheavilyunderminedtheautonomyoftheir @ culture,turnedtheirslavestowardsindividualisticmodesof X protestwhosecovertyetdefiantnaturewasnotespeciallyclear   totheirownersbydeliberateintention.Whiletheresident  natureofthemastersandmistressesinAmericabenefitedthe `  bondsmenbyraisingthestandardoflivingandloweringthe ( x brutalitiesofthesystemthroughrestrainingoverseers(i.e.,  @ paidmanagement),itincreasedthesocialcostsofbondagetothe    bondsmenbyallowingtheirownerstointerferemuchmoreintheir    personalandfamilylivesandlimitingthedevelopmentofan H   autonomouscultureandethosofcollectiveprotest,especially `  withtheclosureoftheAfricanslavetradeandthehighnatural (  rateofpopulationgrowthamongthecreoleslaves.AsKolchin   noted,benignneglectmighthavebenefitedtheslavesmuchmore h  thanapaternalismthatcausedthemasterstocontinuouslymeddle 0  intheirbondsmen'slives,inwhichtheyweretreatedas H  permanentchildrenrequiringconstantprotection,direction,  correction,andpunishment.|   628        @((ResistingEnslavementIsNottheSameasResistingSlaveryasa h SocialSystem 0   Withdaytodayresistanceloomingsolargeinthelivesof p Americanslavesandthehistoriographyofthesubject,thisleads 8 ustoamajorobjectionagainstitssignificance.Sincefree P workersincontemporarysocietyalsoengageinshirking,  vandalism,liestoevadework,theftfromtheworkplace,etc.,  howdoweknowwhetherwhenslavesengagedinthesamebehaviors X theywerereallyresistingslaveryasasocialsystem?Kolchin  p usestheexampleofabsenteeismdoublingamongAmerican 8 autoworkersbetween1965and1972.Wasthisproofofthem   increasinglyresistingcapitalism,dislikingthespecific x! policiesoftheautocompanies,orjustalienationfromboring, @" repetitivejobs?}    629      ׀Itisdifficultpeeringintothemindsof  X# subjectclassesinthepastbecausewelackgeneralaccessto  $ theirmindsandthehiddentranscripttheyproduced,asdiscussed !% above(pp.24647).Whilethemassescanprovetheyare `"& ideologicalandpoliticalthroughcollective,openeffortsto (#x' resistthedominantclass,i.e.,thattheyare"classconscious," #@( suchcollectiveeffortswererareamongAmericanbondsmen. $ ) Citingthethoughtsoftheunusuallyresourceful,oppressed, % * and/orluckyslaveswhoescapedintofreedomandlivedtowrite H&!+ ortelltheirownstoriesinnarrativesisproblematicbecause '`", thesemenandwomenwereplainlyextraordinary,andfromtheir  contactwithnorthernabolitionists,whoseideologymayhave x helpedformtheframeworkoftheiranalysisofslaveryasa @ socialsystem,evenwhentheydidnotserveaseditorsor X transcribersforthenarrativestheypublished.Oneislargely   leftwithrathercryptic,covertactivitiessuchasstealingand  lying,whicharecorrespondinglyhardtointerpretpolitically, `  evenastheyareplainlytroublesometothedominantclass.It ( x makesmoresensetoseethebondsmen,especiallythosewhowere  @ illiterateandprofoundlyignorantoftherestoftheworld    outsideofwhattheyhadpersonallyexperienced,asresistingnot    slaveryasasocialsystem,buttheirenslavementpersonally,as H   Paquettehassuggested.Conceivingoffreedomfromone'sone `  harshmaster,andseektheredressofparticular,concrete (  grievancesisonething.Butittakesawideleapconceptually   foranuneducated,illiteratemindthinkinuniversals,andsee h  thewholesystemthroughouttheSouthasneedingtobe 0  overturned.Sinceconceptof"freedom,"asintheabsenceof H  physicalcoercionfromothers,isaWesternconcept,unknownto  almostallnonWesternpeoplepriortocontactwithEurocentric  cultures,thedevelopmentofanideologyoffreedomthatdidnot P involvesocialcontrolandconnectednesstofamily,kin,and h friends(theAfricanantonymfor"slavery")washardlyan 0 automaticdevelopmentnaturaltothehumanmind.Withthe  enormouspowerofthewhiteregimeinAmericanecessarily p preventingmostopen,organized,collectivestrugglesthatcould 8 beeasilylabeled"political,"thecreoleslavesthemselves P inclinedtowardsindividualisticmodesofprotest,andmuchof  thesubordinateclass'infrapoliticsbeingequivocalto  interpretation,evenbydesignoftheperpetrators,itbecomes X quitedifficulttoproveAmericanslaveswereasclassconscious  p asthefarmworkerswhojoinedArch'sunioninthe1870s. 8 Furthermore,manytypesofdaytodayresistancecanserveat   leastinadvertentlyaspropsfortheoverallsystem.For x! example,maroonageunintentionallyservedasasafetyvalve @" proppinguptheplanters'ruleinAntigua.Asthisvalveclosed  X# becausemostofitsavailablelandfellundercultivation,  $ pressuresbuildingunderforcedaccommodationhelpedcreatea !% greatconspiracyin1736.~   630      ׀ `"&   Normallyinfrapoliticsshouldseenasadesiretogain #@( concrete,particularadvantagesagainstspecificmasters(i.e., $ ) fillingahalfemptybellywithstolenfood)thanaspolitically % * motivatedactssupportedbyawellthoughtoutideology,unless H&!+ thehiddentranscripthintsatsomethinggreater,duetothe  difficultiesofilliterate,uneducatedmindsbeingableto x conceiveofandthinkaboutuniversalconcepts.Theconceptof @ "resistance"shouldnotbetrivializedthroughextendingthe X conceptofinfrapoliticsintothedailyactivitiesallpeople,   freeorslave,engageininordertolive.   631      ׀Whilenodoubt  slavesasawholewereconsciousofgettingtheshaftfromtheir `  superiorstooneextentoranother,theyneverreachedthelevel ( x ofautonomousselforganizationandcollectiveeffortofbeinga  @ classactingforitself,clearlyconceptualizingtheirposition    asagrouprelativetotheirmasters'.Nevertheless,itshould    alwaysberememberedinreplytoElkins,Genovese,andFogeland H   Engerman,thatthelackofcollectiveeffortbyAmericanbondsmen `  wasmuchmoreafunctionofwhitepowerandrestrictionsonthe (  bondsmen'seducationandpracticalfreedomofaction,especially   throughbeingresidentmastersonsmallunitsofproduction,than h  anythingintrinsictothepersonalityof"Sambo"himselforto 0  thesuccessfulindoctrinationofhimwiththeideologyof H  paternalismortheProtestantworkethic.  @Hodge:ThePredominanceofDailyInfrapoliticsoverOutright P Riots h   Havingdiscussedmuchofthegeneraltheoryofresistanceby  asubordinateclassagainstadominantclasswhendealingwith p AfricanAmericanslavesabove(noteespeciallypp.325329),this 8 sectiondealingwithEnglishagriculturalworkersismorebrief. P Theroleofdaytodayresistancethroughvariouscrimesis  paramounthereaswell,sincemajorriotsintheEnglish  countrysidewerenotespeciallycommon,evenconsideringthose X overthepriceoffoodinperiodsofhighprices.Theresearch  p ofDaleEdwardWilliamsfoundthatmostmarkettownsexperienced 8 nomorethanonefoodriotinthecourseofacentury.x   632      ׀And   whiletheSwingriotsof183031andtheearlier"BreadorBlood" x! riotsofEastAngliawerefairlyspectacular,theformerbeing @" farmoreextensivethananyslaverevoltintheUnitedStates,  X# sucheventswerehardlyfrequent.Aftertheultimatefailureand  $ repressionfollowing"Swing,"thecountrysidewasnotmarkedby !% major,organizedprotestsbythelaborersagainuntilthe1860s `"& 1870sfarmworkers'unions.Chartismwassomethingthatmostly (#x' bypassedthefarmworkers,beingprimarilyanurbanphenomenon #@( dominatedbyartisansandfactoryworkers,withtheminers  playinganimportantsupplementaryrole.TheEnglishcountryside x Somervilletouredwasfullofdissatisfiedlaborersandgeneral @ unrestwhichhaditseffectsontheruralelite,butnomajor X organizedcollectiveprotests.Englishlaborersmainlyresisted   throughinfrapolitics,sinceforanysubordinateclass,direct  frontalassaultsaredangerousandrisky.Butthelaborerscould `  engageinmoreopenoppositioncomparedtoslavesintheSouth, ( x becausetheyhadfarmorelegalrightsandwereregarded  @ fundamentallyaspartofthesocietytheylivedin,notoutside    ofit,whichlaythefoundationsfortheunions'successesinthe    1870s. H   @ SocialCrime--TheInfrapoliticsofPoaching (    Thelaborersprincipallystruggledagainsttheirmasters h  throughcommittingwhatthelatterregardedcrimes,butnotthe 0  laborersthemselves.Themostimportantofthesewaspoaching, H  incontrasttothesupremacyoftheftamongAmericanslaves,  althoughthatcrimewashardlyunknownamongthelaborerseither.  Thegamelawswereaconstantsourceofclassfriction,because P theyoutlawedanyhuntingbyanyonethelandownersdidnot h specificallygivepermissionto,evenwhentheanimalswandered 0 awayfromtheirpreserves.Thelawgavethelandlordspermanent  propertyinwildanimals,allowingthemtopunishthosewho p killed"their"game.Theoldfeudalrightofchasewasoperative 8 upinto1834.Landownerspossessingitcouldhuntevenon P others'landaswell.Sincethefarmersnormallyleasedtheir  land,theyalsowerenegativelyaffectedbythegamelaws.  Tenantfarmerscouldnotlegallykillanyanimalsfeedingoffthe X cropsofthelandtheycultivatedunlesstheyreceivedtheir  p landlord'spermissionfirst,whichhewasoftenloathetogrant. 8 Routinelytheywerenotcompensatedbytheirlord--theEarlof   AbingdoninOxfordbeinganexception--byhavingtheirrents x! reducedincompensation.Thegamelawsmainlyoppressedthe @" laborersbydenyingthemawaytogetfood,especiallymeat,as  X# wouldhaveexistedhadtheylivedintheUnitedStatesevenas  $ blackslaves.Somesufferedlikethefarmersbecausetheir !% allotmentsweredamagedorruinedfromgameeatingcropsraised `"& uponthem,aproblemSomervilleonceencounteredinSussex. (#x' Furtherpettytyrannieswereinflictedbyrestrictionsplacedon #@( wherelaborerscouldwalkfreelywithoutbeingquestionedbythe $ ) policeorgamekeepers.Gatheringwoodinforestswasbannedfor % * asimilarreason.Whenalaborerwasconvictedofpoaching,he H&!+ wasapttobeblacklistedbythelocalruralelite,anddenieda '`", jobafterevenoneconviction,asArchnoted:"Themanislooked '(#- onasapoachingvagabondbyalltheemployingclassroundabout. (#.  ...Ihavegonewiththemfromoneendofthevillagetothe h)$/ other,farmerafterfarmer,butnobodywouldgivethemajob."   633      ׀   Thelaborers,whenmembersofpoachinggangs,routinelygotinto x virtualpitchedbattleswiththelocalsquires'orlord's @ gamekeepers,someoneithersidebeingwounded,arrested,even X sometimeskilled,asSomervilleandHudsonbothdescribed.   Ironically,thesegangsweretheconsequenceoftheheavy  penaltiesmetedouttoviolatorsofthe1770and(especially) `  1800and1803laws.Poachersgatheredintolargegroupsbecause ( x gamekeepersdidnotliketryingtostopthemthen,andthey  @ becamemorelikelytofightthanallowthemselvestobecaptured,    becausethepenaltiesweresoharshagainstpoaching.    634      ׀    @TheLaborers'CounterIdeologyAgainsttheElite'sGameLaws `    Thefarmworkersrejectedtheupperclassvaluesthat   underlaythegamelaws.Theymaintainedtheycouldkillwild h  animalsandbirdsbecausetheywerenotownedbyanyonein 0  particular,especiallywhentheyhadrunofftheirlord's H  preservesandlands.Inreplytothe1816Actthatinflicted  transportationforsevenyearsuponthosewhocarriedanetfor  poachingintoaforestorpark,amanifestowaspublishedina P Bathnewspaperbysomeevidentpoachers:"TheLordofallmen h senttheseanimalsforthepeasantsaswellasfortheprince." 0 Archfeltthelaborerwhokilledtheincidentalrabbitorhare  thatcrossedhispathwasnotinthewrong,whetheritwas p becausehewashalfstarving,hadmerelyinadequatewages,just 8 likedthetasteofitsmeat,orwastryingtogetcompensation P foriteatingbreakfastonhisallotment:  8  Theplaintruthis,welabourersdonotbelievehares X andrabbitsbelongtoanyindividual,notanymorethan  p thrushesandblackbirdsdo....Hasthehareorthe 8 rabbitabrandonhimforpurposesofidentification?   IfIfoundastrayloafontheroaditwouldbemine, x! andsowitharabbitorhare.   635      @"   Buttherewerelimitsonthemoralpermissibilityofpoachingfor  $ atleastsomelaborers.BothArchandshepherdBawcombedrewan  implieddistinctionbetweenthosewhoincidentlypoachedwhile x havingaregularjob,andthosewithoutregularjobs,(in @ Bawcombe'sversion)thebeerhouseidlerswhoweremembersof X poachinggangs.   636           Poachingbecameundoubtedlythemostcommoncrimethatthe `  laborerscommittedagainsttheirsuperiorsasapartofdayto ( x dayresistance.Sincetheygenerallydidnotliveontheir  @ employers'propertyatnight,especiallyasservicedeclinedin    thenineteenthcentury,itwasconsiderablyharderforthemto    stealfromthefarmers'orsquire'sstocksandlardersthanfor H   theslavesfromtheirmasters.Englishjailsandprisonswere `  fulloflaborersconvictedforpoachingoffenses,withsome (  gettinghanged.Cobbettin1823maintainedonethirdofthosein   Englishjailswerethereforviolationsofthegamelaws,which h  requiredthemtobeenlarged,andthattheirnumberexceededall 0  thoseinprisonforanyreasoninFrance.Cobbettdid H  exaggerate,thoughnotbytoomuch--between1827and1830,one  seventhofallcriminalconvictionswereunderthegamelaws,for  atotalof8502offenses.InBedfordjailintheJanuaryof P 1829,oftheninetysixprisonersyettobetried,eighteenwere h poacherswhohadusedarmsagainstgamekeepers.Considerthis 0 indicationofhowcommonthisoffensewas.IsaacBawcombewas  rewardedofapensionduetotheinfluenceofoneelderly p gentleman.Thismanroutinelyfoundexcellenthuntingontheone 8 spotofhillylandwhereBawcombe'sflockregularlyfed,which P wastheonlyexplanationhisgamekeeperhadforhisunusual  successthereasopposedtootherhillyareasonhislands.  Bawcombehadbeentheexceptiontotherule,fornotonlydidhe X notpoachhimself,buttriedtostopothersfromdoingso.This  p gentlemanhunter'srelativelackofsuccesselsewherepointedto 8 howcommonpoachingwasevenonhisownland,withouthimeven   reallyknowingit!    637       x! @TheRoleofTheft,MoreGenerallyDefined,inEnglishRural  X# Infrapolitics  $   Whiletheupperclassalsoregardedkillingwildanimalsas `"& stealingtheirproperty,weneedtoconsidertheftbylaborers (#x' morebroadly.Nodoubtthelimitsofwhatwasconsideredtobe #@( "fairgame"forthelaborersto"take"fromtheiremployerswere $ ) muchnarrowerthanthosetheslavesaccepted.Archmaintained % * whilehewouldworkwithsomeonewhopoachedarabbit,hewould H&!+ notwithsomeonewhohadtakenachicken:"Butletamanwhohad  stolenahenoffaroostbeeversuchagoodworkman,Ishould x havenothingtodowithhim;Ishouldkeepclearofhimandavoid @ hiscompany...IfIsawanymanstealsixpennyworthfroman X employerofmine,Ishouldatoncereporttheman."   638      ׀Still,the   Englishruralelitebattledagainstfarmworkersstealingtheir  property.Onereasoninitiallygivenforopposingallotmentswas `  thatthelaborerswouldusethecovergivenbygrowingtheirown ( x cropstohelpconcealwhatwasstolenfromtheiremployers.  @ Jeffries,examiningarchetypesamongthelaborersfromamiddle    classperspective,describedoneastheboywhostartsby    pilferingfromhisemployer,cumulatingwithastolenwhip,and H   finallygetsthrashedbythecarteraspunishment.His `  stereotypeignorestherealreasonwhymanylaborersstolefrom (  theiremployersorothers,especiallyintimesofdearthand/or   relativelylowwages--hunger.Someoldpeoplewitnessedto h  Hudson,includingoneladyofninetyfouryears,thatsheep 0  stealingwasacommoncrime,despitethedraconianpenalties H  threatened:"Themenwerestrangelyindifferentanddidnotseem  tocarewhethertheywerehangedornot."Shepointedoutsome  grandchildrenofamanhangedforsheepstealingatSalisbury. P Archrememberedwhenhewasaroundnineyearsoldin1835how h desperatesomanyofthelaborerswere.Manystoleturnips, 0 potatoes,andotherproducetheycouldgettheirhandson,andit  wasnoexaggerationtosayeveryothermanwasapoacherinhis p parish.MuchlikeKembleonslavesstealingfoodtolive,Arch 8 reluctantlyfeltsuchbehavioracceptable,althoughhebelieved P thelawsofthelandshouldbeobeyedasmuchaspossible:"How  canIblamethesemenbecausetheywouldnotsitstill,andlet  thelifebestarvedoutofthemandtheirs?Theywouldnot;so X theyriskedtheirliberty,thenextdearestthingtheyhad...  p intheirendeavourstoobtainfood."Somervillenotedin 8 questionnairesreturnedtotheAnticornLawLeaguefromEnglish   areasthatwhenworkwasplentiful,crimeswererare,butwhen x! workwasscare,poachingandsheepstealingwerecommon.   639      ׀ @" @P P TheCorrelationBetweenPovertyandTheft  $  !%   Turningtoevidencemorequantitativeinnature,statistical  seriesexistwhich,basedonthenumbersofindictmentsin x variousyears,appeartoindicateastrongcorrelationbetween @ dearthandnumbersoftheftscommittedinpeacetime.This X relationshipbreaksdownduringwars,evidentlybecausethearmy   wouldabsorblargenumbersofyoungmenapttocommitcrime,  especiallywhenmanymagistrateswouldofferoffendersthe `  opportunitytoavoidprosecutioniftheywouldjointhearmy. ( x AlthoughInnesandStylesareratherskepticalofthecorrelation  @ betweencrimeandpovertyduetohowprosecutorscouldchange    theirbehaviorovertimeinthosetheytrytoconvict,they    acknowledgedKing'sseriesonEssexevenhadawartime H   correlationbetweenitsbadyears(174041,1772,180001)and `  increasedcrime.While,asalways,correlationcannotprove (  causation,literaryevidence,suchasthatofHudsonandArch   above,illuminatesplausiblytheinterrelationshipsinvolved,so h  itisnotmereguessworktoseebadyearswithhighprices 0  leadingtoincreasedpettytheftsbythelaboringpoor.Whenthe H  numberofpoacherscommittedtotheGaolofBurySt.Edmundsgoes  fromfive,four,andtwointheyears181012toseventyfive,  sixty,sixtyone,andseventyonein182225,demobilizationand P locallabormarketsfloodedbyexsoldiersandsailorsseeking h workwerenottheonlyreasonswhy.Thesehadlargelybeen 0 adjustedtointhe181520periodrightaftertheFrenchWars  ended,soweshouldlookforothercauses.Orridge,thegovernor p ofthisjail,maintainedmostofthepoacherscommittedtheir 8 actsoutofdistress,nottheloveofsport.   640      ׀Evenwhensuch P statisticsaretreatedwithsomecaretheystillpointtothe  truthoftheviewpointofArchandHudson'sinformants:Poaching  andstealingincreasedattimeswhenthepoorwereworseoff.x   641       X @<<)Hodge'sThinnerMask 8   LikeSambo,Hodgeworeamaskaswellinordertoconceal x! histhoughtsfromhissuperiors,buthismaskneverneededtobe @" asthick.Becausethecostsofinsubordinationproportionately  X# werenotashigh(i.e.,nocorporalpunishmentforadultfarm  $ workers,nosalessplittingfamilies),andbecauseheunderwent !% lessroutinesurveillancebyhissuperiors,unlesshewasalive  infarmservant,Hodgehadmorefreedomtomaneuver.Hodgealso x hadmorelegalrights,althoughexercisingthemwaspotentially @ hazardousoreasilyblockedunlessheknewthelawwell. X Nevertheless,farmworkersstilllearnedtoholdtheirtongues.   Archnotedmanylaborersinthepresenceoftheirsuperiorsin  formalsocialsettingsofthelatter'schoosingwereintimidated, `  andsimplylackedsocialeasetotalkfreelyevenifnopenalty ( x wasinvolvedinsayingwhattheythought,whichcausedthemtobe  @ seenasstupidorslow.Butthemorearticulatelaborersdidnot    speakouteitherbecausethey"hadlearnedthetradeofmouth    shuttingandteethlockingassoonastheycouldtalk,andbefore H   theyknewwhatbirdscaringwas.Amanwiththeweightofmany `  mastersonhimlearnshowtobedumb,anddeaf,andblind,ata (  veryearlyhourinthemorning."   642      ׀Bothofthesefactors,of   socialintimidationandthewillingconcealmentofthoughts,led h  tothedevelopmentoftheclassicstereotypeofHodgeasaslow 0  moving,slowthinkingbrutewhospokefewwords.Ininterviews, H  onejournalistfortheMorningChroniclecomplainedin1849that  thefarmworkertypicallylookeduponthe(bettereducatedsocial  superior)suspiciously,feelingoppressedaslongasthe P interviewlasted,actingtimidandwithdrawn.Holdenbysaw h laborersputtingupa"mysteriousbarrierof'Ay,ay','maybe', 0 'likelyenough',withwhichthelabourerhedgeshimselfin."  Theseallaresignsofthemaskgoingup,andsohissocial p superiorsdidnotseethe"realHodge"asmuchastheymayhave 8 thought.Sotheythenthoughthimstupiderandlessarticulate P thanhewasinfact,althoughthemoreinsightfulsawhewas  concealingmuchfromthem.X   643      ׀Theattitudesofthelaborers'  employers,whosawthemasuselessoutsidetheirabilitytowork, X helpedcreatethismask,asArchnoted:"Workwasallthey  p wantedfromhim;hewastoworkandholdhistongue,yearinand 8 yearout,earlyandlate."    644      ׀     AccompanyingthemaskHodgeworewasacertainamountof @" lying.Hehadtodolessofitthantheslavesbecausehewas  X# notundersurveillanceasmuchasthem,andtellingthetruthdid  nothaveasdrasticapenaltyforhimgenerally.Butina x mitigatedform,thesamephenomenonstillmanifesteditself. @ Hudsonnotedthatduetothenatureofthegamelaws,which X constitutedoneoftheworstcontinuingoppressionthey   experienced,evenhonestlaborerswere"obligedtopractisea  certainamountofdeception."Heknewoneshepherdwholiedby `  denyingtohisemployingfarmerthathisdogeverhuntedfor ( x hares,wheninfacthedid.Sincetheshepherdrefusesto  @ believekillingahareisrobbinganyone,"ifheisobligedto    tellalietosavehimselffromtheconsequenceshedoesnot    considerthatitisalie."Hodge'smaskalsocouldsimplybea H   refusaltovolunteerinformation,awaytoconcealhisfinancial `  affairsfrompryingoutsiders.Inoneparish,afterinitial (  suspicionofitsoffertoletallotmentshadabated,thelaborers   hesitatedtosaythesekeptthemoffrelief,becausetheyfeared h  theirrentswouldbehiked,etc.Behindthegesturesof 0  deference,anondeferentmindcouldwelllurk,suchasoneold H  womanwhobowedadeepcurtseytohersquire,yetreferredtohim  veryfamiliarlyoutofearshot.Hisgamekeepercomplainedto  othersabouthiswages,hislackofperquisites,hislackoffees P inshootingseasonexceptwhentheplacewasletfortheseason h toanother--butwenttothesquirehatinhand.AsJeffries 0 described:"Theyhardlydaredopentheirmouthswhentheysaw  him,andyetspokeofhimafterwardsasifhesatwiththemat p baconandcabbagetime."InStotfoldparish,Bedford,right 8 aftertheSwingRiotsmoblocallyhadbeendispersed,according P totheparish'srector,atleastsomelaborersweresuddenly  "'touchingtheirhats'totheirmasters--whoneverdidsoin  theirlivesbefore."   645      ׀Asnotedabove,suchritualsofdeference X arenotwithoutmeaningevenwhentheperformerisnotvery  p sincereaboutthem,becausetheyhelptheelitemaintaina 8 necessarysocialdistancethatotherwisewouldbelostor   lessenedbyroutinefacetofaceinteractions.Inthecaseof x! thelaborersofStotfoldparish,theymayhavesuddenlybegan @" followingcertainritualsofdeferencetoclearlysignaltheyhad  X# accepteddefeatandtheirsubordinatepositionafterthevillage  $ riotedandtheirringleaderswerearrested.Someofthe !% concessionsthathadbeenmadetothelaborerslocallymayhave `"& encouragedthesegestures,suchasexemptionfromtaxesandthe (#x' dismissaloftheassistantoverseer,evenasthevestrydidnot #@( concedetheirdemandsforawagehike.AlthoughHodge'smindwas $ ) oftenconcealedbyamask,thelevelofdistortionsabouthimare % * significantlylowerthanthataboutAfricanAmericanslaves,due H&!+ inparttothelackofoperativeracismbetweentheclasses,but '`", alsobecausethemaskwasindeedthinnerandhismoreopen '(#- complaints,ensuringtheavoidanceofperversemisreadingsofhis (#. personalitysimilartoElkins'sabouttheslaves.  HowFarmworkersCould"RunAway"--ResistanceThroughMigration @ andEmigration X   Anotherformofresistance,analogoustotheslaves'running  away,wastomigratetoanotherpartofEnglandortoemigrate `  abroadinsearchofbetterjobs,opportunities,andtreatment. ( x Movingwasnotanactnecessarilyintendedtoaffrontthelocal  @ ruralelite,becausesometimestheywerehappytoencourageit    whenfacedwithpayinghighratesyeararound.LordEgremontin    Sussexpaidanumberofemigrants'expenses,ofabouttenpounds H   peradultandfiveperchild,andPetworthparishpaidatleast `  fiveperadultandthreepoundsandtenshillingsperchild, (  whichcameto107emigrantsoverfiveyears(183236)wholeft   forCanada.TherectorofPetworth,whileperhapsignoringthe h  effectsoftheNewPoorLawexcessively,attributednearlyall 0  thedropinreliefexpensesinhisparishinrecentyearsto H  emigration.Othertimesemigrationmetwithopposition,but  eitherwayitstillhadthefunctionoflimitinglocalemployers'  bargainingpowerwiththeirlaborersinthelongrun.Migration P introducesintothepicturethecompetitionofotheremployers h forlabor,whichlimitswhatthelocalparishfarmerscandoin 0 loweringwagesorotherwisemistreatingtheirlaborers.Those  dealtwithbadlyenoughlongenoughcomparedtoknownconditions p elsewhereareaptto"votewiththeirfeet"andleave.As 8 mentionedabove(pp.2829),theprincipalreasonforthe P northernlaborers'superiorconditionsandtreatmentwasdueto  thenearbypresenceofindustrialandminingemploymentwhich  droveupthepriceoflabor(wages)duetoitsrelativescarcity. X WhileinEngland,OlmstedfoundcasesontheSalisburyplainof  p verylargefarmsinwhichitappearedonefarmeremployedan 8 entirevillage.Usingsuchmonopsonicpower,analogoustothe   stereotypical"onecompanytown,"thesefarmerspaidrockbottom x! wagesofsixorsevenshillingsaweek.   646      ׀ @"   Undertheseconditions,onlytwomainsolutionspresented  $ themselves:(1)fleethe"onefarmervillage,"or(2)organize, !% andsoformaunionwiththeoreticallyequalpowerinthelabor `"& market.Manyeventuallychosethefirstoption,andsimplyleft, (#x' especiallytowardstheendofthenineteenthcentury.Asforthe #@( other...whileArch'suniongainedstrength,Warwickshire's $ ) CountyChamberofAgriculturemettoconsiderthelaborers' % * demands,agroupofaboutthirtytenantfarmersandseveralmajor H&!+ landowners.Theydesiredasettlementsoonbecauseifthe '`", union'sdemandforsixteenshillingsperweekwasnotgranted, '(#- themencouldgettwentythreeortwentysevenbygoingnorthby (#. train:"Owingtomigrationandthestateofthegenerallabour  market,wagesarestillgoingup."Duringonestrike,Archnoted x somelockedoutlaborersacceptedoffersfrom"Gentlemen"seeking @ workersforcottonmillsandrailways,andemigrationagents X "wereprowlingaround,pickingandchoosingthemostlikely,and   temptingthemacrossthesea."AlthoughArchhadinitially  opposedemigration,helaterchangedhismind.Hecommitted `  considerablepersonaltimeandunionmoneytosupportingthose ( x whowishedmigratewithinEnglandorleaveitaltogether.He  @ visitedCanadatoinvestigateconditionsforlaborersthere.   647      ׀    Archsawthatbypittingdifferentemployersagainstoneanother    andencouraginglaborerstomove,higherwagescouldbegained H   formembersofhisunion,eveniftheychangedoccupations,and `  wentintoanotherindustry.Theseactionsaidedeventhoseleft (  behindsincemigrationreducedthenumberofgluttedlocallabor   marketsinsouthernEnglandwhichhadempoweredemployerswhen h  pushingdownwages. 0  @TheReluctanceofLaborerstoMoveandOtherObstaclesto  Migration    Althoughlaborersconsideringmigrationandemigrationfaced h nowherenearthesamenumberoflegalandpracticalhurdles 0 Americanslavesdidwhenitcametorunningaway,major  impedimentsstillexisted.Alwaysthesettlementandpoorlaws p lurkedinthebackground,asalreadydescribedextensivelyabove 8 (pp.6970,27879,28284).Theycreatedcagesforthelocal P poor,makingthemafraidtomoveawayandlosetheirrightto  receiveparishrelief,nottomentionremovablefromwherethey  migratedtowhenbecomingchargeable.Anotherproblemwaswhy X manyslavesdidnotwanttopermanentlyrunawaytotheNorthor  p elsewhere:breakingtieswithfamilyandfriends.Whilethe 8 laborersdidnotrisktheactualdissolutionoftheirfamilyby   leaving,liketheslaves,theywouldloseallormostcontact x! withfriendsandfamilyleftbehind.Archnoticedonhistravels @" workingthatmostofthelaborersheencounteredroutinely  X# complainedabouttheirlotinlife,buttheymadenoeffortto  $ betterthemselves,notbudging"aninchfromtheplaceand !% positioninwhichtheyfoundthemselves.Thefactwas,veryfew `"& ofthemcouldwritealetter,sothemajoritywereafraidtogo (#x' fromhome,becausetheywouldnotbeabletocommunicatewith #@( theirfriends."X   648      ׀InastudyofBrenchley,KentWojciechowska $ ) foundthelaborersweretheleastmobileofalltheoccupational % * groupsshestudiedinthe18511871periodbesidesfarmers.For H&!+ thelaborers,32.1percentpersistedfrom1851to1861and33.2 '`", percentfrom1861to1871.Thecorrespondingpercentagesfor '(#- farmerswere35.4percentand30.9percent,fortradesmanand (#. craftsmen,31.9percentand23.9percent,professionals,22.2  percentand6.1percent,domestics,9.2percentand7.9percent, x andthoseincommerce,14.7percentand8.3percent.These @ differencesconfirmedcontemporaries'generalizationsabout X farmworkers'relativeimmobilitycomparedtoothers,especially   whentheynormallydidnotmoveasfarafieldwhentheydid  leave.Themovementthatdidoccurwasconcentratedamongthe `  unattached--youngsinglemenandwomen,orwidowsand ( x widowers--demonstratinghowfamilytiesrestrainedit.Obviously  @ then,thefallofthelaborers'averagemarriageagesduringthe    earlynineteenthcenturywasnoaidtofindingbetterjobs    elsewhere.Laborersperhapsendedupinanadjacentparishorin H   thesamecounty,unliketheprofessionals,whowereoftennot `  borninthisparishandweremorelikelytoleaveitforaplace (  faraway.ThePoorLawCommissionersfoundevenwhenthey   offeredtofinancelaborerswillingtomoveelsewhereinEngland, h  fewsignedup,andmanyofthosewhodideventuallyreturned.   649      ׀ 0  Anotherfactorbehindthelaborers'lackofwillingnesstoleave H  waswhenthefarmerwhosteadilyemployedthemwasstable,which  Wojciechowska'sdatademonstratesasaclasstheywere,anddid  notmove,neitherdidhislaborers.   650      ׀Thoseintied P cottages--the"companyhousing"oftheemployingfarmer--were h inevitablylessmobile,aswerethechildrenoflaborersinsuch 0 houses,becausefarmerssometimesthreatenedtoevictelderly  parentsiftheirchildrendidnotworkforthem.x   651      ׀Despiteall p thedisincentivestoleave,enoughfarmworkersdidaroundthe 8 timeoftheFrenchWarstomakeupamajorpartofthoseworking P asspinnersintheBoltonarea.Workerstherearrivedfrom  Ireland,Scotland,andWales,showingmigrationstartedalsofrom  ruralareasfaraway,notjustfromlocalones.   652      ׀Beingan X individualisticresponsetobadconditions,migrationforthe  p laborershadtheadvantageofavoidingdirectconfrontationswith 8 theruralelite.Butthissolutionfailedtosolvethemain   problemfacingEnglishfarmworkers:Exceptwhenseasonalor x! locallaborshortagesexist,groupsofunorganizedlaborers @" simplylackthemarketingpowertoeffectivelybargainforwages  X# withafewoligopolisticoronemonopsonicfarmerasthemain  $ parishemployer(s),becauseitismucheasiertoplay"divideand !% conquer"withalargegroupthanasmall,makingthemcompete `"& againstoneanother. (#x' Ї@DDTheTamerConfrontationsBetweenHodgeandHisMasters    Liketheslaves,sometimeslaborersconfrontedtheir @ employersorthelocallandownersinanunorganized,smallscale X manner.Theseconflicts,liketheSwingRiotscomparedtothe   slaverevolts,featuredfarlessviolencethanthosebetween  slavesandtheirownersandoverseers,mainlybecausetheabsence `  ofcorporalpunishmentforadultlaborerseliminatedthemain ( x provocationforviolentretaliation.Itissingularlydifficult  @ tofindanystoriesoflaborerskillingorphysicallyattackinga    bailiff,asteward,afarmer,oralandowner,whilesimilar    storiesabouttheslaves'attackingtheirsuperiorsabound.A H   numberofincidentsillustratethatHodge'smaskwasthinnerthan `  Sambo's,andthatheundertookfewerdeferentialritualsandmade (  moreopencomplaints.Jeffriesdescribedthecaseofalaborer   interruptinganargumentaboutthevalueofamechanicalreaper h  betweenafarmer,hiswife,bothinagig,andhisson,who 0  workedasbailiff.Thereapercomplained,"Measter...cam't H  yousendusoutsomebettertacklethanthisyerstuff?,"and  pouredsomealeoutontothestubblewithagrimaceoftotal  disgust.Thefarmer,bynomeansasmallandpoorone,merely P sharplyreplied,"ItbethesameasIdrinkmyself,"anddrove h off.RobertLong,whofarmed280acresinBedfordshire, 0 complainedinhisdiaryabouttheshortageoflaborersand  independenceofhismenduringharvest--twofactorswhichareno p merecoincidence.Hehadboastedtoothershehadhadthesame 8 menallyear,evenduringharvest,butnowhelostallconfidence P inthembecausetheyweretakingadvantageoftheseasonaland  locallaborshortagetobreakoneofhisrules:"Ialways  threatentodischargeamanwhofetchesbeerfromapublichouse, X butinHarvesttimewhenthecornwantscutting(andtheyknow  p it)itcannotbecarriedout."   653      ׀Thebackgroundtothese 8 incidentswasharvest,whichwasonetimeoftheyearfarmworkers   hadsomeeconomicpower,andsothefarmerswerenotsoaptto x! firelaborersforcomplainingorbreakingrules.Thesecases @" illustrateacertainstraightforwardnessnotencounteredwith  X# Americanslavesoften,exceptingthosefewwhoweredefiantwhen  $ thelashwasgoingtobeapplied,orfrompamperedhouse !% servants.ThedifferenceresultednotfromanyofHodge's `"& intrinsicvirtuescomparedtoSambo's,butbecausetherisksand (#x' costsofdefiancewerelowerforthelaborers--especiallyduring #@( harvest!Changingemployersandfindingworkwaseasythen. $ ) Hence,thefarmerengagedinhaymaking(discussedabove,p.227) % * heardthegrumblingofhislaborers,buttheydidnotwalkoff H&!+ thejobwhenhesuddenlyimposedovertimeonthem,becausethe '`", localemploymentsituationhadrecentlydeteriorated.The '(#- membersofasubordinateclassobviouslyaremuchmorelikelyto (#. openlycomplainwhentheabilityofthedominantclasstopunish h)$/ isforsomereasonrestricted.Andwhenthesocialsystemallows  thesubordinateclass'memberstoexpressmorecomplaintsopenly x basedonthehiddentranscript'scontent,themorecontinualbut @ gradualemotionalreleaseinvolvedmakesviolencelesslikelyto X occurcomparedtowhensomesubjectpopulation,havingworna   thickmaskalmostcontinually,suddenlyandfinallyfindssome  waytoventitsfeelingsagainstthedominantclass.   654      ׀Hodge's `  lowerpropensitytoviolencethanSamboispartiallybasedon ( x thisdifference,besidestheothersattachedtothefrontier  @ ethicandhowtheexaggeratedgentlemanlyethicofprotecting    one'spersonalhonoragainstinsultsthroughduelingandother    actsofviolencewasfoundamongtheSouthernwhitemale H   populationgenerally,notjustitsuppermostelite. `  @| | !FoodRiotsasaMethodofResistance     ImmortalizedbyThompson'sarticleonthesubject,thefood 0  riotwasyetanothermeansbywhichthelaboringclassprotested H  againsthighfoodpricesinanorganizedmanner,invokingthe  moraleconomyofthelandedelite'sownpaternalisticideology.  TheseriotsalwaysremainedremarkablefortheEnglishcrowd's P generalrefusaltoattackpersonallythebakers,millers, h shopkeepers,farmers,middlemen,etc.thatwereseenasits 0 opponents.Andthiswasdespitethestrongilleffectsprices  hikesforbreadorotherbasicfoodstuffscausedwhensomany p weresoclosetosubsistenceasitwas.Theriotingcrowds 8 employedthemedieval"justprice"model,inwhichtheyseta P price(whichthesellerwouldjudgetoolowfromprevailing  marketconditions).Thentheywouldoffertopayforthefood,  andwouldonlyseizeitwithoutanycompensationwhentheseller X stillresisted.Onewagonloadedwithwheatandflourwas  p interceptedbyagroupofwomen,whothrewthebagsoverthe 8 side.Whentoldhecouldsellitatfortyshillingsasack,or   thattheywouldtakeitallwithoutpaymentifherefused,the x! driver(afarmer)sooncapitulated:"Ifthatmustbetheprice, @" itmustbetheprice."Inonereport,thesheriffof  X# Gloucestershirein1766notedthecrowdvisitedonefarmhouse.  $ Theypolitelysaidtheycouldthreshthegrainandpayfive !% shillingsperbushelforit,anofferthefarmeraccepted.Later `"& on,inthemainmarkets,theyvisitedallwhosoldfood,setting (#x' theirownprices:"Theyreturnedingeneraltheproduce[i.e., #@( themoney]totheproprietorsorintheirabsenceleftthemoney $ ) forthem;andbehavedwithgreatregularityanddecencywhere % * theywerenotopposed,withoutrageandviolencewheretheywas: H&!+ butpilferedverylittle."Inothercases,suchasatDrayton, '`", Oxfordin1766,theIsleofEly,1795,andHandborough,Oxford, '(#- 1795,thefoodrioterseven"conscripted"aconstableor (#. magistratetosuperintendtheirforcedsalesatrelativelylow h)$/ pricestolegitimizetheiractions.Especiallyinthesecases, 0*%0 thecrowd'sattitudewasthatiftheirsuperiorsdidnotenforce  thelawsfromtheElizabethanandearlyStuartperiodthat x allowedmagistratestoforcesalesandsetlowpricesandwhich @ prohibitedmanyofthestandardactivitiesofmiddlemen,they X wouldforcethemtodoso!Thekeydifferencebetweenthe   paternalisticmodelandthecrowd'swasithadthepowerand  righttoinitiateitselfproceedingstoenforceit,ratherthan `  passivelywaitingfortheirbetterstoaltruisticallydoso. ( x Whilethelaborersthemselveswerenotnecessarilytheleadersor  @ initiatorsoftheseriots--Thompsonliststwocasesofgangs    involvedinconstructionworkstartingriotslaterjoinedby    farmworkers--theystillconstitutedamajormeansofrural H   protest.   655       `    Thiskindoforganizedactionwassimplyunknownamong   Americanslaves,whosestrugglesagainsttheirownersfeatured h  differentformsof"directaction."Exceptingthosefew"hiring 0  theirowntime,"theslavesdidnothavetosupporttheirown H  familiesindependentlyandwereautomaticallyfurnishedwithsome  givenallowanceoffoodfromtheirmasters.Theyneverhadto  takeactionagainstthoseinvolvedinmarketing,especiallywhen P Southernslaveholdersgenerallyaimedatproducingthefood,such h ascornandpork,requiredfortheirslaves'subsistencerighton 0 theplantation.TheEnglishlowerordersoftengotawaywith  theseriots,evenwhentroopsandconvictionsfollowedina p numberofcases,becausemanyofthemagistratesweresomewhat 8 sympathetic.Itisunimaginableslavescouldescapewithout P punishmentcommittingsimilaracts,whichwasbecausetheywere  fundamentallyregardedas"outside"theirsocietyandlegal  system,whileEnglishruralworkerswereincluded,butina X subordinateposition.Thelaborershadnotonlythefreedomto  p organizeimpromptuprotestsandcrowdactionsinconceivableto 8 slaves,butanabilitytoavoidmuchofthepunishmentthat   shouldhavefollowed.Helpingthemintheircausewashowthe x! localruraleliteintimesofcrisiswasoftensomewhatdivided, @" givinganopeningtothelocalprotestingcrowd.Thefarmersand  X# gentry,atleastintheeighteenthcentury,wereoften  $ unsupportiveofthemiddleman'sandshopkeeper'scommercial !% ethos,especiallywhentheywishedtoheadoffariotbytaking `"& variousproactivemeasures.Sometimesatthesemomentssome (#x' paternalisticallyorientedmagistratesencouragedprosecutions #@( againstatleasttheminorplayersinthelocalmarketplaceto $ ) demonstratetheycaredtotheplebes.Suchdivisionsdidnot % * existamongSouthernwhites,poororrich,whenfacingrestive H&!+ blackslaves,makingitmuchmoredifficultforthissubordinate '`", classtotakeadvantageofdivisionsamongtheeliteto  accomplishitsownobjectives.Thefoodriotasameansof x protestagainillustratesthemuchlowerlevelofviolencein @ EnglishsocietycomparedtotheSouthernUnitedStates. X AccordingtotheresearchofStevenson,apparentlynoEnglish   crowdsduringfoodriotskilledanyonedeliberatelyfromthe  beginningoftheeighteenthcenturytothebeginningofthe `  nineteenth.Theviolenceinvolvednormallytargetedproperty, ( x notpeople,andwasoftenthreatenedwithoutactuallybeing  @ performed,suchasthosefarmersinCornwallintimidatedby    crowdsbearingropesalongwithcontractsforcinghordedgrainto    besoldatlowprices,orbyanonymousletterssenttothosein H   authorityorthosepossessinggrainbeforeanyactionwas `  taken.   656       (  @| | !TheSwingRiotsGenerallyConsidered h    Theriotsthatholdprideofplaceinthehistoryofthe H  farmworkers'strugglewiththeruraleliteweretheSwingriots  of18301831,withthebulkofincidentsoccurringinthe  NovemberandDecemberof1830.Thelaborersduringitgenerally P soughtabovealltodestroythreshingmachinesthatwouldrob h themofwinteremploymentinarableareas,andalsotocondemn 0 lowwagesandhowtheOldPoorLawwasadministered.Whilethe  riotersusedrathervariedmodesofprotest,withsomecommonin p somecountiesandothersrareornonexistentelsewhere,a 8 generalpatterncanstillbeoutlined.Firstnormallycamesemi P literate,threateningletterstothoseinauthorityalongwith  actsofarson.Usedasaprotesttool,arsonhadtheadvantage  ofbeingcarriedoutsurreptitiously.AfterSwingwasover,it X wastopresentproblemsforyearstocomeinsomeareas.Then  p secondcrowdsformed,whosemembersoftenforcedotherstojoin 8 withthem.Theyapproachedthoseinauthoritytointimidatethem   intograntingtheirdemandsforhigherwagesand"levied"upon x! themanimmediatehandoutinmoneyorperhapsbeer.Thecrowds @" thengenerallydestroyedthelocalfarmers'threshingmachines.  X# InEastAnglia,theriotstookasomewhatdifferentform,because  $ (asdescribedabove,pp.150,274)thefarmerstookadvantageof !% thelaborers'unresttoattacktheparsons'tithesandlandlords' `"& rents.TheriotsaffectedabroadswathofEngland,generally (#x' developingmoststronglyinlowwagearablecounties,while #@( higherwage,pastoralonesweremuchlessaffected,withthe $ ) countiessouthofCaird'swagelinebeingthemostriotprone. % * HobsbawmandRudefoundsome386threshingmachinesand26other H&!+ piecesofagriculturalmachineryweredestroyedoveraperiodof '`", aboutoneyear(August1830September1831).Some314casesof '(#- arsonwererecordedinthesameperiod.Thesizeofthemobs (#. involvedrangedupto2,000whoriotedagainstpoliceat h)$/ Ringwood,the1,000whodestroyedHeadley'spoorhouse,another 0*%0 1,000whogatheredatChichestertomeetthejusticesandlarge  farmerstodemandawageincrease,and700800gatheredfor x incidentsinMicheldever.Onehundredto300werecommon @ elsewhereinotheractions.Theriotsandrelatedarsonswere X fairlygeneralinBerkshire,Kent,Sussex,Hampshire,Berkshire,   andWiltshire,withimportanthotspotsinNorfolkand  Huntingdon.TheareaforabouttwentyfivemilesoutsideLondon `  wasmostlyunaffected,perhapsduetotheminimalarablearea ( x nearbycomparedtopastureandtheeffectsofthemetropolisin  @ providingalternativeemploymentandraisingwages.MuchofEast    AngliaoutsideNorfolk,Dorset,Buckingham,Bedford,and    Cambridge,withafairamountoftheadjoiningMidlandcounties, H   wereonlypartiallyaffected,despitelaborersinmanyofthese `  areasexperiencedconditionsasbadasthosewhichdidriot (  generally.The1,976rioterssentencedoracquittedwerethetip   oftheicebergofthoseguilty,andweremorelikelytheleaders h  andotherswhocommittedparticularlynoxiousoffensesorthose 0  unluckyenoughtobeeasilyrecognizedandcaught.Thebroad H  nationalscopeofthisuprisingcomparedtoanyslaverevoltin  theUnitedStatesisobvious,aswellasitsrelative  bloodlessness,asdiscussedabove(pp.27174),inwhichthe P riotersactuallykillednoone,andtheelitecarriedoutonly19 h executions,althoughthenumberoftransportationsinflictedwas 0 indeedhigh(481actuallysailedoutof505sentenced).   657      ׀  @44HowLaborersDidBenefitSomefromtheSwingRiots 8   TheSwingRiots,despitetherepressionthatsoonfollowed,  didsecurethefarmworkersatleastsometemporarybenefits.For  someyearsafterwards,farmerswereintimidatedagainstusingthe X machinesthattookawaythelatefall/winterworkofthreshing  p fromthelaborers--ironically,ataskwhichtheynormally 8 stronglydislikedintrinsically.Partofthiswasbecausethe   economicbenefitsforsmallfarmersofmachinethreshingwere x! marginaltobeginwithwhensomanyparisheshadlargelabor @" surplusesanyway.Atemporarywageincreasedidoccurinsome  X# areas.Moresignificantwereitseffectsonbroadernational  $ questions.Theunrestamongthelaborershelpedunderminethe !% landedelite'sconfidenceinitselfanditsstandingintheeyes `"& ofthemiddleclass,thusaidinginthepassageoftheReform (#x' billof1832.TheimmediaterepressionbytheSpecialCommission #@( wasenoughtoplacethelaborersbackintoasullenacceptanceof $ ) theirposition,incontrasttothesignificantnumberoflocal  magistrateswhoinitiallydealwiththemleniently.Butthe x ruralelite,increasinglyaffectedbytheideologyofclassical @ economicsandMalthusianismitself,nowsawthepracticalneedto X dosomethingabouttheOldPoorLaw'sdefects,especiallyunder   theSpeenhamlandsystemoffamilyallowances.Withmiddleclass  ideologuesinfullsupport,itrespondedtotheSwingRiotsin `  thelongrunthroughtheNewPoorLawof1834.Bytighteningthe ( x screwsofworkdisciplineandusingtheworkhouseasanengineto  @ deterapplicants,theycreatedabetterwaytocontrolthe    laborersinthefuture.Whilesomereportedthelaborers'    attitudesimprovedafterthepassageoftheNewPoorLaw,this H   wassurelyduetotheirmasksthickening.Theynowfeltmoreof `  aneedtokeeptheirjobsbecausethefearofbeingcommittedto (  theworkhouse.WhenthePoorLawCommissionconcludedthat"the   moralconductofthelabouringclassesissaidtobeimproved, h  andabetterfeelingtoexistbetweenthemandtheirmasters," 0  theauthorswerebeingdeceivedanddeceivingthemselvesbythe H  outwardshowthefarmworkerspresentedtothosewithpowerin  ruralareas.   658      ׀SotheSwingRiotshadconsiderableinfluenceon  thecourseofEnglishnationalpolitics,morethanevenTurner's P rebelliondidintheUnitedStates.Butincontrasttothe h historyofartisansinEnglishurbanareas,thefarmworkerswere 0 muchmorequiescent,figuringlittleinthehistoryofChartism.  WhiletheSwingriotswerequitespectacularcomparedtoany p Americanslaverevoltinthenumbersengagedandsizeofrestive 8 areasduringthetwomonthperiodinwhichtheyweremost P intense,stillthefarmworkersmountednomorefurthermajor  effortsatorganizedresistanceuntiltheunionsformedinthe  1860sand(especially)early1870s,makingthemasagroupabout X astranquilinthisregardasAmericanslavesduringmuchofthe  p nineteenthcentury. 8 @TheRelativeWeaknessoftheFarmworkers'UnionsComparedto x! OthersinEngland @"   Comparedtotheurbanskilledtrades,unionismamongthe  $ farmworkerswasmuchweaker,especiallyearlyinthecentury. !% TheTolpuddlecase,inwhichsixDorsetlaborersweresentenced `"& fortransportationforsevenyears1834becausetheytookoaths (#x' whenformingaunion,constitutedanearlyandinteresting  anomaly.ItunitedtradeunionistsacrossEnglandinprotest x againsttheincrediblyarbitraryandunjustlegalproceedingsof @ magistrateJamesFrampton.TheTolpuddleunionistshadorganized X tofightacutinwagesfromanalreadypaltrysevenshillingsa   weektosix.Sincetheyhadnotyetstuck,withdrawnanylabor,  orissuedanydemands,theycouldonlybeheavilypunishedby `  citingalawdesignedtodealoathtakingaspartofthe ( x government'sattemptstoputdownseditioninthewakeofthe  @ navalmutiniesof1797.Althoughthesefarmworkershadnosuch    intent,theywerestillconvictedandtransported,onlyreturning    in1838afterhavingtheirsentencesremittedin1836becauseof H   massiveandcontinuingprotestsbyurbanunionists.   659      ׀The `  Tolpuddlemartyrscasehadgreatsymbolismtothecauseof (  unionistsacrossEngland,illustratinghowalltheirmembers   potentiallywereatriskinthehandsofarbitrarymagistrates. h  BesidesTolpuddle,farmworkerunionsshowedsomesignsoflifein 0  the1830s.OneunionintheKent/Sussexborderareain1835used H  afriendlysocietyasitscover--anoldtrick--becauseofthe  legaldangersinvolved,especiallyinthesquire/magistrate  dominatedcountrysideevenafterthecombinationlawshadbeen P repealed.Nevertheless,thepracticaleffectsofunionsamong h farmworkersremainedtrivialuntilthe1860sandearly1870s. 0 TheHammondssuggestedthepaucityoforganizedresistanceamong  thelaborerscomparedtourbanworkerswasduetothesoftening p effectsofthenaturalruralsettingtheylivedin,andbecause 8 possibleleaderswerecontinuallyeliminatedbytheimprisoning P andtransportingofpoachers,"tossedtotheothersideofthe  world."X   660      ׀Furthermore,adelayedresponseoccurredtochangesin  theorganicbondsofthevillagecommunity,wheremanyofthe X laborershadlivedinorfairlyclosenearbyformany  p generations.Agenerationelapsedafterthedissipationsofthe 8 traditionalverticalrelationshipsofclientpatroninthe   countrysidethroughthedeclineofservice,enclosure,andthe x! tighteningofreliefunderthepoorlawsbeforethelaborers @" fullyrealizedtheirplightanddevisedeffectivesolutionsto  X# it.Thentheysoughttodevelopeffectivehorizontal  $ relationshipsofunitywithintheirclass,suchasbyorganizing !% unionstoresistthedominantclass,whenindividualistic `"& solutionssuchasmigrationwererejected.Thecountryside (#x' Somervilletouredwasplainlyrestive,asillustratedbythe #@( elite'sfearofarsonandmachinedestruction.Butittooktime $ ) fortheslowlychangingmoresofalargelyilliterateorsemi % * literatesubordinateclassofunskilledworkerstobegin H&!+ effectivelyacttheirgrowingclassconsciousnessbecauseofthe '`", ruralelite'spowerandthehighrateofunemployment,whichmade  unionizationdifficult.HobsbawmandRudenoteittooktimefor x theideasofcontinuing,permanentorganizationtotakeholdof @ themindsofpeopleintheruralhinterlandsawayfromits X originsamongurbanartisans.Throughthegrowthofsuch   organizationsasfriendlysocietiesincludingsuchnational  organizationsastheForestersandOddfellowsandthe `  nonconformistsects(bothdiscussedabove,pp.5455,8990,153 ( x 57),rurallaborersincreasinglydidlearnhowtoorganize  @ practicallyinwayswhichtheslavesneverhadachanceto    becausetheyhadmuchlessfreedom.   661          @ddTheOrganizationoftheAgriculturalLabourers'Unionin1872 `    Paramountinthehistoryoffarmworkerunionismwasthe   creationoftheAgriculturalLabourers'Union(ALU)in1872. h  BeginninglocallyinWarwickshireundertheleadershipofJoseph 0  Archafterbeingaskedbythreeothermentospeakinfavorof H  organizingaunion,itwasborntheeveningofFebruaryseventh  atWellesbourne.Whenhearrived,hefoundnearlytwothousand  laborersinattendance,andafteraspeechthatlastedaboutone P hour,twoorthreehundredsignedup.AlthoughArchpaintsa h verydismalpictureoftheconditionofthelaboreratthat 0 moment--"Theirpovertyhadfallentostarvationpoint,andwas  pastallbearing"--thisisquestionableconsideringthebroader p picture.ItisnocoincidencethatArch'sunionbegannearthe 8 peakofthebusinesscycle(1872)justbeforethedepressionof P 1873wastosweepoverEuropeandAmerica,leadingeventuallyto  thestraightenedconditionsofEnglishagricultureformuchof  thisdecadeandthereafter.Jones'researchpointstoaturning X pointinagriculturalunemploymentinthe1840s,leadingto  p increasinglaborshortagesinthe1850sand1860s.Inaclassic 8 caseofarevolutionresultingfromrisingexpectations,Arch's   unionbeganduringapauseintheupwardtrendofthestandardof x! living.Whileconditionswerehardlywonderfulforthe @" farmworkers,evenwhencomparedtotherestoftheEnglish  X# proletariat,theystillwerelikelybetterinthe1870sthanthey  $ wereinthe1830s.NeitherwasSouthernWarwickshirebyany !% meanstheareawiththeworstconditionsinsouthernEngland,as `"& Caird'stablesindicate.x   662      ׀Arch'spersonalperceptionofthe (#x' situationcomparedtotherecentpastamongthesamepeoplewas #@( likelysomewhatexaggerated,unlesslocallysouthernWarwickshire  wasexperiencingunusualproblems. x   BytheendofMayin1872,thisunionhadnearly50,000 X members.IntheAprilof1875,ithad58,650membersin38   districtswith1,368branches,withtotalincomeof 21,000in  1874and 23,130in1875.Over 6,000wasspentonmigrationand `  emigrationpurposes,helpingnearly2,000mengotoAustraliaand ( x NewZealand,500towhatwasQueensland,andalmost4,000to  @ Canada.In1874, 7,500wasspentonreliefduringstrikesand    lockouts,and 21,400in1875.Duetotheimpactofthe1870s    depression,thesenumbersturneddownwards.In1881,therewere H   some25,000membersscatteredover22counties.Afterflickering `  upwardsin189091,theunioncollapsedmiddecade.Rather (  ironically,Archattributedhisunion'sdemisetothelaborers'   thinkingaftergainingthevoteandaccesstothelandtheyno h  longerneededtheuniondespiteithadbeenasignificantfactor 0  ingettingthemthevotetobeginwith!Arch'sunionwasnotthe H  onlyoneamongthefarmworkers.Startednearlyayearearlierin  1871inHerefordshire,anotherhadquicklyspreadoversix  countiesandhadorganizedabout30,000laborers.Curiously P enough,therectorinthevillageitbeganin--Leintwardine--had h backedit.Opposingstrikesfromitsbeginning,thisotherunion 0 emphasizedmigrationandemigrationasthesolutiontoHodge's  problems.Itsactivitiesstillcausedwagestoincreasetwo p shillingsaweekinHerefordshireandalsosomeinWiltshireand 8 Dorsetinparticular.Arch'sunionhadhaditssuccessesas P wellitpushedwagesinBedfordshireuponeshillingin1874,to  anineteenthcenturypeak.Itsmajorstrugglesincludeda  lockoutinEastAnglia,whereitattemptedtosupportthose X stayingoutfortheunionbyaskingforhelpfromurbanworkers  p andothers.Muchofitspowerdisappearedafter1875,asthe 8 forceoftheagriculturaldepressionhit,andthefarmersagain   oftenhadalocalreservearmyoftheunemployedtodrawupon, x! andcouldusefallingagriculturalpricestojustifycutting @" wages.SplittingafteraconferenceinBirminghamin1875,the  X# ALUspawnedtheNationalFarmWorkersUnion.HeadedbyMatthew  $ Vincent,theeditoroftheLabourersUnionChronicle,theunion !% newspaper,itemphasizedlandreform.Arch'sgrouphad `"& emphasizedraisingwagesinstead.TheAgriculturalLabourers' (#x' Unionwasrentbymajorinternalstruggles,especiallyinthe #@( late1880soverthesickfundwhicheventuallyvirtually $ ) bankruptedit.Althoughunionsonlyrepresentedasmall % * percentageofallfarmworkers,theyhadinfluencebeyondthose H&!+ organized.Farmerswouldhavetopayunionwagestonon '`", unionizedlaborerswhenunionizedlaborersworkedforthem, '(#- otherwisetheymightgojointheunion.Otherkindsofspillover (#. effectsexisted,evenwhennounionlocallybackedthedemands. h)$/ RobertLongcomplainedinhisdiaryin1867,evenbeforethese 0*%0 unionswereorganized,abouthowonelaborerofhis,dissatisfied *H&1 withhiswages,demandedaoneshillingperweekpayhike, +'2 becauseofrecentstrikesintheadjacentcountyofBerkshire. ,'3 Herefusedtograntit:"Was[thisincrease]likelywhenmy  neighboursarepayingthesameasmyself?"   663      ׀Soeveninthe x practicalrealmofgaininghigherwagesorpreventingfurther @ decline,thefarmworkers'unionshadweightconsiderablybeyond X theirnumbers.AsRulenotedabouttradeunionismgenerally,it   hadinfluencebeyondthoseformallydeclaredmembersthrough  affectingthemoresoftheworkplaceinfavoroftheworkers: `  8  Forthousandsmoreworkersthancanbecountedin  @ membershipstatistics,acollectivelabourexperience    andresponsewascentralevenifamounting,onmost    occasions,tonomorethanatacitinsistencethatthe H   customsandnormsoftheworkplaceberegarded,andwas `  onlyepisodicallydramatic.   664      (    @ComparingTwoSubordinateClasses'MethodsofResistance h    TheEnglishfarmworkers'highestorderachievementwasthe H  creationofunions,withtheirpermanentorganizationofmembers  inamovementtoresistthedemandsofthedominantclass.Due  tohowthelaborersstillhadsomeminimalrightsandwere P consideredpartoftheirsociety,albeitanoppressed, h subordinatepart,theseallowedthemtoachievelevelsof 0 organizedresistancethatwereforeverdeniedtoAfricanAmerican  slaves,whoseveryhumanitywasonlyreluctantlyconcededbythe p Southernlegalsystem.ThestructureofEnglishsocietyallowed 8 themsomeabilitytogaintheirendswithinthesystem,without P havingtototallyoverthrowit,asillustratedbythe(male)  farmworkerseventuallygainingthevotein1884,somethingwhich  thebroadmajorityofAfricanAmericansintheSouth,besidesthe X hiatusofReconstruction,weredenieduntilthe1960s.The  p covert"weaponsoftheweak"ofdailyinfrapoliticsarethemain 8 toolsusedbyasubordinateclasswhenithasnoformalmeansof   gainingredressforitsgrievancesopenlyandlegally.American x! slavesinevitablyhadtoleanuponcovertandsemicovertdayto @" dayresistancemorethanthelaborersbecausetheyhadnoopen  X# meansoflegallyresistingtheirmasters,whiletheEnglish  $ laborersdideventuallygainandusesuchrights,despiteallthe !% obstaclesplacedintheirway.TheEnglishlaborers'advantage `"& inpossessingrightscomparedtotheslavesisillustratedby (#x' incidentsinwhichArchwasharassedforholdingassembliesof #@( laborers.Inoneinstance,demonstratingwelltheadagethat $ ) knowledgeispower,Archdumbfoundedfarmersopposedtohis % * gathering,afterapolicemantoldhimhecouldnotholdameeting H&!+ onthevillagegreenofPillinghurst,Sussex,byreplyingthat '`", "anyEnglishmancanstandonanypublicground,anddelivera  speechinfavourofapetitiontotheHouseofCommons?Ihavea x petitionherefortheHouseofCommons,andyoumustnottouch @ me."Similarly,hisunionwonatestcaseafterdeliberately X holdingameetinginanareawherethreelocalleadersof   laborerswerechargedforsupposedlyblockingtheQueen'shighway  inthesamespot.Actually,sincetheprimitiveMethodistshad `  heldmeetingsthere,thisallwasplainlyapretenseforfinding ( x somelegalmeanstoobstructtheunion'sefforts.Thisactof  @ civildisobediencepaidoff--hisunionwonaftershowingthey    werenotblockinganytravelers,sinceenoughspaceexisted    aroundthecrowdtoallowthemtopassaround.Or,considerthe H   implicationsoftheAntiCornLawmeetingheldinUpavoninthe `  summerof1845,featuringalaborerasspeaker,whichhadat (  leastathousandpeopleattendingit,mostlylaborersandtheir   families.Althoughthespeaker,DavidKeele,hadbeenfiredfor h  beingatsuchameetingbefore,hehadfoundworkagain.   665      ׀Here 0  thelaborers,althoughlegallyvoteless,wereactively H  participatinginthebroaderpoliticalquestionsoftheir  nation--alevelofpoliticalparticipationunimaginablefor  Americanslaves.TheAmericanequivalentwouldbeathousand P slavesgatheringtohearoneoftheirnumberspeakoutagainst h freetradebeforetheCivilWar--theequivalentheresyonthis 0 issuetoSouthernslaveholders.Impossible!Slaveshadnoright  tofreedomofassemblyatall,whichinevitablydestroyedany p possiblepeaceful,organizedattemptsfortheredressoftheir 8 grievancesagainsttheirdominantclass.Alltheirorganized P effortshadtobecovert,andsincetheirsocialsystemallowed  noplaceforopencomplaintsagainsttheirrulers,itinevitably  turnedtheseeffortstowardsviolence,becauseopen,organized, X nonviolentprotestheldnopromisesofsuccessforthem.While  p therightsHodgehadwereoftenignoredordeniedbyhisrulers, 8 hestillwasabletousethemtocarveoutbreathingspacethat   protectedopenorganizedvehiclesforresistingtheruralelite x! intime,whileSambohadnosuchrightslegallytobeginwith, @" causingopenorganizedresistancetobenecessarilyviolent,  X# becausehissocialsystemprohibitedanyformalpermanent  $ structuresbythesubordinateclasstoresistthedominantclass. !%   Boththefarmworkersandslavessufferedfromtheoppression (#x' oftheirdominantclass,andbothgroupsgainedareputationfor #@( beingrelativelyquiescent,comparedto(say)RussianorFrench $ ) peasantsorEnglishandFrenchurbanartisans.Bothtooktothe % * useofdaytodayresistance,throughsuchactsastheft,lying, H&!+ and(fortheEnglishfarmworkers)poaching,asthedominantmeans '`", ofresistanceduringmostoftheperiodsurveyed(17501875). '(#- Sincefrontalattacksontheprerogativesofthedominantclass (#. weredangerous,bothgroupswereturnedtocovert,circularmeans h)$/ ofgainingtheirends.TheAmericanslaveendedupdependingon  suchmeansproportionatelymore,andsportingathickermask x generally,becausethelikelypunishmentsforresistancewere @ muchmoredrasticandviolent,andtheirdominantclassheld X proportionatelymorepoweroverthem,suchasthroughitsability   tosplitupslavefamiliesasatooloflabordiscipline.While  theEnglishrulingclasswaswillingtodrawblooduponoccasion, `  asPeterlooandtherepressivemeasuresfollowingtheSwingRiots ( x demonstrate,itwasmuchlessthanthatwhichfollowedthetwo  @ majorAmericanslaverevolts(intheperiod17501865)oreven    mereconspiraciessuchasVesey's.Correspondingly,thelevelof    violenceemployedbytheslaveswasmuchhigherthanthatusedby H   Englishfarmworkers,becausecorporalpunishmentinflictedby `  masters,mistresses,andoverseerssometimesspawnedaviolent (  backlasheffectwhensomeslavescouldtakeitnomore,or   refusedwhippingsonprinciple.Thebuildupofemotional h  pressurewashigheramongtheslavesduetothethickermaskthey 0  hadtowear,inavoiding(say)openinsultingcommentsabout H  theirownersmorecontinuously,causingastronger,morelikely  violent,ventingoffeelingswhentheywerereleased.The  storiesofoverseersandmastersgettingphysicallyattacked, P evenkilled,byslavesonthejobaremany--anecdotesaboutthe h farmworkersdoinglikewisearehardtoevenfind.NatTurner's 0 visionof"bloodflow[ing]instreams"contrastssharplywith  Arch'scounseltoacrowdoflaborersnumberinginthehundreds, p withthecounty'spolicemenwatching,toavoidviolence,riot, 8 andincendiarism,to"actaslawabidingcitizens,notasred P handedrevolutionaries."   666      ׀Thereasonsforthisdifferencewas  notduetoanyoftheintrinsicvirtuesorvicesofHodgeas  opposedtoSambo,butduetothefundamentallydifferinglegal X statusestheyheldintheirrespectivesocieties,thelevelof  p violenceroutinelyemployedbytheirrespectivedominantclasses, 8 andtheresultantinabilityforoneofthesesocietiesto   tolerateanyopenorganizeddissentbyitssubordinateclass, x! whileintheotherthiswasgrudginglygranted. @"   ThefarmworkersresistingalsobenefitedfromtheEnglish  $ ruralelite'srelativelygreaterdivisionscomparedtoSouthern !% slaveholders.Thefarmers,sincetheygenerallyrentedtheland `"& theytilled,werenotnecessarilyatonewiththelocal (#x' establishmentofparsonandsquire,seeingtithesandrentsas #@( drainsupontheirprofits.TheytookadvantageoftheSwing $ ) RiotsinEastAngliainordertoreduceboth,aswasdescribed % * above(pp.150,274).Evenamongthegentryandclergy H&!+ themselves,noperfectunityofclassinterestexisted,forsome '`", reallydidtakepaternalisticideologyseriouslytoonedegreeor '(#- another,atleastintimesofdearth,evenasothers,asthe (#. nineteenthcenturyadvanced,acceptedthemiddleclassideologies h)$/ ofMalthusianismandClassicaleconomics.Somelocalmagistrates  duringtheSwingriotstemporalized,seeingthejusticeofthe x laborers'complaintstoonedegreeoranother,suchasthoseof @ TunsteadandHapping,Norfolk.Theyrecommendedtothe"owners X andoccupiersoftheLand"todiscontinuetheuseofthreshing   machinesandtoraisethelaborers'wages,saying"nosevere  measureswillbenecessary"ifthesedemandsofthelaborerswere `  granted.   667      ׀AlthoughArchandCobbettaccuratelyandrepeatedly ( x describedthereactionarytendenciesandpositionsofthe  @ Anglicanclergy,anideologicaldivideexistedamongthemthat    surelydidnotexistamongtheclergyoftheAmericanSouthover    slaverybythe1850s.ConsiderhowtherectorofLeintwardine H   favoredafarmworkers'unionthatbeganinhisvillage,the `  rectorofPetworthstronglycondemnedaspectsoftheNewPoor (  Law,asmentionedabove,ortheBishopofManchester,Dr.Fraser,   spokeinfavorofArch'sunion.   668      ׀Thenaturalteleologyof h  extendingthefranchisestartingwiththeReformBillof1832 0  helpedboxintheEnglisheliteintograntingsomethingthatwas H  notreallyintheirbestinterests.Thepremisesthatunderlay  thatbillweregraduallyextendedtotherestofthepotential  adultelectorateinthecenturythatfollowed.Bycontrast,not P onlyweretheslaveholdersunitedasaclassintheirdesiresto h keeptheirbondsmeninbondage,butthepoorwhitescouldbe 0 countedupontoputtheblackmaninhisplaceshouldheever  revoltorthreatento.Thelaborers'greatersuccessesat p resistance,especiallyinanorganizedform,resultednotonly 8 fromthemoreopennatureoftheirsocialandpoliticalsystem, P butalsofromthegreaterdivisionsamongtheEnglishruralelite  comparedtotheslaveholdersintheSouthernUnitedStatesinthe  earlytomidnineteenthcentury. X   Theresistanceofthelaborersalsohadmorepositive 8 benefitsandfewerlongrunilleffectsuponthemthanthatof   theslaves.Duetothegreaterpoweroftheslaveholdingregime x! anditsindividualmastersandmistresseshavingbeendelegated @" theauthoritytousephysicalviolenceagainstthem,theslaves  X# worethickermasksthanthelaborers.Correspondingly,the  $ slavesemployedmoredaytodayresistancethathadhighercosts !% toittothemselvesthanthelaborershadto,suchasthrough `"& lies,shirking,andthefts.Theoverhangfromsuchbadhabits  didnotdisappearovernightafter(semi)freedomcame,helping x stunttheireconomicprogressduringReconstructionand @ afterwards.Thelaborers,beforethetimetheir"freedom"came X (arguablywiththevotein1884),didnotliveunderasharsha   regime,andhad,evenoutsidetheunionsandvariousriots,more  freedomofspeechagainsttheirbetters,asAssistantPoorLaw `  CommissionerHawleyhadexperiencedfirsthandwhiletraveling ( x theroadsofruralEngland.Whilethelaborersalsosuffered  @ someoftheeffectsstemmingfromtheduplicityofmaskwearing,    theseweremuchmoremild,andhadthecountervailingeffectsof    unionizationtowardstheendofthesurveyedperiod.Thethinner H   themask,thefewertheilleffectsthatcamefromthedaytoday `  resistancethataccompaniedit,whichplacedthelaborersina (  moreadvantageouspositionforeconomiccompetitioncomparedto   theslaves,overandabovetheproblemscausedbycontinuing h  racismofAmericansocietylongaftertheCivilWar.Inshort, 0  becausetheEnglishruralelitegavetheirsubordinateclassmore H  rights,thelaborerswereabletoresistthemmuchmoreopenly  andcontinuouslythantheslaveswereableto,lesseningthe  intrinsicilleffectsthatcamefrommanymethodsof P infrapoliticsthatemployedlying,stealing,andshirking. h 7.CONCLUSIONS:THEBALANCEBETWEEN"RESISTANCE"AND"DAMAGE"?  @DDResistanceandtheSubordinateClass'sQualityofLife 8   Forthoseinclinedtoglorifyanysubordinateclass's  resistanceandsufferings,astandardconundrumlurks,readyto  bitetheunwary.Considerthedilemmafacingsocialistdiscourse X thatDwightMacDonaldobserved.Ontheonehand,ifone  p emphasizesthesufferingsoftheoppressedworkingclassandthe 8 damageinflictedonthembythecapitalistregime,thenits   victimsmusthavebeenbrutalizedanddeeplydamaged x! psychologically.Ontheotherhand,ifoneemphasizeshow @" powerfullyandstalwartlytheworkersstooduptotheir  X# capitalistmasters,itimpliesconditionsmustnothavebeenso  $ badafterall.   669      ׀Theworsetheoppressionssufferedbya !% subordinateclassaresaidtobe,thelessplausiblyany `"& effectiveresistanceoccurred,andthemorelikelyitsmembers (#x' wereinfantilizedorotherwisedamagedaseffectivehumanbeings. #@( Themereactofresistanceinitselfimpliestheexistenceof $ ) resources,materialorlegal,todoso,andthemoreeffectively % * itisdone,themoretheresourcesorbreathingspacethe H&!+ dominantclassallowedit,whetherbydefaultorintention.The '`", schoolthatemphasizesoppressionholdstothe"damage"or '(#- "victim"thesis,whichElkins'swork,withitsconcentrationcamp (#. analogy,exemplifiesinthehistoriographyofAfricanAmerican  slavery.The"resistance"schoolextremitiesarereachedby x AngelaDavis'sjournalarticle,withits"RahRahRah!"present @ mindedspirit,butitishardlyalone.Shoresuggeststheneed X toscraptheendlessassaultonElkins'sworkwhichhejustly   labelsa"historiographicaldisaster,seminalonlyinthesense  thatacaricaturegeneratesothercaricatures"--thatturnsthe `  ordinary,thesurvivors,andthetimeservers,andjustabout ( x everyoneelseinthesubordinateclassintoheroesforengaging  @ inroutinedailyactivitiesthatgotthembyinlife.Oneneeds    tocultivatemoreasenseoftragedy,despair,defeat,and    isolationaboutthestrugglesthatenslavedAmericansor,Imay H   add,oppressedEnglishfarmworkers--withoutfallingintothetrap `  ofbelievingallormostweretotallybrutalizedbytheir (  experience,northatallormostwereheroes(likeFrederick   DouglassorJohnLittle).WhenJohnLindsey,onceaslave h  himself,portraysthemduetoslaveryashaving"theirfaces 0  scarredandwrinkled,andalmostdeprivedofintelligenceinsome H  cases,--theirmanlinesscrushedout;stooping,awkwardin  gait,--keptinentireignorance,"oneshouldnotautomatically  rejectthisunflatteringdescription.   670      ׀Butneithershouldone P thengototheoppositeextreme,andmaintainallorthegreat h majoritywerethisway.Selectiveperceptionissimplydeadly, 0 sinceitblocksabalancedpictureofthisinstitution,orofthe  conditionsofEnglishlaborers,splitbetweenmajornorthand p southvariationsintheirstandardofliving.Whatbecomes 8 evidentabove,despitethe(southern)Englishfarmworkershad P arguablyalowerstandardoflivingthanmostAmericanslaves,is  thattheirsuperiorlegalstatusallowedthemahigherqualityof  life,includingagreaterabilitytoresisttheirmasters,and X sufferedlessfromtheinevitablekickbackscomingfromforced  p accommodationandmorallytroublesomedaytodayresistance 8 strategies.ThesuccessesoftheEnglishagriculturalworkersin   forminglongstandingorganizations,suchasbenefitclubs,and x! (later)unions,dedicatedtopromotingsolidarityamong @" themselvesand(forthelatterinparticular)resistanceagainst  X# theirmasters,whileAmericanslaveslackedtheseentirely,were  $ afunctionoftheEnglishruralelitegivingtheirsubordinate !% classmuchmorebreathingspaceintheirlegalsystemthan `"& Southernslaveholdersgavetotheirs.Thedifferenceshad (#x' nothingtodowithanyintrinsiccharacterflawsofslaves,but #@( ratherthefarmworkersgainedgreaterorganizationalskillsover $ ) thedecadesthroughparticipatinginNonconformistsects,benefit % * clubs,friendlysocieties,evenunions,whichtheirelite(often H&!+ reluctantly)allowedthemtohave,buttheAmericanslaveholders '`", totallyforbadetheirslavesfromdeveloping(exceptperhapsin '(#- thereligiousspheresome).TheEnglishfarmworkershada (#. superiorqualityoflife,sincetheycouldengageinmore h)$/ resistance,doitmoreopenly,andsufferfromfewerkickbacks  fromtheroutinetacticsasubordinateclassusesin x infrapolitics.   671       @ @SlaveryisonaContinuumofSocialSystemsofSubordination     Moreimportantly,thisworkattemptstoportraymuchofwhat `  occurredtothesetwosubordinateclassesashardlyunique,even ( x thoughsomeimportantdifferencesremainedbetweenthetwodueto  @ differentlegalstatusesandtheresultscomingfromthe    laborers'familiesattemptedtoindependentlysustainthemselves    asaneconomicunit,whilealmostnoslavesdidthat.Inboth H   cases,theelitesinquestioncouldnotdoastheyplease,even `  whenoneofthem,Americanslaveholders,hadnearlyabsolute (  powerovertheirsubordinateclass.Itisnecessarytoavoid   overemphasizingtheeffectivenesstheelitemayhaveoverthe h  mindsoftheirsubjects--amistakeFogelandEngerman,Elkins, 0  andGenoveseallcommittoonedegreeoranother,through H  whatevervariationofhegemonytheyappliedtoanalyzeAmerican  slavery.Clark,inhisEnglishSociety,maycommitasimilar  error,butsincethatworkintentionallyfocusesonthebeliefs P andactsoftheelite,dealingwiththesubordinateclassesonly h incidently,convictinghimonthisscorecannotbeeasilybedone 0 basedonthatworkalone.Barrowhadtheselfdeceittomaintain  that:"Aplantationmightbeconsideredasapieceofmachinery, p tooperatesuccessfully,allofitspartsshouldbeuniformand 8 exact,andtheimpellingforceregularandsteady;andthe P master,ifhepretendedatalltoattendtohisbusiness,should  betheirimpellingforce."@   672      ׀However,intherealworld,  especiallywhenthenumbersofslavessoheavilyoutnumberedhim X andhisfamily,hispersonalchattels'ownideasabouthowthe  p plantationshouldberuninevitablyhadmuchinfluenceoverits 8 practicalfunctioning,evenashefreelyappliedthelashand   otherpunishments.ThesamewentfortheEnglishelitewhenthey x! facedrestivelaborersintheirmidst,especiallythatsmallbut @" powerfulminorityorganizedaspartofaunion:Theysimply  X# couldnotalwayshavetheirway,regardlessoftheirabilityto  $ createenclosures,raisefoodprices,lowerwages,changelaws !% governingrelief,employnewtechnologyinagriculture,and `"& endingservice,withoutbeingconstrainedbythefearsofriots (#x' orarsonsbreakingoutagainstthem. #@(  $ )   Theaboveworkhasavoidedseeingraceassomekindof  ultimaterealityfortheAmericansystemofslavery,evenas x racismwasnecessaryforitspracticalfunctioning.Slaveholders @ feltuncomfortablewithespeciallylightskinnedslaves,who X couldpassaswhitesornearlyso.Thiswasnotonlybecause   theycouldescapemoreeasily,butalsobecausethesimilarityin  skincolormadethemreflectonthehumanityandlikenessto `  themselvesofthosetheyheldinbondage.WilliamPease,borna ( x slave,hadblueeyesandpassedforwhiteamongstrangers.Three  @ orfourtradinghousesinslavesrefusedtobuyhimbecausehe    "wastoowhiteforthem."Oneslaveholder(nothismaster)told    himwhileonboardaship:"You'reaswhiteasmydaughterthere H   ...allyou'vegottodowhenwegettoalandingistakeyour `  clothesandwalk."HewasabletoescapefromArkansaswithout (  beingquestionedonce.Hefledbecausehismasterwasgoingto   whiphim,notforanyspecificoffense,butbecause"niggers h  alwaysshouldbewhippedsome,nomatterhowgoodtheyare,else 0  they'llforgetthattheyareniggers."   673      ׀Eveninthiscase, H  Pease'sconditionofbondagetrumpedhislightskincolor,even  asitallowedhimtoeasilyescape,sincehecouldbewhippedas  muchbyhisownerasthedarkestcomplexionedslave.The P comparisonmadegenerallyaboveplacesAmericanslaveryona h continuumwithothersystemsofsocialsubordination,notseeing 0 itasuniqueinitseffectsonthoseoppressed,throughcomparing  itwithEnglishlaborers.Correspondingly,"blacklabor"and p "slavelabor"haveintentionallynotbeenequatedabove,partly 8 because11percentofallblacksintheSouthwerefree,butalso P becausetheblacks'conditionofbondageeffectedtheirtreatment  morethananyotherfactor.Evenasitchanneledtheexpression  ofracismbyaparticularmeans,thisparticularsocialsystem X hadmany,manynegativeeffectsontheslavesoverandaboveany  p directlyresultingfromracism.Oppressionisoppression, 8 whetherdoneforreasonsofrace,profit,orpowerlust.   AmericanSlaveryactuallymayhaveprovidedahigherstandardof x! livingthanmostsouthernEnglishlaborersenjoyed,butamuch @" loweroverallqualityoflife,becauseofhowitprovided  X# inferiorqualityhumanrelationshipsbetweenfamilymembers(by  $ thedominantgroupbreakingthesubordinateclass'sfamiliesup !% forprofitseekingreasons)andalsobetweenworkersand `"& "management,"generallyconsidered,duetotheslavemaster's (#x' abilitytousecorporalpunishmentandconfiscatethetotal #@( productoftheslave'slaborforhisownbenefit. $ )   Acomparativehistoricalanalysiscanbringinsightstothe H&!+ surfacethatotherwisewouldbemissed,suchastheabovehas '`", done,solongasthecomparisondoesnotinvolvetwofruitsas '(#- differentasapplesandoranges.Elkins'soverridingmistakewas (#. tocreateacomparisonbetweenansystemofsubordination h)$/ designedtosystematicallyexterminateanddestroyits 0*%0 subordinateclasswithanotherthathadtokeepitinexistence  toprofitablyraisecropsincommercialagriculture.By x comparingtwogroupsatnearlythesametimeinnationswith @ fairlysimilarculturesandtechnologicallevels,Elkins'pitfall X isavoided,whilenewinsightsarebroughttothefore.New   insightswillcontinuetocome,breakingoutoftherigid  categoriesof"victimization"and"Sambobashing"byothers `  continuingtofollowDavidDavis'sprediction:"Ithinkitis ( x notimprobablethatfuturestudiesofslaverywillbeless  @ concernedwithraceastheultimatereality,especiallyaswe    moreaccuratelylocateslaveryonaspectrumoflaborsystems."   674          SELECTEDBIBLIOGRAPHY H  @ "1.AmericanSlaves--PrimaryWorks  Ѐ P Armstrong,OrlandKay.OldMassa'sPeople:TheOldSlavesTell h TheirStory. 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